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Iza vijesti: o jednom konceptualno-narativnom okviru u pozadini novinskih tekstova

Author(s): Ivo Žanić,Nikolina Borčić / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2016

The topic of this paper is the analysis of conceptual narrative frames behind the news. The paper is theoretically based on the assumptions of text linguistics and cognitive linguistics with the reference to the achievement of the informative language function that should be predominant in media messages. Yet, journalists do not only mediate information or their own attitudes shaped by rational and analytical discourse, but mediate conceptual narrative frames as well. The paper presents the analysis of the usage of conceptual narrative frame of Bonnie and Clyde in Croatian and German newspapers when crimes with man and woman involved are reported. The given narrative’s conceptual frame is analysed by using the qualitative content analysis of the randomly chosen newspaper article. The results indicate that all the texts which use the narrative of Bonnie and Clyde share only one common concept, and that is the participation of a man and a woman in a certain activity, independent of whether it is the text which contains the elements of historical facts of this narrative or the respective mythical narrative is deconstructed in the text.

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Dylematy tożsamościowe "młodego" państwa w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej : przypadek słowacki

Author(s): Radosław Zenderowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 17/2010

The author deals with the issue of Slovakian identity as a “young” country in the middle-east Europe, analyzing it in the context of the process of creating a nation (1989-2004). The main episodes from the Slovakian identity discourse are discussed and the author also concentrates on examining characteristics regarding the country’s national identity like constant strengthening and retouching the image of a national enemy, the neighbors’ object of aggression, Slovakian Pan-Slavism and the national identity in the context of genos, epos, etos, logos and topos, as well.

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The political districting problem: A survey

Author(s): Attila Tasnádi / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2011

Computer scientists and social scientists consider the political districting problem from different viewpoints. This paper gives an overview of both strands of the literature on districting in which the connections and the differences between the two approaches are highlighted.

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Влияние институциональных факторов на детерминацию электорального выбора в Украине

Author(s): Viktoria Bun / Language(s): Russian Issue: 1/2015

This article is aimed at analyzing the influence of institutional factors on the determination of electoral choice in Ukraine. The essence, factors, and main theories of electoral choice have been analyzed. The institutional factors include the following: the form of government, psychological aspect of electoral system, amount of authorities of the elected institute, the role of the elections during the formation of the government, electoral setup. The influence of the psychological effect of the election system in the elections to Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in 2002, 2006, 2007, and 2012 has been noticed in the form of reduction of the number of parties, as well as in a more concentrated distribution of the votes. Elections to Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine are determined as the “second-order elections”.

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Veřejná podpora přímé demokracie: Analýza heterogenity politických postojů v České republice

Author(s): Tomáš Dvořák / Language(s): Czech Issue: 4/2019

This paper focuses on the sources of popular support for direct democracy in the Czech Republic. The analysis first replicates the standard approaches used in previous scholarly research, testing theories of cognitive mobilisation and alienation using the standard regression modelling approach. The results are, however, somewhat inconclusive, as have been the results of previous empirical research in other European countries. It is hypothesised that one reason for this could be data heterogeneity. Both tested concepts could be valid, but for different social groups, resulting in overall inconclusive results. Therefore, latent class analysis (LCA) is then used to show that in the Czech Republic direct democracy is supported both by people alienated from politics and by those satisfied with democracy and democratic governance. The results of empirical analysis show that support for direct democracy in the Czech Republic cannot be explained by any one theory and that different concepts apply to different groups. The article represents a methodological innovative step in the empirical study of sources of popular support for direct democracy.

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KREMLIN PROPAGANDA: SOVIET ACTIVE MEASURES BY OTHER MEANS

Author(s): Yevhen Fedchenko / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2016

This article traces the evolution of Russian propaganda and its role in active measures. Active measures were originally conceived during the Soviet era but still remain operative as they were recently deployed during the Russian occupation of Crimea and the war against Ukraine in Donbas. During these events active measures underwent something of a renaissance as there was the dramatic upsurge in propaganda usage and media manipulation. Fake media stories and forgeries have long played an integral part in the active measures that have been conducted by the Kremlin, which then amends its military capacity and diplomacy efforts to cover up the deceit. The manufacture and dissemination of fake news stories is carried out in a centralized and systematic fashion as the fabrications must be coherent and maintain alignment with the Kremlin’s policies and talking points. It will be shown that the use of media-related active measures is not a new phenomenon and was widely utilized by the former Soviet Union as a way of actualizing its foreign policy by clandestine means. When examining more than 500 Russian propaganda pieces, which were debunked by the StopFake.org verification project, it becomes evident that the same of falsification and deception patterns that were common to the USSR already in the 1950’s, are still present today. The only difference is the parasitic way in which the current Kremlin propaganda has seized on core liberal Western concepts, such as the promotion of freedom of speech, and then used this as a screen to allow it to deliver ‘the other point of view’. Whereas before the Kremlin historically relied on traditional media, such as printed news to distribute its fake news stories, it now makes use of a much wider array of mediums such as the internet and social media.

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PERCEPTION OF THE UKRAINIAN CRISIS WITHIN LATVIAN SOCIETY

Author(s): Ieva Berzina / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2016

The battle of narratives was a significant aspect of the Ukrainian crisis because the interpretations of events by parties involved in the conflict were very different. This paper addresses issues related to the perception of stories reported by the Russian and Latvian media about the Ukrainian crisis. Latvia was chosen as a case study because it is a country with a pro- Western geopolitical orientation where Russian media content is also widely available. It is estimated that as of March 2016, 25% of Latvia’s television audience were regular viewers of Russian television channels, including the First Baltic Channel, which is registered in Latvia but largely retranslates media content from Russia.

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Podejście semiologiczne w badaniach nad zjawiskiem mitu politycznego na przykładzie mitu smoleńskiego

Author(s): Bartosz Kwiatkowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2018

This article is an attempt to present the Smolensk myth (which is a very important subject in Polish myth studies) from the perspective of the semiological approach. The analysis of the two most important theories in that fi eld: one by Roland Barthes and another one by Tadeusz Biernat, will allow to examine the mythologization of the social and political reality after the Smolensk catastrophe. That examination will be conducted by analysing the ways of creating symbolic signs which may express the mythical political meaning. That analysis will also enable the depiction of the semiological meaning of political myths in the events or statements from the times after the catastrophe. In conclusion, the aim of this article will be a depiction of an historical event, which had an enormous impact on today’s Polish political reality, from the perspective of creation of the mythical constructs in the collective memory.

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NARCYSTYCZNA KULTURA. O KONDYCJI CZŁOWIEKA PONOWOCZESNEGO W KULTURZE ZDOMINOWANEJ PRZEZ NARCYZM

Author(s): Magdalena Szpunar / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2020

The article refers to issues related to the formation of a culture called narcissism. The author hypothesizes that narcissism is becoming a key tool in describing the condition of postmodern man. In the article, the author answers the question whether and why we can talk about the development of a culture of narcissism and what are its determinants. A definition of narcissism in the socio-cultural sense is proposed.

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Метаболизам пораза левице како левица да савладава властите поразе

Author(s): Todor Kuljić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3/2019

The paper examines the nature of the Left-Wing defeat after 1989 and the memory modes of defeat. How could memory of defeat be productive and what emotion could frame it? The cognitive values of concepts (melancholy and melodrama) and memory mode of the Left-Wing icons have been discussed: Yuri Gagarin and Che Guevara. Memories are scattered, memory is organized past, but history is a checked memory. The neoliberalism synchronously monitors all three forms of consciousness today. In conclusion, several patterns of self-reflexive memories have been presented, as well as the proposals to the anticapitalist Left how to resist the dictates of hegemonic neoliberalism today and how to provide a different view of the own past.

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A háború ára. A jobboldali populizmus popkulturális reprezentációja

Author(s): Veronika Hermann / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 01/2021

In this paper I aim to present the complex relationship between the rise of populist political parties and anti-gender movements and their effect on popular culture. First I depict how populism became the foremost power technique in Europe and the United States in the past decade and why social sciences have difficulties to detect and define this slippery-slope phenomenon. Then I draw the outline of a possible connection between the 1970s conservative, anti-feminist organizations and the polarization of public speech. I intend to use this frame to analyze two popular television series from the last few years, The Handmaid’s Tale (2016) and Mrs. America (2020). By doing so I argue that members of real life anti-gender organizations have been committed to a future that presents itself as a theocracy in Margaret Atwood’s Gilead. Like two sides of the same coin, a series based on real-life events and another based on a dystopia, the series show why it is important to be aware of populist and anti-gender movements.

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Delatni potencijal sećanja levice: o samorefleksiji poraza

Author(s): Todor Kuljić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 01/2020

How could we rethink and organize memories of the Left in an operational and active way? How could one openly confront the Left-Wing culture of defeat? The paper considers some dimensions of the Left-Wing defeat after 1989, the nature of the linear and the contingent time, various defeat experiences of fascism and liberalism and the dialectic of hope and disappointment. One should reject the language of psychoanalysis (longing, nostalgia, sorrow, melancholy) and the teleological vision of the neoliberal winner. The Left Wing and Right Wing should be understood in new dimensions of time within a new relationship between Cairos and Chronos in the digital age. The Left needs self-reflective review of its own mistakes, if it wants to learn lessons for the future. Theory can awake practical ambition. A desirable multilayered Left-Wing memory has been damaged by dominance of one type of memory. The Left needs self-control and a balanced memory of both badly missing socialist welfare state and its own violence.

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İKİ SEVİYELİ OYUN ÖRNEĞİ OLARAK SANCAK KRİZİ

Author(s): Fuat Aksu,Tuğçe Kafdağli Koru / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2020

The 1921 Ankara Agreement and herewith the situation of Alexandretta Sanjak became controversial with the decision of France to abandon the mandate management in Syria in 1936. In this case, Turkey did not assent that leaving the Sanjak to Syria and demanded that it has an autonomous government from France. Into the Sanjak Crisis was triggered by this demand, on the occasion of diplomatic initiatives of Turkey that are supported by the threat of using military force, the League of Nations’ resolutions, and the mediation of Britain; Sanjak firstly gained its independence after then was annexed to Turkey. The management process of the Sanjak Crisis was affected by the change in the international system that was moving towards the Second World War and the dominant leader profile of President Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in crisis management. While the leader, as a decision unit, negotiated with France on the international level during the crisis management process, it was also in direct communication with the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) on the national level. Although the dominant leader profile was at the forefront in crisis management, the TGNA, as the legislative branch, sometimes became a supervisory mechanism in which the executive was answerable to it, sometimes became an asset tool in which the policy followed expressed. Thus, the legislature got involved in the crisis management process. In the peaceful resolution process of the crisis and decision-making process of the leader; as a legislative branch, the TGNA has an asset function in the crisis due to the clear expression of the red line in terms of the persuasion of the opponent, the decision based on the agreed national interest, some strategic moves in crisis management and constitutional obligation reasons. The efficacy of the TGNA in the crisis was a supportive factor by influencing on Turkey's success in the crisis management process positively. This study will analyze the reasons and nature of the legislative branch's relationship with the decision-maker and the effects of this interaction on Turkey's crisis management and decision-making process in the Sanjak Crisis as a case of two-level games.

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KUZEY KIBRIS’TAKİ ETNİK SORUNLARIN SEMBOLLERİ: POLİTİK PSİKOLOJİ AÇISINDAN BİR DEĞERLENDİRME

Author(s): Hande Erol / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 51/2021

Concepts such as symbols, heroes, rituals, and social values are forms of expression that exist in the unwritten culture of societies. Societies have used some symbols for the rehabilitation of disasters such as war, massacre and genocide. The Turkish Cypriots of Northern Cyprus also benefited from these symbols to overcome the trauma they experienced after the conflicts with the Greeks and the terrorist acts they were exposed to by the Greeks. In this study, museums, monuments and monuments established to raise the national consciousness and morale of the Turkish Cypriots, to be proud of themselves and their struggle against the Greeks, and to respect the memories of their martyrs were examined.

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Ritual as an inseparable component of political propaganda: a politological analysis with account being taken of certain anthropological elements

Author(s): Adriana Golanko,Szymon Kosmala / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

The study deals with political propaganda considered as a space for the performance of rituals and ritual behaviours. Such an approach allows for investigating that phenomenon from another perspective than so far proposed by classical propaganda research schools. Special categories of the analysis include the symbolic sphere and conventionality, while emphasis is placed on researching propaganda within politically significant structures. The article provides information on how the phenomenon has been analysed with the use of anthropological research categories.

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Evlilikte ve Boşanmada Kadınların Soyadı Değişimi Üzerine Sosyal Psikolojik Bir Derleme

Author(s): Nuray Sakallı,Heyyem Hürriyetoğlu,Fulya Şat / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 22/2021

Surname is an integral part of a person’s identity. However, surname which has many psychological and social meanings for the person is changed only for women after marriage. In this regard, the purpose of the article is to review the factors affecting women’s decisions regarding surname choice after marriage and divorce, as well as explaining the stereotypes and attitudes towards women who made traditional or untraditional name choices. In terms of the marital surname choice, women may adopt husband’s surname, hyphenate their birth surname and their husband’s surname, and retain only their birth surname. In this context, we presented not only related demographic variables such as age, socio-economic level, education level, and political orientation but also social psychological variables such as emphasis on family/motherhood, sexism, feminist identification, religiosity and perceived social norms. Then, studies focusing on the attitudes and stereotypes towards women who make different marital surname choices were presented. The traditional surname change was also considered in terms of patriarchy and gender-based discrimination. Additionally, possible effects of the post-divorce surname change on a woman's life were mentioned. In the conclusion part, the effects of surname change at the individual and societal level were discussed in parallel with the issues mentioned in the current article and further possible research ideas were suggested.

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Kimlik Kaynaşımı Kuramı ve Aşırı Grup-yanlısı Davranışlar: Türkiye'de Muhalif Siyasi Parti Destekçileri Örneği

Author(s): Fatih Özdemir,Türker Özkan / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 21/2021

This research was conducted with dissident political parties' supporters that were represented in the parliament of Turkey via 2015 parliamentary election. Using the Identity Fusion Theory, the study aims to explore the relations of people with local in-group (supporters of the supported political party) and extended in-group (citizens of the Republic of Turkey); and test the endorsement of extreme behaviors as fighting or sacrificing own life to save ingroup members or improve the current conditions of in-group. Accordingly, data was collected from Republican People's Party (CHP; N = 320), Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP; N = 215), and Nationalist Movement Party (MHP; N = 150) supporters. There were significant group differences on study variables based on one's political party identity. Broadly, local in-group based socio-psychological processes were stronger in samples of HDP, MHP, and CHP supporters, respectively whereas extended in-group based socio-psychological processes were stronger in samples of MHP, CHP, and HDP supporters, respectively. Moreover, local in-group and extended in-group based socio-psychological processes were positively associated with each other in samples of CHP, and MHP supporters; but not associated in sample of HDP supporters. Identity fusion with local in-group indicated positive indirect (mediational) associations with endorsement of extreme behaviors for the sake of local in-group and extended ingroup in three samples. The research findings complement the related literature, and present a relatively new theoretical approach to explain extreme pro-group behaviors.

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Przywództwo „wiecznego prezydenta” – przypadek Wojciecha Szczurka w Gdyni

Author(s): Maciej Drzonek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 02/2021

The president of Gdynia, Wojciech Szczurek won all direct elections in the first round, with a very large advantage over his rivals. His election committee – Samorządność (Self-governance) – has always won an absolute majority in the city council. W. Szczurek belongs to the category of „everlasting mayors”. The aim of these considerations is to find an answer to the key question concerning the specificity of W. Szczurek’s local leadership. The main hypothesis was adopted that the peculiarity of the leadership of Gdynia’s president results both from the personal attributes of W. Szczurek and the socio-cultural specificity of the inhabitants of the city. Gdynia was built by the settlers who came here less than 100 years ago. It was also hypothesized that the leadership of W. Szczurek is the result of combining three leadership styles: manager, artist and priest. It was also assumed that the politicians of the president’s Samorządność election committee emphasized his achievements, competences and non-party status. In turn, his opponents (affiliated with parliamentary political parties) downplay his success, and only emphasize his PR skills. The considerations were based on the author’s original research – first of all – in-depth interviews with some of Gdynia’s councillors. Deliberations were supplemented by the results of survey research: the perception of an ideal president’s attributes among local politicians from the Tri-City (Trójmiasto – Gdańsk, Gdynia, Sopot) was examined. The method of weighting the preferences of choice was used. The general conclusions are as follows. The specificity of W. Szczurek’s leadership in Gdynia results from the socio-cultural framework of the city and the leader’s personal qualities. These personal features allowed to indicate three of his leadership attitudes: an effective manager, a sagacious judge and a helpful scout.

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Psihopatija i moć: implikacije za socijalni život

Author(s): Alisabri Šabani / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Issue: 3-4/2022

The paper analyzes the relationship between psychopathy and public power. The focus is on the fact that in public space it is possible to observe certain psychopathological characteristics of persons performing public functions. In this sense, the psychopathological characteristics of persons who construct public space are stated, ie their characteristics are radicalized in the context of power. In this sense, we have listed the key features of psychopathy and power structures that are abused by psychopaths in power. The result is a society that cannot make quality changes and is brought into a state of powerlessness known as collective abdication. We found a strong foothold for these reflections in the work of A.M. Lobaczewski, and we also mentioned T. Clark as the author who forms a sociology of evil. The triad of psychopathy-power-evil is an active reality in a society like ours.

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Imperativul eliberării minții captive

Author(s): Cristian Bocancea / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1(39)/2023

Review of: Anton Carpinschi, Ieșind din mintea captivă, Editura Universității ”Alexandru Ioan Cuza” din Iași, 2020.

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