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The review of: Radina Vučetić, Monopol na istinu. Partija, kultura i cenzura u Srbiji šezdesetih i sedamdesetih godina XX veka. Beograd: Clio, 2016, 406 strani, ilustr.
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Nebojša Popov, Žive Sarajlije Novak Pribićević, Iskušenja prebogate trpeze Milenko Marković, Sticanje novog imidža Teofil Pančić, Bosna: jedna cinična priča Biti i ostati izolovan Ćutljivi predsednik Šta nam to poručuje režim Uvek isto: memorandumi i balvani Od koga će Crkva tražiti oprost Mirko Đorđević, Res non verba Živorad Tasić, „Takotrebajuća“ čorba Vojislava Vignjević, "Ić" Momčilo Popović (AIM), Poslužili su se nama - kao igračkama Milostinja za treće doba Nebojša Popov, Mir teži od rata Milan Prodanović, Mostar kao opomena Miloš Bobić, Profil serijskog ubice „Pod lupom" Jovanka Matić, Razoružavanje mržnje Đuro Šušnjić, Sveto u vremenu svjetovnosti (Budućnost religije, Jakov Jukić, Matica hrvatska, Split, 1991, str. 263.) Vasilije Popović, Šta je ispod leda Pavle Radić, Odocnelo pukovnikovo pismo Nikolaj Timčenko, Zloćudno lice nacionalizma Nikola Racković, Razgrađivanje ličnosti (Danilo Eraković: Nepostojeći ljudi, Beograd, Partenon, 1994.) Republika na Fakultetu političkih nauka Miodrag Stanisavljević, Nacionalni buvijak
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Snežana Nikolić, Mehur od sapunice u oblacima Mirko Tepavac, Svi Srbi u jednoj nevolji Olivija Rusovac, Teritorije kao balkanska bolest Dragoš Ivanović, Ponavljači na popravnom Ivan Torov, Sefu je rata preko glave? Gojko Marinković, Kraj partijske države Prigušena alternativa Građanski savez o putevima rešavanja "jugoslovenske krize" Drage Sarajlije, Vesna Pusić, Federacija Bosna i Hercegovina Krug 99 Apel građanima i narodima Republike Bosne i Hercegovine da sazovu konvenciju o poverenju Aleksandar Nenadović, Povuci-potegni, u Ženevi i Bosni Biljana Stepanović, Bankrotirana uzdanica Rade Veljanovski, Medija pred raskršćem Sindikati partijskim stazama Žarko Paunović, Čuvari napuštenih teritorija Baštovan gorkih plodova Sevastopoljski vals Vesna Pešić, Ovde je sve moguće — i obratno! Utisci iz Stazbura Miadrag Stanisavljević, Tragička ironija
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The important, interesting, or just downright quirky news from TOL’s coverage region. Today: Xi’s visit to Russia; riot in Bosnian migrant center; Bulgaria buys U.S. jets; Slovenian hatmaking; Lithuanian baby race.
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Between the two world wars, the Kolevje region in southeast Slovenia was home to a German minority known as the Kočevje Gennans (Gottscheer). In the 1930s, they seasonally migrated to Germany where they worked as peddlers, plying their traditional trade in tropical fruits and confectionery and organising games of chance. Many were enthusiastic about the new Nazi regime, attended short political courses and gradually became exponents of Nazi propaganda. Nevertheless, their primary concern in the economically depressed Koeevje region remained the earning of income. The paper describes the attitude of the Yugoslav authorities towards the Gattscheer peddlers and the growing tension between them alld the local Slovenes. A preserved list of the peddlers from the 1936/37 season is also analysed.
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Using written sources, the paper initially deals with the German discovery of a mass grave of executed Polish officers, prisoners of war, in Katyn near Smolensk, as well as the political reactions to this incident during and after the Second World War. The central part is dedicated to the response of the Slovenian underground and official press (also controlled by the occupying authorities), presenting different reports and positions on the event, and its political and social implications. The author concludes by pointing out that the two political camps in Slovenia, opting between the German and Soviet version of this incident, adopted totally opposite positions as to who was responsible for the execution.
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V arhivskem fondu nemškega nacističnega propagandnega ministrstva, ki ga hrani nemški Zvezni arhiv v Koblenzu (Bundesarchiv in Koblenz), se je ohranil droben sveženj aktov o financiranju programa za nacistično propagandno delo med koroškimi Slovenci (Bundesarchiv R 55 DC, vorl. 134). Takšno gradivo niti ne bi bilo zanimivo, če bi šlo za nacistično propagandno delo v neki čisto nemški pokrajini. Tam je namreč imelo propagandno delo ožji namen, kot pa v narodnostno mešanih ali za Nemce »tujerodnih« predelih. V čistih nemških pokrajinah je bil namen nacistične propagande pridobiti nemške ljudi za nacistično ideologijo in za akcije nemškega rajha. [...]
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The article shows religious phenomena as a part of agenda setting performed by Polish-language portals. The research included the content analysis of 3 intentionally chosen websites (niezalezna.pl, wPolityce.pl, telewizjarepublika.pl) identified as right-wing or conservative both by journalists and media researchers in Poland. The study was based on the assumption that communication via media has an effect on the formation of public opinion by raising specific topics, assigning meanings to objects, people or events, and moving issues from one agenda to another (e.g. from the area of politics to religion). The author also assumed that users and journalists working for right-wing portals view religion as a natural element of their worldview and are interested in religious themes. This is believed to be the reason why they pay more attention to these themes than journalists and publishers of left-wing media. The aim of the research was to find the basic topoi organizing narratives concerning religion, social contexts in which religion was situated and functions assigned to it in media interpretations. A qualitative analysis of texts regarding religious phenomena was performed. The results of the study showed that during the examined period of fifteen months between 2017-2018, most statements were related to Islam. However, the analyzed texts did not concern Poland directly. The texts focused on Islam in western Europe or other parts of the world. These fundamental topics were highlighted throughout the analysis using the agenda setting theory: conflict and violence, the clash of civilizations, demography, rivalry among religious ideas, the political agenda. Throughout the research, two components were distinguished – the cognitive and the affective. The cognitive component was based on scientific sources (for example, in texts about demographic problems), but then again it was limited to very basic and generalized statements. In the affective layer, negative emotions prevailed.
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The partisan illegal press got a new push after the collapse of illegal printing works in Ljubljana after the capitulation of Italy when from the liberated towns of the then Province of Ljubljana printing machines with the necessary outfit and material were taken to the free woods of Slovenia. This decision was important because after the German offensive in the autumn 1943 these towns were occupied by Germans who made these towns their stable strongholds. In the upper parts of Slovenia (Gorenjsko) where the German foe particularly oppressed our Slovene population the leadership of the liberation movement felt a peculiar necessity to encourage by printed word the resistance of the people against the occuppier, and to found therefore his own illegal printing press. The organisation of this illegal press was entrusted by the Provincial Committee of the CPS and the Provincial Committee of the Front of Liberation for Gorenjsko to the experienced and skilled partisan technician Edo Bregar-Don, who succeeded in short time to organise in the free woods of the Poljana and Selce valleys three illegal printing works, which depended directly from the graphic department »B« of the Provincial technic CPS for Gorenjska which linked the whole organisation and managed all the illegal presses and technics in Gorenjska.
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This essay explores some directions for future research of media coverage of malerefugees, particularly from Syria. I link the narration of refugee stories to their mobility, their lossof home, belonging, possessions, people and social networks. However, these stories also entailthe discovery of new territories and locations, of families in transition, of men whose ongoingmobility constantly impacts their ability or inability to take care of their loved ones and thus liveup to the prescribed roles of men in the constructed conservative society from which they came.
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The current paper aims at raising awareness about the differences between theory and practice in accounting. It focuses on the logical path that a student or a novice in this field must follow in order to apply theoretical knowledge into practice. The role, the structure, and the features of the financial information system (as part of the informational system of the entity) are presented in comparison with the accounting ledgers used in the traditional accounting (where transactions were recorded manually). These ledgers are the starting point of any accounting when acquiring the practical knowledge. In addition, the paper considers the didactic principles most suitable to bridge the gap between theory and practice in accounting.
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Our regional news roundup: Russia in quarantine; Georgian and Slovak economies fend off infection; Bulgarian politician arrested; and reviving Soviet ventilators.
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The paper presents the contemporary concepts of information and psychological operation in the contemporary environment. The concepts were presented through general theoretical considerations by presenting leading theorists from the US, Russian Federation and the PR China. The concepts explain the goals, content and methods of acting on potential groups and individuals, and the means of information and psychological operation. The goal of the paper is to show that the research problem is not important exclusively for political and military systems, but that groups and individuals are particularly exposed to the challenges and threats in the contemporary environment. Various means of information and psychological activity in the contemporary environment (rumors, fake news) and their consequences such as changing attitudes and behavior of people in political and social processes are presented. An empirical account showing the importance of this topic is an analysis of the European institutions' activities in counteracting fake news during important political processes and elections for the European Parliament.
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The article provides an analysis of the mobilization strategies of far-right movements from the Czech Republic and Germany based on the content they provide via hyperlinks on their websites. Vertical and reticular characteristics of the hyperlinked pages have been analyzed, two aspects which form central parts of the mobilization strategies of social movements. The vertical level refers to territorial relations, while the reticular level refers to relations with other actors. The analyses confirmed that the movements focused on the vertical level to their countries of origin. With respect to reticular characteristics the type of hyperlinked content neither differs significantly throughout countries, nor throughout segments of the far-right movement. Additionally, the analysis of the type of hyperlinked content provides insight into the general mobilization strategies employed.
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While much of the scholarship on populist political communication focuses on its content and a verbal style, less is known about the nonverbal cues accompanying populist messages. This paper aims in filling that gap by providing findings of the study on characteristics of nonverbal communication of two Polish presidential candidates: Bronisław Komorowski and Andrzej Duda, traced during two debates broadcast on television before the second round of the presidential elections in 2015. The results revealed that both candidates employed nonverbal cues such as appearance, eye contact, facial expressions, or gestures that emphasized their references towards the people or negative attitudes towards elites expressed in their verbal messages. The study also proved that the methods used previously in research on nonverbal content on television observational protocols and analysis of facial expressions may be successfully employed in studies on nonverbal components of the populist style of communication.
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Previous research has demonstrated that right-wing populist parties are particularly successful in gaining engagement and interaction on social media, but less is known about how rightwing populist parties use social media strategically, both in relation to voters and news media. By focusing on two Nordic countries, Norway and Sweden, this paper addresses the strategic use of social media within the Sweden Democrats and the Progress Party based on three different data sets: interviews, content analysis of Facebook posts, and engagement data from the parties’ Facebook pages. This study finds that the two populist parties basically follow up their social media strategy in practice, and the Sweden Democrats are more closely following a populist communication logic in their Facebook posts. The article argues that right-wing populist parties’ social media strategy and communication style must be understood in relation to their position in the political system and the parties’ different phases in the life cycle model of populist parties.
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The communicative style used to exclude immigrants from the idea of “the people” is the scope through which right-wing media populism is measured in a case study of Macedonia, a post-communist country on the Balkan migrant route. Quantitative content analysis of articles from four Macedonian right-wing partisan news outlets N = 409, demonstrates a clear change in tone in coverage of migration, marked by an increase of populism as the “migrant crisis” intensified. Logistic regression confirms that incivility, as a proxy for the intensity of partisan bias, is a significant predictor of populism, and opinion pieces have a significantly stronger populist tendency than news reports. The findings show that online news outlets, however, are not more populist than traditional print media.
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