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Far-right group leader’s lawyer says he is accused of inciting hatred against Muslims via Facebook posts.
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ABSTRACT: This article aims to study Sufism (taṣawwuf) and inspiration (ilhâm), which is the main means of the mystical knowledge, in the thought of Ibn Taymiyya who is known generally as an exponent of a tradition grounded on the understanding of Salaf. He is considered by majority to be a rigid opponent of Sufism because of his unconventional interpretations of Sufi terminology. Also, since Ibn Taymiyya constantly offers the Qur’ān, ḥadīth, and the opinions of Salaf as the base of religious knowledge, the idea that he does not lean toward inspirational and rational knowledge and he does not give a place for them in his epistemology came out and has grown in the course of time. As a result of our research, however, we realize Ibn Taymiyya admits the epistemological value of inspiration along with Sufism conditionally. While he divides Sufism into Early and Later periods, he examines inspiration in the context of knowledge (bâb al-ʿilm) which is considered to be a subcategory of supernatural events. Ibn Taymiyya, who believes that inspirational knowledge must be tested by means of the Qur’ān, Sunna, and the opinions of Salaf, without rejecting its reality, assesses the subject matter in detail through his own criteria. Therefore, this article, in which the subject is elaborated critically and descriptively, focuses on the approach of Ibn Taymiyya to Sufism and inspiration that is the basic element of Sufi knowledge.SUMMARY: Ibn Taymiyya, who is one of the most influential, productive, and controversial Muslim scholars in history of Islam, exerted sincerely to find out the best and the most reliable way of acquiring religious knowledge. Through his fruitful works, his enormous knowledge of the Qur’ān, ḥadīth, Kalām, and Islamic and Greek philosophy can be witnessed. His works where his epistemological, theological, and philosophical statements are found dispersedly, are dealing with many issues such as revelation, the human intellect, inspiration (ilhām), Sufism, Aristotelian logic, the doctrines of Shia sect, methods of commentary of the Qur’ān, ḥadīth, creation of the world, the divine names and attributes, jihad, and juridical ones. Of all issues about which Ibn Taymiyya provided his opinions, Sufism obviously has been one of the most problematic ones. Since Ibn Taymiyya criticizes Ibn al-ʿArabī who is considered to be the Greatest Master in Sufism, he has been acknowledged to be a virulent opponent of Sufism and its complements like knowledge of inspiration- unveiling which is bestowed to the heart of believers by God. It is correct to say that Ibn Taymiyya has objections to the conceptions of unification (ittihād), incarnation (ḥulūl), oneness of the existence (waḥdat al-wujūd), the fixed entities (aʿyān al-thābita), and the seal of the friends of God (khatam al-awliyā’) all of which are encountered abundantly in the studies of Ibn al-ʿArabī and Sufism. In addition to these conceptions, Ibn Taymiyya refutes kinds of unification including general unification and particular or specific unification.Through detailed investigations of the works of Ibn Taymiyya it is possible to realize that Ibn Taymiyya elaborates Sufism under the categories of Early Sufism and Later Sufism. The Later Sufism, which is mostly heretical, is also elaborated with the distinction of philosophical and practical aspects. Furthermore, it is realized that along with criticisms of the practical aspects, his objections intensify on the philosophical Sufism, which may be called pantheistic, monistic, and metaphysical Sufism, imported noticeably from non-Islamic sources like Greek philosophy, Christianity, and Zoroastrianism. While Ibn Taymiyya persistently defends that the validity of Sufism depends on obedience to the Qur’ān and ḥadīth only, he interprets in his own way the conceptions of the friendship of God and inspiration (ilhām). According to Ibn Taymiyya, those, who are counted among the Early Sufism methodologically, even if not historically, like ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Jīlānī, Sahl Ibn al-Tusterī, and Maʿrūf al-Karkhī follow the Qur’ān and ḥadīth precisely.As for inspiration itself as a way of acquisition of knowledge, it is worth noting that in Ibn Taymiyya’s teaching inspiration or unveiling (kashf) is not argued concerning its reality. It is neither a sort of active communication nor is it a superstition. On the contrary, Ibn Taymiyya suggests that inspiration is a kind of supernatural events (khawāriq), which can be seen as an effect (ta’thīr) or knowledge (ʿilm). In this respect, inspiration is examined under the category of knowledge. He believes that when God has lifted the cover from the heart of believers, the heart will be under the control of God. As a result of this divine control, the servants can find out the correct, valid, and permissible way to follow. Thus, Ibn Taymiyya, who classifies inspirational knowledge as divine (raḥmānī) and devilish (shayṭānī), emphasizes importance of religious and spiritual training for purification of the heart.When the validity or acceptability of inspirational knowledge is in question, Ibn Taymiyya offers a test in the light of the Qur’ān, ḥadīth, and the opinions of the Salaf. According to him, the soundness of inspirational knowledge can be verified as long as it is weighed on the scale of these sources of Islamic sources. The reason for offering a test to verify the accuracy of inspirational knowledge received by a person is based on his idea that receiving inspirational knowledge is not an indication of being one of the friends of God at all. According to Ibn Taymiyya, it is very possible to perform or receive inspirational knowledge as a supernatural event not only for the friends of God but also for polytheists, disbelievers, people of the Book, and people of the innovation. He, as is said above, does not argue the validity of inspiration concerning its epistemological reality and value. What is more, he would rather give precedence to inspirational knowledge over weak ḥadīth reports, weak argumentations, and weak analogies. Therefore, it can be said that if we had to constitute an epistemological hierarchy of Ibn Taymiyya, it would be something like that the revelation, the human intellect, and inspiration, respectively. Finally, it may be propounded that even if there are several conditions to accept inspirational knowledge, it is a reality in Ibn Taymiyya’s epistemology.
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ABSTRACT: The Hittites who were origin of Indo-European and came to Anatolia occupied the region of Halys in central Anatolian around 1650 BC building Hattusa as a capital city. Expanding their territories into an empire they founded one of the most powerful states in their times and world. Including different ethnic groups Hittites called themselves by the expression of “1000 Gods of Hatti”. Incorporating several local gods existed in the lands they conquered they have had a lot of gods or divines. Among these gods are gods of Hatti, Luwi, Pala, Sumer, Hurri, Assyro- Babilonian and ancient Indian. Many temples discovered in the Hattusa excavations are an important clue for their paying great respect to the gods. In this article benefiting from the evidences of archaeological and philological sources Hittite beliefs as a state religion and general aspects of this religion, gods in the pantheon, temples built for these gods, festivals devoted to these gods, the place of gods and humans, magic rituals, oracles, omens, prayers and mythological stories will be evaluated. SUMMARY: Hittites, who are from origin of Indo-European, came to Anatolia around 2000 BC and established a powerful state choosing Hattusa as their capital city in central Anatolia. It lasted until approximately 1200 BC. Several reasons such as destructions of the sea peoples, famines and some revolts struck the Hittite Empire. After the fall of the empire some small city states called Neo-Hittite occurred in Southern Anatolia. They were powerful states extending from Northern Syria to Mesopotamia. They were comprised of different ethnic identities. This aspect of it can be seen in every field of the Hittite culture. Specifically the religion of the Hittites bears a lot of marks of it. They called themselves “people with 1000 gods of Hatti”. They added the gods they met into their pantheon. Pantheon of Hittites composed of gods of Hatti, Hurri, Luwi, Pala, Sumer, Babilonia, Assyria, Ancient Indian. Religious attitudes of Hittites affected by different cultures show a polytheistic structure. Sources of Hittite religion include many evidences of archaeology and philology such as temples, descriptions on palaces and cultic buildings, rock monuments, steles, sculptures, rythons and seals. There are festival texts, mythological texts, oracles and omens in the group of philological source. Our main informations about religion of Hittites come from these sources. We see representations of gods of Hittites on descriptions in archaeological evidences. Our knowledge about some other cultic activities also comes from same source. Festival texts in the group of philological sources give us information especially about cultic activities. Another main source about gods of Hittites is the mythological texts. We are able to learn their views of the universe and the celestial realm by these mythological sources. It appears that the texts had been used in religious rituals too. As understood from these sources, at the top of polytheistic religion of Hittites stand Sun Goddess of Arinna and Thunder God. Their pantheon also include a lot of gods from Hatti, Hurri, Luwi, Pala, Sumer, Babilonia, Assyria, Ancient Indian. Temples which are believed to be homes of gods were very important in daily life of Hittites. The excavations carried out in Hattusa testify to existence of many temples. Among these, Yazılıkaya Temple is of primary importance. The temple located two kilometers northeast of Hattusa includes descriptions of gods in Hittite pantheon. Besides Hattusa, archaeologists discovered many temples in Hittite sites such as Alacahöyük, İnandıktepe, Kuşaklı. Including a social structure as well as religious one, temples contained a lot of staff. A lot of documents were discovered which mention the businesses and responsibilities of these persons. Relation between humans and gods necessitates some burdens on human side. If man couldn’t do their duties for gods perfectly, they punish the human beings. One of the most important of these duties is festival rituals. Hittites have many rituals dealing with festivals. They were celebrating these festivals in temples or sacred spaces in appointed times. Besides regular rituals, people were doing other activities such as dance, music, playing etc. The magic concept in Hittite society can be divided into two types, white and black. Black magic was forbidden. Magical rituals had been done by persons who have mastered it. The rituals carried on generally outside settlements, far away from cities. Besides magical activities, oracles and omens were also spread. Fortune telling was also one of the important divine methods to solve problems in the Hittite society. Prayer texts which include a binding language between human and gods were also a prominent part of cultic life of the Hittites. There is no detailed information about afterlife in this religion. After death ordinary people were belived to go under earth and royal personalities to be god to sky, divine realm. Evidence from burial sites has suggested that both interment and cremation were practiced. After burying, remaining relatives should pray for the departed lest they return into this world , otherwise they would harm to the living. Another source that sheds light on the Hittite religion is mythological texts. From these kind of texts can be learnt about relations between gods and humans, etiological explanations dealing with nature and cosmogony. Myths had been used in the cultic rituals. Mythological texts belonging to Hittite religion come generally from Hatti, Hurri and Mesopotamia. One of the most important of those samples is the myth, called “The Missing God Telipinu”. Telipinu got angry to something and disappeared suddenly. With his departure some troubles occur in the world. A lot of rituals had been practised in order to turn the god back from the place where he went and to revive the nature. These texts were also containing the names of gods. It seems that the Hittites, coming from outside of Anatolia, included a lot of gods into their pantheon and composed them in their understanding of religion. So they built a syncretic system of beliefs. Most important part of cuneiform texts discovered in excavations shows the importance of religion in the Hittite society. Regular and appointed times for rituals were also important for Hittites. Otherwise gods would punish the people and send calamity upon them.
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What was the point of view of the Ottoman thinkers or scholars in general to philosophy and in particular to subjects of the philosophy of religion and to philosophers? In Ottoman, what was the existence and level of philosophy according to the other sciences? These kinds of questions have been frequently asked by those who deal with philosophy. The answers given to these questions are as important as at least the questions. To discuss such an important subject, what we need is to accept scientific issues as basis. To answer these questions together with a different motivation which is far from scientific methods may lead us to a vicious circle. The first thing of this kind of scientific attitude is to examine the Ottoman thinkers’ studies and try to understand them. General aim of this article is to shed a light to these discussions and in particular, to understand the approach of Harputlu Ishak Efendi to some issues of the philosophy of religion and his attitude towards some philosophers.SUMMARY: What were the perspectives of Ottoman thinkers or scholars towards philosophy in general and the subjects of the philosophy of religion and philosophers in particular? What was the presence and level of philosophy in Ottoman compared to other sciences? These are the questions usually asked by those who work on philosophy. The answers provided to such questions are as important as at least the questions themselves. To discuss such an important subject, what we need is to accept scientific issues as basis. Answers tried to be given with other motivation elements outside of the scientific frame and method can take us to a vicious circle. The first step of this scientific perspective should be an examination of the books of Ottoman thinkers. The overall purpose of our article is to shed light on such discussions to some extent, while the specific purpose is to explain Harputlu Ishak Efendi’s approach towards some matters of the philosophy of religion and his attitude towards philosophers in general terms. When the courses, which were studied by Harputlu Ishak Efendi, and the masters, who taught these courses, are investigated, it will be seen clearly that he took a good education. Ishak Efendi, who executed important duties in different bureaucratic positions of the Ottoman such as inspection duties, then was assigned to be the judge (qâḍî) of Medina and Isparta. Harputlu Ishak Efendi expressed opinions on the relationship of religion-philosophy, status of prophets and philosophers, place of the intellect in religion and especially the “Knowledge of God”, “Resurrection”, “Creation of the Universe” which are very controversial issues among Gazzâli and the Islamic philosophers. Providing a statement on such controversial issues requires being an expert on the Kalâm theology and philosophy. As for wording, we see that he has studied the subject with all dimensions. Harputlu Ishak Efendi is a unique Ottoman thinker. The reason behind this is that he has never studied on annotation and elucidation, but he was a scholar paying attention to the human intellect (ʿaql) and use of the intellect. He expresses that he prefers using intellectual evidences as a method and this is a beneficial approach and he experienced this himself. Stating that Islam is a religion definitely based on the intellect, he expresses that “God shall not propose something contrary to the sound intellect in the religion of Islam”, and claims that God does not request from human beings something contrary to the sound intellect and those requested comply with the sound intellect only. We know that some scholars educated in Ottoman Madrasas assumed took a sharp position against thoughts established and philosophy in particular. Considering the methods used by Harputlu Ishak Efendi on dealing with the issues, we see that he tries to indicate the views of other people expert on the subject while he investigates it.Because the thinkers he often refers to in his works are Ibn Sina, Nasîrüddîn et-Tûsî Devvânî and Gelenbevî, we think that his philosophical thought emerges from such views. He has more references to Ibn Sina. Harputlu Ishak Efendi tried to understand what philosophers try to explain instead of declaring the philosophers as unbelievers and showing the philosophy out of religion. As some previous Ottoman scholars, he has considered the prophets as a philosopher and so tried to bring a new perspective to the discussion of religion-philosophy relation which has been continuing for centuries. Harputlu Ishak Efendi claims that the human intellect (ʿaql) alone can know the presence of God and His attributes such as knowledge and power. For instance, regarding the oneness of God, he puts similar views with Kindî. He also states that it is not possible both rationally and traditionally that there is an existent equal and similar with God. He provides evidences from scholars, Ibn Sina in particular. However, he stresses that there are some religious matters which cannot be known by the intellect.Providing opinions on whether the resurrection will be bodily and spiritual or spiritual only, Harputlu Ishak Efendi gives his views on that God knows totals but partials, which is why Gazzâlî declared the Islamic philosophers as unbelievers. Harputlu Ishak Efendi also provides ideas on the eternity of the universe which has been one of the main problems between the philosophers and Gazzâlî. The matters studied by Harputlu Ishak Efendi are the main subject of the religion and majority of which corresponds to the three basic fields of philosophy: existence, knowledge, and value. As many of the previous scholars, Harputlu Ishak Efendi studied these matters through a method of question and answer. In explaining these subjects, he firstly provided verses from the Qur’an and then provided the hadiths, if any. Then he wrote down what the philosophers, Kalâm theologians, and sûfis said about the matter. And what is significant is that he did not provide any adverse remark while referencing such approaches of this group of three.We, recently, see more often the oral statements and approaches in this regard which signify that the philosophy of religion should be built upon its own resources and thinkers in the Islamic lands. The meaning of this excitement with regards to the philosophy of religion is more meaningful in specific terms. The problem, as often stated by the recent philosophers of religion, that we do not still have a unique philosophy of religion model despite we owe very rich, important classic and scientific works, is still under discussion. We hope that trying to understand what Ottoman scholars and thinkers remarked on such significant matters shall contribute to the project of “developing a unique philosophy of religion to us.”.
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Mahmad Fadlallah al-Sivāsī as well as important in terms of political and social history of Turkey, he is also is an important person for Turkish literature. Realizing the late Ottoman period and the first years of the republic, Mahmad Fadlullāh, is a momentous person who taught in many different cities of Turkey and participateded in Erzurum Congress -where there have been made decisions for development and prosperity of the country-as delegate of Sivas. That the literary personality of these features, as well as the foreground. By the pieces he indited he took part in the last authors of Divan Literature. Wrote many pieces, he has shown that he is a prolific author. One of these works al-Itidal fī-Mohabbati'l-Āl which expresses the love to ahl al-beyt. In this article, the aforementioned work will be presented to the realm of science by introducing full text of the work.SUMMARY: Mahmad Fadlallah al-Sivāsī is an important figure in Turkish literature as well as being an important person in terms of political and social history of Turkey. He was an important person, who experienced the late period of Ottoman Empire and the first years of Turkish Republic, worked as a teacher in several cities of Turkey and joined to Erzurum Congress as a Sivas delegate in which some important decisions for the salvation of the country were taken. Besides his historical personality, his literary personality also comes to the fore. The author who was among the latest representatives of Divan Literature with the works he wrote proved himself as a prolific author by writing lots of works. al-Itidal fī-Mohabbati'l-Āl, in which the necessity of moderation in the love to Ahl al-Bayt was expressed, is one of his first works. This work which is composed of 535 couplets is the longest one among his existing works. Published in 1911 in Aleppo, the work comprises two parts as introduction and the main body where the basic subject was handled. In the introduction part bearing the title “Ifade-i Meram”, Mahmad Reshad V. who was the 35th Sultan of Ottoman Empire and the 114th caliph of Islam was highly praised. That Sultan Mahmad Reshad ruled the country in justice and protected Islam was mentioned and it was noted that the Sultan must be prayed for his qualities in this part. After the Introduction comes the part, in which the main topic is dealt, with Basmala (The name of Allah). This part begins with a couplet expressing thank to Allah and praising his lover Prophet Mohammad (PBU). al-Itidal fī-Mohabbati'l-Āl is based on the concepts “tawalla” (Loving Ahl-al Bayt and those who love them) and “tabarra” (Not loving those who do not love Ahl-al Bayt). On the other hand, he noted that the same love and respect for Ahl-al Bayt must be shown to the companions of the Prophet without exception, saying they were not different from the members of Ahl-al Bayt. Here, the author mostly mentions about Muawiya b. Abu Sufyan – prophet Momammad’s (PBU) brother-in-law- and highly praises his qualities. The event in which Hussain and his followers who did not obey Yezid b. Muawiya were made martyr is one of the saddest events in history of Islam. That event causing an untreatable wound in the hearts of Muslims has mostly been handled in the works of Turkish Literature either as a part or in a way to be a subject by itself in individual works. Mahmad Fadlallah dealt Karbala Event in this work as well. Besides noting that he was quite overwhelmed by sorrow when the name of Hussain passed, he also cursed those who were responsible for this upsetting event for their being deprived of Allah’s forgiveness and mercy. The work ends with giving such several advices to readers as Ahl-al Bayt and the companions of the Prophet must always be remembered with respect and appreciation, hatred should be felt for the sake of Allah, and the the love for Ahl-al Bayt ought to be in moderation. In this article, the mahtnawi named al-Itidal fī-Mohabbati'l-Āl by Mahmad Fadlallah al-Sivāsī is unveiled and the full text of the work is presented.
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The main purpose of this study is to examine whether God can be free in His actions according to al-Ghazâlî and Thomas Aquinas, whether their assessment on divine actions has legitimacy and internal consistency. For this purpose, in the Introduction, it was given some general explanations on the problem and some works were done about this matter are taken into consideration and evaluated. In the first part of the dissertation, I tried to analyze the concept of ‘freedom’ and its relation to determinism. I also tried to give some explanations in terms of ontological and semantical aspects of the divine freedom. After these explanations, I pictured historical panorama of the problem of divine freedom and how to be understood divine actions in the historical period. In the second part of the dissertation, I tried to demonstrate how interaction took place between al-Ghazâlî and Thomas Aquinas. After this step, I took into consideration the concept of God in al-Ghazâlî and Thomas Aquinas, and I tried to give their resemblances and differences about this matter. In the third part of the dissertation, I considered their ideas about God-World relationship. In this context, I took in to consideration the issue of indicators of God’s freedom, like creation, miracles, relation between moral truths and God’s commands.
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The crisis of religious identity can occur not only in the Diaspora that is separate from its Motherland but even in the mainstream. This crisis due to a lack of religious and cultural ties are more common in the Diaspora, where under the influence of the dominant culture comes to integration, asimiliation and sometimes in order to preserve the religious identity to isolation. This essay deals with the issue of religious identity of Bosniaks in Germany, first second and third generation, who tells us about their relationship to faith and the manner of their own identities.
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The overall objective of this research is to determine the religious perceptions and its levels of university youth and to interpret the findings from the point of view of their psychological features. This research consists of four chapter. These are: introduction, first chapter consist of discussions of the basic concepts such as religiosity, spirituality, second chapter that the data obtained from the survey was assessed the relationships with hypotheses and conclusions in which the findings were interpreted. The study’s population consists of the students at the undergraduate level in faculties of the Erciyes University in 2011-2012. A questionnaire was administered on 553 students, chosen randomly in this population. The survey contains descriptive and Likert style items. As independent variables in this study, branches of science, faculty, department, class, age, gender, living environment for the longest time before coming to university, graduated high school, mother's and father's education level and the accommodation place during training have been taken. When analyzing the data, percentages, frequency distributions, descriptive statistics, analysis of variance (one-way ANOVA) and T-Tests and Chi-Square (x²) techniques were used. As a result of this research hypotheses associated with gender, age, branches of science, faculty and department were confirmed on the other hand the others were rejected.
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Gathering information about theological Islamic dissidents/sects and classifying and listing them in various ways as a literary genre in Islamic literature has been of interest to Muslim scholars as a result of scholarly curiosity or in the aim of criticizing and refuting their ideas from a certain ideological and theological point of view. After especially taking the ḥadīth saying that the Muslim community will divide into 73 sects as a main reference, heresiological classifications or lists became more systematic and schematic. These heresiological classifications or lists are in fact mostly different attempts in terms of material, method and style. This enables to determine and offer possible traditions of classifying and listing sects based on the similarities, differences and connections among them.This dissertation that examines heresiological classifications and lists that emerged in particularly seven centuries after the hijra and appeared in books of various literary genres tries to identify their characteristics and historical development, and categories them according to their methods, scopes, styles and contents in order to reach a holistic understanding. Also it offers possible traditions for heresiological classifications or lists after analysing and comparing the available ones.
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Abū Isḥāq Ibrāhīm al-Zāhid al-Ṣaffār is one of the important representatives of the Kalām thought of the Ḥanafī-Māturīdī School. He was born in A.H. 450/ C.E. 1058 in Bukhara that is one of the city of Transoxiana/Mawara al-nahr where Maturidi School has been emerged around this socio-cultural environment. He completed his education and served as a leader (rais/ ṣadr) of the Hanafite scholars there until he was exiled to the city of Marv. Upon his return from exile, he passed away in Bukhara in A.H. 534/ C.E. 1139. The present study aims to determine his method in Kalām. The introduction outlines the subject, significance, purpose, method and sources of the research. In this study, it was employed a method that focuses on a person in which he/she is examined with his/her views and thoughts by taking into account his/her socio-cultural factors. By doing this, the first chapter of this study deals with the political, socio-economic and scientific situation in Transoxiana, and the activities of diverse religions, sects and philosophical schools in this region in A.H. V-VI/C.E. XI-XII. In the second chapter, it studies al-Ṣaffār’s life, scientific personality, works as well as the sources that he made references to in his works in detail. In the third chapter, the kalām method of al-Ṣaffār has been tried to be determined. For this purpose, it analyzes his extant works, Talkhīṣ al-adilla li-qawāʿid al-tawḥīd and Risālah fī al-kalām and elaborates first at his defense of the Kalām that gives a great importance to reason (ʿaql) and to intellectual debates, if necessary, in theological issues. Then it explores his theory of knowledge with his ideas on the definition, possibility, sources and types of knowledge, and the epistemological understandings he defensed or criticised. Furthermore, to determine his Kalām method, it evaluates his approach towards the value of ‘aql and naql (Qurʾān-Ḥadīth) as sources of knowledge. Since this issue is a distinctive tool for unveiling the kalām methods of different mutakallims and Muslim sects. Finally, it finds out the types of istidlāl, meaning inference of one thing from the other that he used when he argues and defends his views, and illustrates with examples.
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The article offers the analysis, in qualitative and quantitative respect, of the references to the Sunnah of the Messenger p.b.u.h. in the work Usulu’l-Hikem fi Nizami’l-Alem of Hasan Kafi Pruščak. Researching this undoubtedly most renowned work of Hasan Kafi Pruščak we attempted to analyze to what extent is hadith and various other forms of Sunnah represented in his work and to establish the authenticity of the same. Finally, through content analysis we examined if they correspond to the context in which those are quoted, and generally, we wanted to see whether or not the Sunnah is established as reference framework of Kafi’s discourse.
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In this article the author presents the Islamic concept of caring about the orphans and the poor through wider elucidation of a number of the Qur’anic ayats and relevant hadith, on bases of which he concludes that the faith in the Akhirah (Eshaton), all the rituals, as well as their value and sincerity are interwoven with the care about the orphans and the poor. After the faith in God, devotion and obedience only to Him and following His Massinger in all the matters of faith, morality, law and culture, greatest duties of a man are: duties towards ones parents, his children, grandparents, brothers and sisters and then come the duties towards orphans (yateem) and the poor (miskeen) and towards all that are in need. Dozens of the Qur’anic ayats and a large number of the hadith relate about the duties of a Muslim towards the orphans as important undoubted and unquestionable duties. The article stresses the Islamic concept of property based upon the Islamic sources underlining the significance of the required attitude towards economically endangered categories of the society.
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Islam, kao i kršćanstvo, ima svoje mučenike. Međutim, izraz mu čenik u te dvije religije upućuje na dvije vrlo različite i čak nepomirljive realnosti. U kršćanstvu mučenik pristaje trpjeti nasilje, ali ga sam ne provodi. U islamu, naprotiv, mučenik (šehit) je onaj tko svjedoči o svojoj vjeri boreći se (džihad).
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Isus Krist Superstar kasnih je šezdesetih godina prošlog stoljeća komponiran kao rock opera, a 1971 godine postavljen kao musical na Broadwayu u New Yorku. Njegovi autori, Andrew Lloyd Webber i Tim Rice time su započeli trend demontaže osnovnih kršćanskih dogmi u for mi javne sablazni, propitkujući Isusovu ličnost metodama psihologije, sugerirajući i njegovo razočarenje svojom misijom, popuštanje nagonima tijela te žeđ za popularnošću kao Kralj Židova.
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Ibn Arebi rođen je u Mursiji, današnjoj Španiji, 560/1165. godine, pedeset godina poslije smrti el-Gazalija i 130 godina nakon smrti Ibn Sine. Naposljetku se nastanio u Damasku, gdje je umro 1240. godine. Napisao je brojne knjige, od kojih su neke izuzetno opsežne. Sva njegova djela imaju naročito visoku razinu raspravljanja, što ga čini jednim od najtežih među svim muslimanskim piscima. Ibn Arebijevo ime je povezano s izrazom waḥdat al-wujūd (vahdetul-vudžud), “jednost bića” ili “jednost stojanja”. Međutim, historijski je netačno povezivanje tog izraza s njime. To je dovelo do grubog pojednostavljenja i krajnje pogrešnog shvatanja njegovih djela. Složena su pitanja tog šta je zapravo izraz vahdetul-vudžud značio za one koji su ga koristili i šta je mogao značiti za Ibn Arebija, ako ga je koristio u svojim djelima. O tim sam pitanjima pisao opsežno, pa se ovdje neću ponavljati.1 U svakome slučaju, vahdetul-vudžud ima malu važnost za poimanje vremena i prostora. Spomenuo sam to samo zato jer, ako hoćemo shvatiti to što Ibn Arebi kazuje, moramo otkloniti svako unaprijed zasnovano shvatanje o tom pojmu.
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Māturīdism is an Ottoman identity and this identity was not limited, as is commonly believed, to the last period of the Empire. It maintained its formal existence throughout the Ottoman history. Nevertheless, the context in which the Māturīdism was located or with which it was associated changed in the course of time. In the early period when the eclectic way of thinking was dominant, Māturīdism as a creed was apparent mainly in the jurists whose ascetic identity was prominent and partly in the mystical currents that were essentially continuations of Yasawiyya. At this point, the Bukhara-centered Ḥanafī legal literature played a distinctive role. At the time of Meḥmed II and in the following period during which the philosophical kalām dominated the scene, the Māturīdism was relatively passive and was in search of a position against the Ash‘arism. The new Rāzian paradigm of thought that began to be felt strongly in the Ottoman lands with Meḥmed II as an attempt of integration into the global circulation of knowledge prevented to a certain extent the visibility of Māturīdism. However, even in this period, Māturīdism was remarkably reflected in the muqaddimāt-i arba‘a literature which was directly sponsored by Meḥmed II. The tradition of philosophical kalām in the Ottoman scholarship, just when it was about to yield significant results, was interrupted due to the struggle against the Ṣafawids. Transformation of this political tension, at the same time, into a fight against Shiism also brought about a constriction in the religious thought of the Ottomans. Shiism and its all other variants were bitterly attacked under the main heading of Rāfiḍa. Unfortunately such a refutational approach proved a boomerang and returned in time striking the Ottoman Ṣūfīs who stood near the line of the Ardabil Shrine before its Shiitization. Ḥanafī fatwā literature was used extensively in the refutation texts against Ṣafawids. This brought to the fore at first the Ḥanafite and then the Māturīdite identity. This paper attempts to analyze this changing emphasis on Māturīdism in the Ottoman period and the political and intellectual factors that supported and nourished it.
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This article deals with political socialization and political participation, in the context of visiting phenomenon, in Turkey. We took the Ali Baba Tomb in central Sivas and Celtek Baba Tomb in Celtek village as the sample of our study. In the study, political socialization and participation was seen as a dialectical process between individual and society. Visiting phenomenon embodying a rich historical, religious and cultural accumulation is important in that it defines the religious tendency of huge masses. As a matter of fact, they have realized their potitical socialization in a pretty much authentic culture with different interests, duties, roles and positions. At the same time, they have shown their political participation with reference to the religious world of meaning.
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Mamluks reigned in Egypt a long time is an era of Kipchak Turks that have influence management, and Kipchak Turks has been influential in a period in the administration there. During this period, that Turkish rulers do not know Arabic language well, Turkish language is spoken in the palace and also idea of being closer to Turkish manager screated an interest in learning. One of the famous scholars realizing that interest is Abū Ḥayyān al-Andalusī. Abū Ḥayyān by learning Turkish language especially from Fakhr al-dīn Divrigi and analysing written previously works, wrote Kitāb al-Idrāk li-lisān al-Atrāk. This book has consisted of introduction, vocabulary and grammar section. We also aimed in our study to examine Kitāb al-Idrāk in terms of content and than in terms of lexicography of the linguistic branch.
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Alevis represent a large religious community in Turkey. According to different estimates, they constitute from 10% up to 20% of the population and profess Alevism – one of the heterodox sects of Islam. Philosophy, worship and ritual in Alevism vary greatly from the traditions of the Hanafi school of Sunni Islam, which is the dominating religion in Turkey. The article studies the religious tradition of Alevism.
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