Transitions Online_Around the Bloc - New Latvian Premier Vows to Fight Bank Fraud – 25 January
The small nation is a whiz at flushing billions of dollars through its banking system.
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The small nation is a whiz at flushing billions of dollars through its banking system.
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Two months before the first round, ‘undecided’ is well ahead in the polls.
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Central and Eastern Europeans together make up Britain’s largest ‘minority’ by far.
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Question of the achieved level of democracy in a given society is one of the most important issues in sociology of politics. We believe that electoral democracy can serve as an accurate and valid reference system for longitudinal monitoring of the development of democracy in the country, and it can even serve as an adequate methodological framework for comparison between states. In this paper we will try to give an objective analysis of the parliamentary elections in Serbia in 2014 using the theoretical concept of minimal definition of democracy. After the application of several criteria which postulated by theoretical framework, we will try to give an assessment on whether is Serbia still can be classified into the category of countries with effective electoral democracy (as we could after the previous election held in 2012).
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The paper starts with a presentation of the global context of economic-financial crisis and its impact on election outcomes throughout Europe, including Serbia. It continues with an analysis of political divisions and changes in the Serbian political spectrum in the period between two parliamentary elections. The third issue discussed herein is a contradictory situation in the civil society in Serbia, characterized by fragmentation and confusion. The final part of the paper is devoted to an analysis of controversial processes of social and political maturation of the electoral body in Serbia. The author concludes that the results of parliamentary and presidential elections are at odds and that therefore it is uncertain whether the balance of power shall be provided and the European integration path accelerated, or the new configuration of power shall bring in additional oxygen and infusion to nationalism.
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It is evident that what have been done to improve the electoral system in the previous mandate is electoral reform and not trivial technical changes of electoral institutions and procedures. Changes in party registration, electoral register, party financing and electoral campaigns, and the deletion of provisions from the unconstitutional election laws that have enabled the parties to nominate and elect simultaneously, was reforms which have changed electoral system functioning. However, the key changes are lacking: a personalized selection of representatives, variable electoral threshold for coalitions, the introduction of multi-member districts, changing the size of the parliament. So, there was no „big” electoral reform. Veto players in this partial, incomplete reform process are political parties from parliamentary majority. Interestingly, in this slowdown and disposal of comprehensive electoral reforms they did not encounter resistance from the opposition. That is why the main shortcomings of the actual electoral model – MP depersonalization, fragmented party system and metropolisation of parliamentary representation – have still remained. Last electoral cycle has confirmed and strengthened these disadvantages. At the same time, the consequences are the best incentive to continue the process of electoral reform.
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In this text the author underlines common characteristics of the Serbian 2012 general election campaign though there were significant differences among party campaigns considered separately. First of all, the author finds that this election campaign followed a two year long preelection campaign marked out by continuous and intensive propaganda activities. Having started as an issue campaign, this campaign was finalized as a completely leadership (personalized) one. It did not bring serious changes of party and candidate images, but it made some elements of the image to be accentuated, especially when it comes to presidential candidates. Having started as an issue campaign, it was dominantly positive, though there were some negative elements. On the eve of the elections, and particularly just before the second round of presidential election, the elements of not only negative, but so called dirty campaign, prevailed. New legal measurements related to buying TV time during election campaigns caused certain changes of the communication strategy between election actors and voters. So far, we have not faced such an intensive grass-roots campaign complemented by numerous conventions and meetings. Instead of numerous live TV coverage programmes, so called party production as well as media publicity were used predominantly; the advantages of debates and duels were used as never before; billboard replaced massive production of election posters that was characteristic of previous elections; Internet and social networks were used as never before...
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In this article we discuss the importance and characteristics of internet usage in electoral campaigns in 2012 Serbian elections, with specific interest in structural conditions and social significance of internet. Therefore our interest is more related to the ways in which parties and media use internet, and less concerned with content and form of messages. Although it is clear that internet has growing importance for younger population and their political preferences, our intention is to evaluate the role of internet campaign regarding the entire political community and mainstream political scene.
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This paper discusses the elections for the Assembly of the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina held in May 2012, focusing on the election campaign, the electoral system and their consequences for the parliamentary scene of Vojvodina. The paper outlines the key protagonists of the electoral process, analyses the central topics in relation to which the protagonists have positioned themselves, and presents some conclusions on the distinctiveness of the campaign. Finally, the results of the election and the most likely structure of the future executive government in Vojvodina are presented.
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This paper analyzes pre-electoral coalitions in Serbian 2012 parliamentary elections. Pre-electoral period has been characterized by negotiations over electoral coalitions. There are several reasons for entering electoral coalition. Large parties are trying to become leaders of party blocks they belong to. Small parties have “threshold fear”. Most parties are making coalitions in attempt to create “synergy effect”. 11 parties entered parliament through SNS list, while 7 parties were included on DS list. Small parties’ demands usually were not in accordance with their popular support and electoral strength. During these elections national minority parties were more competitive than before and they acted in compliance with the syndrome “two Serbs – three parties”. Drafting of electoral lists according to new electoral rules had inter and intra party consequences. It was not easy to respond to a request to include high rank party officials, one third of women, representatives of different municipalities, towns and regions on the electoral lists and at the same time to award local politicians that had good results and could bring many votes. Simultaneous elections on all levels (national, provincial and local) allowed forming of different coalitions on each level. Coalition agreements played an important role in the second round of presidential elections regarding the support to one of the candidates. Key questions that influenced forming of the government were about coalition partners, prime minister, government program and division of ministries.
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This paper analyzes the participation of political parties of national minorities in Serbian elections on May 6th 2012. The first part of the paper is dedicated to presenting the results of parliamentary, presidential, provincial and local elections for the electoral lists of national minorities, while the second part points to certain characteristics of these elections in terms of participation of minority parties and groups.
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An organized campaign of “white ballots” for the parliamentary and presidential elections in Serbia 2012th as a form of electoral abstention, had a purpose to, in the propriate way, delegitimise election bid and to encourage political actors to changes in electoral legislation. The legal framework for elections in Serbia, by their nature throw away any type of electoral abstention from the impact of the final election result of political actors, so that the number and impact of “white ballots” based on the assumption remains that can be discussed on a given topic. After elections, the estimates of the impacts of this campaign are very interesting for political analysis.
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Parliamentary, presidential, provincional and local elections, held in May 2012 in Serbia, as well as preceeding election campaign was followed by international and national observers and relevant state institutions. The text presents various aspects of currently published monitoring findings, including data about work of international observers from relevant bodies of OSCE and CoE, Republican Electoral Committee, Republican Broadcasting Agency, Agency for Fight Against Corruption and several non-governmental organizations (CESID, Transparency Serbia, Fond BKV, Birodi) that monitored, among other things, regularity of election process and its compliance with international standards, representation of election participants in media, election campaign financing, selection and approach to various topics of election campaign.
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Election games are hands with the highest possible stake - the very position of government is the stake. Winning the game and position of the party / coalition in power offers the possibility to manage politics, and distribute funds while placing officials and party favorites in the government’s crib. To win a lot, one needs to invest a lot, and even to borrow from those who expect their debt will be returned in the form of lucrative jobs and privileges, upon arrival to power. For this reason, in democratic societies, people must know who and under what circumstances gives money to those who they vote for. It is not the same whether parties and candidates are funded by millions of small contributions, or depend solely on few dozen richest people, in addition to public to funds. Not every contribution is legitimate and welcome - especially those from anonymous sources, from foreign governments or public enterprises and private firms in contractual relations with the state. For the political competition to be fair, cash flow must be controlled by an independent body equipped with the means that make actual control possible, and not by bodies controlled by political parties.
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In this text the author points out how party leaders manipulate the public while informing or commenting on the results of public opinion research concerning party ratings. The 2012 pre-election campaign in Serbia will be remembered as the one with unprecedented exaggeration of voters’ support to parties and coalitions expressed in party leaders’ allegations. The author identifies various forms of exaggeration such as pointing out to favorable results of opinion research and concealing contrary ones, rejection of reliability in research showing unfavorable results, false presentation of facts and (in)correct interpretations, self-assessments of election support expressed instead of research findings or alluding to some anonymous, “inner“ or even fictive research. Finally, the author is trying to find out not only common motives of the pre-election exaggeration of ratings, but also the concrete motives of certain participants of forthcoming elections.
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In this article we will discuss the political consequences of electoral system in Serbia. Since 1992 Serbia has proportional representation electoral system. In this electoral system, citizens are voting for parties, which leads to party and program oriented campaigns. Serbian system is extremely proportional because there is only one electoral unit. Higher proportionality of electoral system usually means that party system will be fragmented, which leads to wider and numerous coalitions. In a closed list system, voters are choosing between parties, while open list allows choice between candidates. Serbian Parliament lacks territorial representation. After the last electoral system changes, at least one third of MPs will be women. Electoral threshold in not applied for ethnic minority parties. In proportional systems, MPs elected from the lists are elected indirectly by the parties, and therefore they are more loyal and show higher level of party discipline. In the case when a whole country is one electorate, the link between voters and MPs is weak(est). Number of parties in the parliament can be reduced by gradation of electoral threshold. Higher number of electoral units would reduce proportionality, and consequentially fragmentation of the party system. Introduction of mixed or personalized proportional system and preferential votes would increase accountability and autonomy of elected representatives and reduce party influence, leading further to their internal reform. Cumulative effects would be reduced partocracy that is burdening the process of consolidation of democracy in Serbia.
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Preliminary elections in Slovenia in 2011 were called after the failure of previous left-wing coalitional government to manage the effects of economic crisis, affecting at the same time a number of European countries. The success of new parties on the elections promising better management and leadership has opened several possibilities of coalition formation. In the process of its formation where the ‚personal’ factor played an important role the right wing political parties showed greater coalitional potential and succeeded to form the new right wing coalitional government. Its functioning will not be easier because of the share number of parties and inherited problems while the constant pressures of the EU institutions to respect the standards of economic and fiscal stability will not let much space for independent actions’.
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President of the Russian Federation is the central figure in the political system of this country. The role of the president is very important in the transition from communism to a democratic political system and in the process of building a democratic state and society. To elections for president is given the growing importance as a test of democracy, as well as a choice for the official policy of the whole of Russia. The election results, again this time, were easily predictable, but showed some new tendencies in the political life of Russia.
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U tekstu se analizira partijsko-politička scena Srbije u 2011. godini. Ukazuje se na programsku bliskost, koalicione potencijale i animozitete između partija. Razmatra se ko se s kim i ko će s čim izaći na izbore pred građane Srbije. Rascepi i podele među partijama iz devedesetih, danas više nisu aktuelni. Povratak na vlast SPS u koaliciji sa DS, kao i nastanak SNS iz SRS, „oprali“ su partije starog režima. Time je umanjena prethodna distanca među partijama i otvorene veće mogućnosti međusobne saradnje. Neke linije rascepa prepoznaju se na relaciji zapadnjaci –nacionalisti, istok–zapad, članstvo u NATO–vojna neutralnost. Stranke su u značajnoj meri odsečene od posredujućih institucija i struktura (sindikati, civilno društvo). Aduti SNS za izbore jesu razočarani birači, gubitnici tranzicije, nizak standard, ekonomska kriza. DS će igrati na kartu evropske perspektive, jačanja standarda, stabilnosti kursa, cene hrane i makroekonomske stabilnosti. SRS i DSS podjednako su udaljene od SNS i DS. Teško je zamisliti zajednički nastup LDP i SRS, ili SRS i SNS. SPS se potvrdio kao lojalan partner DS. Naprednjake na vlast može dovesti samo „izdaja“ nekog iz redova vladajuće koalicije. Velika koalicija nije nemoguća u slučaju da dve najveće partije, jedna bez druge, ne mogu da sastave vladu. Ono što razlikuje partije više su harizmatski apeli njihovih lidera, nego što su to bolji programi. Obezbeđujući dobra putem klijentelizma, birači mogu ostvariti svoje materijalne interese na način na koji to nije moguće putem javnog dobra. U partijskim sistemima u kojima se kompeticija odvija u skladu s klijentelizmom, a ne prema programskim principima, slabije su šanse za demokratsku konsolidaciju. Ako sistem nije institucionalizovan i akteri nisu racionalni, politika je manje predvidiva. Partije su bez veze s biračima, a birači bez poverenja u partije. Imidž jeste važan ali nije dovoljan za pobedu na izborima.
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Socijalni dijalog, odnosno konfliktno socijalno partnerstvo rada i kapitala , u koje su na određenim ravnima uključeni i predstavnici vlasti, ključani su elementi modernih, pluralističkih odnosa – industrijske demokratije. Svrha dijaloga je postizanje dogovora o razvoju i zapošljavanju što ima stabilizirajuće demokratske, ali bi moralo istovremeno dati i uspešne razvojne učinke. Predmet analize posebno su skromni i nedovoljni efekti već decenijskog pokušaja razvoja socijalnog dijaloga u Srbiji, kao i aktuelna nastojanja njegovog oživljavanja u dominantnom, predizbornom političkom ključu.
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