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St. Mark the Ascetic (4th century) is one of the most famous Egyptian anchorites. His writings are often included in monastic collections in both the Byzantine and Slavic traditions. The Epistle to Nicholas is particularly popular because it explicates the rules for an ascetic life. The earliest Old Church Slavonic translation dates from the 10th century and is preserved in a miscellany from the Hilandar monastery No. 382 from the 13th–14th century. While part of the corresponding folia in the Hilendar codex has been lost, MSS 72 (14th c.) and 310 (16th c.) from the Library of the Rumanian Academy (Bucharest), which go back to the same group of manuscripts, allow us to reconstruct the archetype. The selective translation adapted from the Greek original illustrates well the work of the medieval Bulgarian bookman. In the 14th century, a new version of the same text was created in Bulgaria, as attested in MSS Hlud 237 and Vienna 42, which was the result of a new collation of the Old Bulgarian translation with the Greek text. The Slavonic tradition of this text is an example for the existence of multiple translations and versions of one and the same work in old Slavic florilegia.
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The atricle addresses the canons for the Bodiless Powers that appear in the Menaion for the feasts under November 8 (Synaxis of Archangel Michael and the Other Bodiless Powers), September 6 (The Miracle of Archangel Michael at Chonae), March 26 (Synaxis of the Archangel Gabriel), and July 13 (Synaxis of the Archangel Gabriel). We examine the Slavonic translations of these Greek works made in a Slavic milieu and the transmission of their manuscripts. Special attention is paid to the only two original Slavonic canons that are known to scholars to date: the anonymous Просвѣщьи древле ѹмꙑ and the canon by Constantine of Preslav, Припадаѭща мѧ боже приими щедротами си. The data for each individual work – its manuscript tradition, the extent of preservation and substitution of strophes from other canons work – allow us to draw conclusions about the time when the Greek canons were introduced into the Slavonic context and the way the original works were disseminated immediately after their composition work – a time from which we have no direct manuscript record.
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Ms. Sl. 156 (RA156) is an extensive Pentecostal Panegyric which includes texts from Holy Week through the Sunday of All Saints. The manuscript is incomplete, but its largest lacuna has been filled up from a miscellany of fragments in the collection of P. A. Shchukin, the State Historical Museum in Moscow. The fifth fragment of Shchuk 369 (Shchuk 369/V), located on Fol. 56r-68v according to the general foliation of the textual body, comprises folia that have been extracted from two different parts of a single jer manuscript. The first group of texts is related to Thomas Sunday (10 fol.), the second to Ascension (3 fol.). The manuscript dates from the 1320s-1330s. It has no jers and was written on Mt. Athos, then evidently transported to Romania by Paisii Velichkovski. This codex reveals a notable correlation between the orthography and the arrangement of the texts within each cycle of feasts, which sets it apart from other known South Slavic panegyrica and suggests that there could have been more than one protograph of the Pentecostal Panegyric.
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This paper proves that Jan Hus and Constantine Kostenečki—two refromers of the early 15th c. whose activities seem to be rather similar at first sight—had completely different approaches to the language question. Jan Hus was a pioneer in his fight to introduce the Czech language as a language of the Holy Scriptures, whereas Constantine Kostenečki strived to reform a written language with more than a five-century long history. Unlike Hus, who according to the extant sources hardly knew anything about Serbia, Constantine had enough information about the Hussite movement and the political situation in the Czech lands, since his sovereign, despot Stefan Lazarevič, was a vassal to the Hungarian King, Holy Roman Emperor Sigizmund, and took part in the anti-Hussite military campaign of 1421. And even though Constantine created the norms of Resava School which for centuries influenced the Orthodox written tradition while Hus’s ideas came to fruition only after his death, Constantine Kostenečki remained deeply rooted in the Middle Ages whereas Jan Hus came to be seen as a precursor of the Modern Age.
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This article goes back to the dawn of Byzantine Studies and takes a look at several periodicals and prefaces to editions from the years 1892–1904. One of the main objectives of the article is to follow the scholarly debate between Karl Krumbacher (1856–1909) and Ludwig Radermacher (1867–1952) on the methodology of editing Byzantine texts. From Krumbacher’s criticism and Radermacher’s response one can single out the main issues in dealing with Byzantine manuscripts. And since Krumbacher – the founder of modern Byzantine studies – was a prolific and diligent reviewer, his critical reviews and other writings reveal his stand on this topic. This is the other, more general purpose of the paper – to collect and summarize Krumbacher’s editorial principles. They set a standard that is still in use in medieval studies today. At the same time, even 120 years later, new manuals on editing medieval texts keep emerging, addressing practical as well as theoretical problems.
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The article studies the South Slavonic tradition of the biblical Book of Genesis, preserved in eight copies from the 15th–16th century. The orthographic and phonetical features, text structure, and the segmentation of the text by headings in all known South Slavonic copies point to a common Middle Bulgarian hyparchetype (х1) of Turnovo provenance, dating from the fourteenth century. This hyparchetype apparently had mechanical defects – missing or misplaced book chapters from the Оctateuch, and included as interpolations at least two excerpts from Palaea Historica and three unidentified non-Biblical fragments. Significantly, it segmented the text of the Book of Genesis (Оctateuch) by means of interpretative titles that, in addition to their exegetic function, most probably had a liturgical role. These headings were secondary to the translation and could be attributed to scolarly activity in Turnovo. The Middle Bulgarian hyparchetype (х1) generated at least two copies that turned into protographs (P1 and P2). P1 served as the foundation of Wallachian-Moldavian manuscripts (such as GIM–Moscow, Barsov collection, No. 3; Collection of the Romanian Academy of Sciences No. 85; RGB–Moscow, Rumyantsev collection, No. 29), whereas P2 gave rise to the five manuscripts originating from Western Bulgarian lands and Serbia (RGB–Moscow, Grigorovich collection, f. 87, No. 1/М 1684; Library of the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Zagreb, No. ІІІ.с.17; RGB–Moscow, Sevastiyanov collection, f.270, No. 1/M. 1431; Church-Historical and Archival Institute, Sofia, No. 351; Krushedol Monastery, No. 81). While P1 restricts the additional headings only to the main text, P2 expands their use to the manuscript’s margins as well. P2 includes also a short description and interpretation of the first five Old Testament books.
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The paper describes briefly the most important orthographic and morphologic features of MS 1039 from the National Library in Sofia, known as Stanislav’s Menologion. The manuscript contains an old hagiographic collection for September, October and the first eleven days of November that could be traced back to the First Bulgarian Kingdom and the rule of Tsar Petar. The codex appeared in a difficult political and cultural situation after the defeat of the Bulgarian Tsar Michael Shishman in 1330, when a part of the Western Bulgarian lands were subjugated to Serbian rule. The author aims to identify the Bulgarian and Serbian features on orthographic, phonetic and morphological levels in order to establish the hypothetical antigraph of the codex, and concludes, on the base of the analysis, that the compilation was copied from a sophisticated Middle Bulgarian manuscript that shared the linguistic and orthographic characteristics of the Tǎrnovo written tradition before Patriarch Euthymius’ reform.
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The “Le Bilboquet” of Marivaux illustrates the social frenzy incited by this game at that time. Driven by resentment against the bilboquet, which distracts his mistress, the narrator elaborates on how Madness has conquered the people of Europe through this frivolity. Through the depiction of the contagion of the game, we could observe how the pleasure it brings and the mimetic desire of men contribute to the success of the bilboquet. The social disorder resulting from this ludic frenzy leads us to question the nature of the game: is it merely an entertainment or does it actually represent a danger? Such a trifle could have grave consequences, in line with the logic of reevaluating the “nothingness” that we can find in most of Marivaux’s works.
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Many of Patrick Modiano’s novels involve the motif of the game – predicate and space – in the narration, at characterization, thematic and structural levels. The introduction of this minor element – it never reaches the level of a trope – nonetheless informs us both about the novelistic techniques employed by Modiano and about the metaphysical considerations underpinning his writing. As such, a close reading of various episodes articulated around the motif of the game allows us to better understand the methods adopted by the novelist in the development of his characters and in the architecture of his texts. Furthermore, the insertion of the motif of the game allows us to identify and analyse the value given to chance and indeterminacy in all its forms in the Modianian novel, from which a true metaphysics, if not an ethics, of indeterminacy, can in turn be deployed.
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This paper analyzes various aspects of game in the novels of Sophie Divry, a contemporary novelist as well as a social activist. Her protean work develops the idea of literary ludicity which ensures pleasure for an author and engages a reader but, at the same time, transmits a message about society. In the essay Rouvrir le roman the writer proposes to reinvent the novel genre by means of the spirit of unseriousness which plays a role as a stimulant for literature. Founded on intertextuality, Divry’s writing renews in an original way well-known models such asthat of Madame Bovary (La condition pavillonnaire) or Robinson Crusoe (Trois fois la fin du monde). Narrative games lead the novelist to develop polyphonic writing.The study of the novel Quand le diable sortit de la salle de bain demonstrates the link between game and self-reflexivity and highlights the potential of ludicity at the linguistic, typographical and formal level.
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This is a review of the book Hans Bergel, Always looking to Romania, by Cosmin Budeancă, Preface by Florian Kührer-Wielach, Afterword by Ana Blandiana, Cultural Foundation „Memoria” Publishing House and MEGA Publishing House, Bucharest – Cluj-Napoca, 2023, 216 p.
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The article introduces the history of creation, the content and messages of the work “Mistero Buffo”. The main task of the text is to clarify the origin and essence of the term “grammelot”, as well as to follow its use as a theatrical language by Dario Fo in “Mistero Buffo”. Some of the translation difficulties that would be faced by future Bulgarian translators are also presented. The paper sets the task, by presenting the specifics and implications of the work, to provoke interest towards it on the part of the Bulgarian public, as well as the translation and theater community, and alco to accelerate its popularization by realizing the need for it to be translated and placed on the Bulgarian stage.
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The first best seller of Balzac, the novel La Peau de Chagrin (1831) features more than a fantastic story about a pact with the devil and the destructive consequences it brings about. In reality, the adventure of the young intellectual Raphaël de Valentin reveals a moral and ontological significance, relying on the choice between an active life of frivolous pleasures and a calm life of domestic happiness. In this paper, we shall examine how the tragic destiny of the protagonist derives from his confusion between enduring happiness and the ephemeral pleasure offered by a hedonistic lifestyle, all within the social context of the birth of capitalism in the early 19th century.
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The article scrutinizes the content of a chrysobull allegedly promulgated by the Serbian Despot of Serrhai, Jovan Uglješa (1360 – 1371), for the Athonite Monastery of Simonopetra. The original of this act is lost and its only surviving variant is a confirmed copy authenticated by the Constantinopolitan Patriarch Cyril I Loukaris in 1623. The patriarchal confirmative charter offers the reader a text presumably issued by John Uglješa 359 years earlier, i.e. 1264. Starting from this evident discrepancy, the article analyses the text of Loukaris’s corroborated copy and argues which elements of this counterfeit are plausible and could be accepted as genuine and which could not. For better understanding of the Greek original, the full text of Loukaris’s charter is diplomatically published at the end of the article.
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