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“The family is both the fundamental unit of society as well as the root of culture. It … is a perpetual source of encouragement, advocacy, assurance, and emotional refuelling that empowers a child to venture with confidence into the greater world and to become all that he can be.” (Marianne N. Neifert, Dr. Mom’s Parenting Guide)
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The text presents an analysis of history and anthropology. The defended and argued thesis is: the monarchy is a natural human form of government. The data presented from zoology also seem to confirm the stated thesis. The real monarchy has been compiled with the current European monarchies.
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This article focuses on the birth of Christianity, the spread of Christianity, the relationship between Christian law and other legal systems of Christian law.
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Slavery, banned at the beginning of the last century, has been a reality of life in different cultures and geographies. The male slaves in the Ottoman were raised as statesmen in state and female slaves (concubines) were kept in the harem. Those chosen from among these concubines were the sultan's wife or wife.
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Cilj ove uporedne analize prijedloga zakona o biomedicinski potpomognutoj oplodnji jeste da ukaže na sve ono što bi trebalo izmijeniti u tim prijedlozima koje je predstavila Vlada Federacije Bosne i Hercegovine i Socijaldemokratska partija Bosne i Hercegovine (SDP), kako bi se poboljšao položaj osoba koje prirodnim začećem ne mogu ostvariti trudnoću. Ujedno je ukazano na pozitivna rješenja u oba prijedloga. U uvodu je definiran pojam neplodnosti, te je objašnjen značaj donošenja jednog ovakvog zakona, ne samo za neplodne osobe, nego i za društvo u cjelini. Istaknuta su dosadašnja rješenja na nivou kantona, te objašnjeno postojanje više nacrta zakona o biomedicinski potpomognutoj oplodnji. Uporedo su analizirani svi prijedlozi od 2013. godine do danas, te je obrazloženo kako je ova problematika riješena na teritoriji Republike Srpske. Objašnjeno je kako je pitanje biomedicinski potpomognute oplodnje regulirano u zemljama okruženja, a kako u zemljama Evropske unije.
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Potpisivanjem Ugovora o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju, Bosna i Hercegovina se obavezala da usaglasi svoje zakonodavstvo sa pravnom stečevinom Evropske unije. Savremeni migracijski tokovi i potreba da države članice što adekvatnije reaguju na nastale okolnosti rezultirali su dodatnim izmjenama zakonodavstva Evropske unije. Posljedično, stvorila se potreba da se izmijene odredbe starog Zakona o kretanju i boravku stranaca i azilu1 te da se one usklade sa acquis-em. Novi Zakon o azilu Bosne i Hercegovine donesen je 2016. godine.
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Govor mržnje, kao i izazivanje, raspirivanje i širenje mržnje u Bosni i Hercegovinije sveprisutno u proteklih dvadeset godina, kako u dominantnom javnom diskursu,tako i u sferi interneta, online portala i društvenih mreža. Djelo izazivanja, raspirivanjai širenja mržnje prvi put je regulisano u Federativnoj Narodnoj RepubliciJugoslaviji 1945. godine donošenjem Zakona o zabrani izazivanja nacionalne, rasnei vjerske mržnje i razdora. Ubrzo nakon donošenja ovog zakona djelo izazivanjanacionalne, rasne ili vjerske mržnje, netrpeljivosti i razdora regulisano je Krivičnimzakonikom Federativne Narodne Republike Jugoslavije. Krivičnopravna regulacijaovog djela bila je direktna posljedica prepoznavanja njegove štetnosti po društvo ipotrebe da se istakne važnost njegovog sankcionisanja od strane same države.
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For the past 20 years hate speech, as well as inciting, spreading and promoting hatred has been omnipresent in the public discourse, the Internet, online magazines and social networks in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Inciting, spreading and promoting hatred was regulated for the first time in 1945 when the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia adopted the Law Against Incitement to National, Racial and Religious Hatred and Discord. Soon after, the act of incitement to national, racial and religious hatred, hostility and discord was regulated by the Criminal Code of the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia. Introducing such legislation was made possible by recognising the pernicious effects of these types of crimes on the whole society and the need for official sanctioning by the state.
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Ovaj izvještaj prikazuje šta nacionalne institucije za ljudska prava i tijela za zaštitu jednakosti mogu učiniti i jesu učinile za unapređenje zaštite prava LGBTI osoba u Albaniji, Bosni i Hercegovini, Crnoj Gori, Hrvatskoj, Kosovu, Makedoniji i Srbiji. Cilj izvještaja je da kroz komparativni prikaz normativnih okvira, institucionalnih mehanizama i dobrih praksi, te nekih prepreka s kojima se institucije suočavaju i načina kako na njih odgovaraju, pruži podsticaj i ideje institucijama kako da unaprijede svoj rad na promociji jednakosti i suzbijanju diskriminacije LGBTI osoba. Istovremeno, ovaj izvještaj može na nacionalnom i regionalnom nivou poslužiti kao dodatni izvor informacija o LGBTI pitanjima jer prikazuje relevantne lekcije iz rada nacionalnih institucija za zaštitu ljudskih prava. Najzad, može doprinijeti unapređenju odnosa između ovih institucija i LGBTI osoba i njihovih organizacija, kroz predstavljanje mandata, aktivnosti i uspjeha ovih organizacija u promoviranju i zaštiti prava LGBTI osoba.
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The legislative framework for the systematic fight against domestic violence and violence against women has been improved following the adoption of the new Law on Combating Domestic Violence in the Federation of BiH 2013. Article 35 of the Law posits that the Federation of BiH and the cantons will fund safe houses in a 70-30 split (70% of the expenses will be covered by the Federation of BiH and 30% by the cantons). The Law imposes a clear obligation to pass sub-legislation which would regulate the establishment, work and financing of the safe houses, and which would set standards for accreditation of safe houses and their eligibility for state support. Unfortunately, this obligation has not been met in the last three years and so the work of the six existing safe houses has been left to self-regulation. The existing safe houses have independently conducted an assessment of the annual costs of running a safe house. It is estimated that the work and the programs of one safe house with the capacity of 25 places costs a minimum of 240,000 KM a year. On the other hand the support for the safe houses on entity level, from the Federation of BiH Government, from 2008 until now has never surpassed 200,000 KM. Therefore, one can conclude that the allocated 200,000 KM can only cover the costs of one safe house in the Federation of BiH, and that if this is split between the six safe houses each can only get an amount that covers between 10-15% of each safe house’s total expenses. The Government of the Federation BIH has therefore been in breach of the law for years and has failed to meet its obligation to finance 70% of the safe house expenses.
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The Dayton Peace Agreement recognizes the prohibition of discrimination on the basis of gender and it stipulates direct application of the European Convention on Human Rights and the CEDAW Convention. Unfortunately, despite the civil society initiatives the Constitution still does not recognize gender equality as a basic constitutional value in Bosnia and Herzegovina. BiH is one of the first countries in the Western Balkans to have passed a Gender Equality Law (ZoRS). After it was passed in 2003 the Law was amended once, and the amended version was adopted in 2010. The Law guarantees gender equality and equality of opportunity in all spheres of life.
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The 1995 Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, The Resolution on Politics of Health for all Citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the Gender Equality Law in Bosnia and Herzegovina all set standards and offer guidelines for organization of a healthcare system that will provide adequate help and protection to all citizens, aiming to improve the standard and quality of health and life, for everyone equally. Reproductive health, as defined by the World Health Organization (WHO), is a state of physical, mental and social wellbeing in relation to all aspects of the reproductive system, throughout one’s life. The Strategy on Reproductive Health published by the WHO in 2004 defines 5 main focus areas in reproductive health: improvement of health in pregnancy, childbirth and health of newborns; offering high-quality family planning services, including the services of treating infertility; eliminating unsafe abortions; tackling sexually transmitted infections, and promoting sexual health.
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Women and girls are frequently exposed to serious forms of violence, especially physical and verbal violence, violence in the family, psychological violence, sexual violence and rape. These and other forms of violence against women are a serious breach of women’s human rights and are the main obstacles to achieving gender equality. Statistics show that one in three women in the world is a victim of violence and that the perpetrators are frequently their current or former partners. The situation is similar in Bosnia and Herzegovina where violence against women and domestic violence have been considered a private issue for years, the attitude that is still widespread today. 52.8% of women over the age of 15 in Bosnia and Herzegovina have experienced some form of violence. In 2013 a study on the incidence of violence against women in BiH and its characteristics, was conducted on a sample of 3,300 households. The study found that one in every four women was a victim of violence and that one in every ten had been a victim of violence in the past year. This study found that women aged 18-24 are the most frequent victims and that women from rural areas are disproportionately affected. It is also important to note that women frequently cannot identify that violence is being perpetrated against them and they do not perceive themselves as victims – only 5.5% of those exposed to violence ask for help and support. The research also found that psychological violence is the most frequent form of violence women are exposed to, as well as a combination of psychological and physical violence.
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Der vorliegende Aufsatz ist ein Versuch, 15 altpolnische Wörter mit der Bedeutung ‘vicarius, advocatus, patronus’ und derer Geschichte im Laufe bis 1600 im Lichte der Wortfeldtheorie darzustellen. Schon im 15. Jhd. befinden sich im Zentrum des Wortfeldes die Bezeichnungen pierca. prokurator, rzecznik - die wir im Titel (Zitat aus der in der Mitte des 15. Jhds. entstandenen Übersetzung der früheren polnischen Rechte) sehen - und zachodica. Andere 11 Bezeichnungen bilden zu dieser Zeit Peripherie des Feldes. Aber auch die Glieder des Zentrums sind differenziert - pierca ist ein masowisches Wort, prokurator - grosspolnisch; nur rzecznik und zachodica sind gesamtpolnisch. Infolge der weiteren Entwicklung befinden sich schon in der Mitte des 16. Jhds. nur prokurator und rzecznik im Zentrum; pierca und zachodica verschwinden überhaupt aus dem Wortfeld, geschweige andere Kompenenten. Ende des 16. Jhds. ist ein ausschliesslicher Glied des Zentrums prokurator - sein Sieg ist auf den damaligen Zustrom des lateinischen Wortgutes in die polnische Rechtsterminologie zurückzuführen.
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This paper intends to give a comprehensive overview about the approach and related measures of the United Nations to address–in a completely different way as it was done previously in the League of Nations-the plight of national, ethnic and religious minorities. The author aims to introduce the development and the transformation of the minority protection mechanisms during the history of the United Nations, always taking into account existing political realities in the world, which cannot be ignored in such a sensitive area. In the interest of the above mentioned aims, the paper goes through the process in a chronological order, leading to the establishment of the mandate of the UN Special Rapporteur on Minority Issues and of the Forum on Minority Issues, which constitute the two main pillars of the UN minority protection system today.
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In the article some amendments of statutes on local self-government made in the last twenty six years will be presented. There is no doubt about the fact that the way of interpretation of several legal provisions was far from the original interpretation concept based on the original purpose of these provisions. Although some activities of local self-government authorities could not in fact be considered illegal, negative social perception of these activities was intelligible to all – they were regarded as legal, but at the same time as unethical or contradictory to the rules of social community life. Local authorities representatives were sometimes unaware of such contradiction and let in this way the private interest dominate over the public interest. Such practice infringed also one of the basic principles of self-government according to which local authorities are obliged to realize and protect the common social interest of the local community. Moreover, this is also influencing the law modification and amendment process of the local self-government statutes; however this process is mainly politically driven. On one hand, this process shall actually have a perpetual character and it shall be adjusted to the evolving and changing social relationships; on the other hand, in the area of the administrative law often even unnecessary law is enacted as the local legislator knows this law might easily be changed or announced ineffective if needed. Frequent processing of law amendments decreases its substantive importance, contradicts its stability and consistency. For these reasons the impact of the modern legislative process is a cause of ever-growing concern.
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The paper discusses the impact of Hague Tribunal verdicts on the process of reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. I analyze the original documents of Hague Accusations for crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, ethnic cleansing and final verdicts with imposed sentences. As an example I take some elements of the indictment and the verdict to Slobodan Milošević, Radovan Karadžić, Ratko Mladić, Jadranko Prlić and others, and Rasim Delić. After researching the documents, I show how brutal facts of war crimes mutually relate to the interpretation of these facts by the public (international and domestic) and the political instrumentalization of those facts that goes from distortion to negation of factual events. However, research shows that the process of reconciliation and restoration of confidence is strongly influenced by the truth that Hague tribunal determines in the process of punishing those responsible for crimes committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. These verdicts are based on verified facts, and not feelings and emotions. These facts are the basis of the real truth about the war and the events that took place in the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina but also wider. In conclusion, I suggest that the process of reconciliation must be followed by a new policy that leaves the war in the past and turns to the future, and which backs the trust in coexistence and respects the rights of citizens throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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The views of the populist/narodnik I. N. Kharlamov (1854—1887) on gender issues, presented in his essay “Woman in the Russian family” (1880), are discussed in the paper. The methodological foundations of I. N. Kharlamov’s approach to the designated problem are analyzed. Gender issue is disclosed through the confrontation of two types of social order: “traditional” and “cultural”, characterized by the difference of the relationship to power. The main factors, influencing the formation of “traditional” and “cultural” types, such as legal norms, Christian morality, communal way of life are dealt with. These types, according to I. N. Kharlamov, determined the forms of marriage, property rights of spouses, had a direct impact on family relationships and the role of woman in the family. The problem of existence of large patrimonial families are discussed. The stereotypes of feminine behavior, defined by “traditional” and “cultural” types are analyzed. Assessment of the status of women in peasant and “cultural” families in the historical realities of the second half of the XIX c. from the point of their civil rights problems are given.
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Basis of theoretical understanding of politic-legal culture as a necessary factor of the adequate adaptation of personality to the system of politic-legal relationship in the modern democratic state is revealed in this article. A special attention is dedicated to cognitive-normative principles of the formation of politic-legal culture of people and citizen.
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