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The article presents the program of sexual education prepared and offered by Krakow Branch of the Planned Parenthood Association in the wider context of socio-political situation in Krakow (1956 – 1989). Since the beginning of the Association’s existence, the special attention was paid to the development of educational program, which concerned the different aspects of „family life“. The article is going to answer the questions about its goals, the educational tools used to achieve them and its social targets. To accurately determine the position of the Association in the city‘s community I will analyse its foundation and activities in wider context of the pre-war traditions of the organisation and the activities regarding premarital counselling undertaken by the Krakow Catholic Church.
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This research was conducted in order to explain the historical process in a short, simple and plain way, compiling it together with the source scans of the information which has been going on for years, and to benefit the students who are still growing and the people who are interested in this field. For this, firstly the earliest historical development of sound education was briefly mentioned about the birth and study of it according to the schools, and the way of voice education firstly came to Turkey and tried to explain the way that it spread rapidly after the Republican period.
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Študentské čistky na slovenských vysokých školách na prelome rokov 1948 a 1949
In her study, the authoress examines one of the ways the newly established Communist regime in Czechoslovakia was using since February 1948 in an attempt to build new loyal elites and to prevent the formation of non-conformist ones. The topic is the screening of study results and political reliability of Slovak university students, which took place at the turn of 1948 and 1949 under the euphemistic name “democratization campaign” or simply “democratization”. The authoress sets the campaign into a broader political framework and into the context of the ideological discourse of those days. In doing so, she compares it to a parallel, so-called “study screening” in the Czech Lands, and also sets it in the context of multiple waves of the “purging” of Slovak universities between 1948 and 1960, showing its connection with a subsequent purge launched in 1950 as part of a campaign against the so-called Slovak bourgeois nationalism. Using results of her research in Slovak archives, she describes and summarizes the organization, course, and outcome of the “democratization campaign”. The screening used both criteria related to study results (employed primarily to justify the screening) and political criteria (reflecting the true objective of the screening process); a combination of these two groups of criteria ultimately produced several categories of students. Every student was either cleared and allowed to study on, or expelled – either temporarily, for two to three semesters during which he or she was expected to work in production, or permanently. It should be noted that there existed substantial differences in numbers of expelled students among various universities and faculties, and the authoress is trying to find an explanation. Compared to the outcome of the “study screening” in the Czech Lands, that of the “democratization campaign” in Slovakia was generally more lenient, often falling short of radical expectations of its organizers. The authoress claims that Slovakia’s outcome reflects three factors: lack of and need for skilled experts in various fields compared to the Czech Lands, the weak position of the Communist Party among students and teachers at some Slovak universities, and the existence of an Appeal Commission at the Slovak Ministry of Education, Sciences and Arts which reversed or changed many expulsion rulings. The Appeal Commission’s chairman Ernest Otto and the Commissioner of Education, Communist writer Ladislav Novomeský (1904–1976), thus found themselves in a conflict with leaders of the University Committee of the Communist Party of Slovakia, their more liberal approach to the “democratization campaign” contributing to their political and criminal persecution in the 1950s.
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Despite the two great wars in the 20th century the world is still harassed by many war conflicts, mainly of regional character. In these conflicts, children soldiers are often involved. Owing to this fact we should attempt to answer a question whether this issue is given due emphasis in history course-books and how the issue is presented. The author examined a selection of foreign course-books, which was possible due to a collection assembled by the Georg Eckert Institute in Braunschweig. A selective analysis of them provides evidence that their authors often concentrate on this interesting issue. Presentation of children soldiers in history course-books has a positive impact upon sensitising young people, the future citizens of the world, to the tragic fate of their peers. Nevertheless, the adults still give guns to the juveniles and make them kill other people. Now it depends on them whether the term ‘children soldiers' will be sent to history.
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The objectives are to analyze the development of the relations in the sphere of the culture between Switzerland and Germany in the 1930-40’s and to determine the reasons for termination of the cultural dialogue between the countries after the arrival of national socialists in German and conditions of its recovery after the Second World War. The historical-genetic and comparative methods were chosen for the study. With the use of the historical-genetic method, the evolution of the German-Swiss cultural relations in the first half of the XX c. was explored. Appeal to the comparative method has enabled to draw the conclusions about the features of the bilateral cultural relations between Switzerland and Germany in the period between the two world wars, during the war of 1939 – 1945 and post-war years. Scientific novelty of the proposed article is that for the first time in Ukrainian historiography an attempt to explore the development of the cultural relations between Switzerland and Germany in 1930 – 40's was made. Conclusions. The main reasons of the Swiss efforts to withdraw from the involvement in the German cultural world in the late 1930's – 40's were memories of the First World War, when the conflict between the French and German communities had put in jeopardy the peace within the Swiss society, and a desire not to create the pretext for the global public accusations against Switzerland of its involvement in the crimes of the national socialists, which could raise doubts about the issue of Swiss neutrality. The background for the restoration of the cultural dialogue between the countries was the desire of Swiss to support the formation of a new democratic regime in the neighboring country, which was realized through the activities of both individual private artistic associations and institutions, and the work of the Swiss diplomacy, which through the analysis of the cultural situation of the particular German states was searching for the potential areas and ways of cooperation.
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In this paper I will analyze Serbian documentary films about guest workers dating from the last decade of the 20th and the first decade of the 21st century, using the perspective of visual anthropology. I question the popular cultural notions about guest workers in films Весеље у Ждрелу (A Celebration in Zdrelo) by author Kamenko Katic, Звона позне јесени (The Bells of Late Autumn) by author Zoran Milenovic, Кад је Милорад удавао ћерку (When Milorad Gave His Daughter in Marriage) by author Vladimir Milisavljevic, Странац тамо, странац овде (A Foreigner There, a Foreigner Here) by author Sandra Mandic and 242 метра живота (242 Meters of Life) by author Novica Savic. The films deal with a number of issues: the economic aspects of guest workers’ lives, their liminal character, the issues of the second and third generations of guest workers, going away "temporarily" to work, and religious rituals. Even though the films were made recently, they all follow the lives of Vlach and Serbian, or rather Yugoslav guest workers who left to find temporary work abroad in Western Europe in the 1960’s and 1970’s. This serves the purpose of avoiding to deal with contemporary reasons for emigrating from Serbia and thus the possible critiques of current regimes or policies in power at the time the films were made.
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After the 1st World War, the British government oriented its influence in the Southern Caucasus to sut up a Caucasian wall composed of the three regional countries, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia, in order to stop the Bolshevik Russia and to separate the latter from Turkey. Situation changed after the White Army was defeated in the Northern Caucasus, and the three Caucasian states were brought under Soviet control. On the one hand, Turkey considered the Bolshevik Russia as a natural ally against The Western imperialist forces, then invading many parts of Turkey, and on the other hand, made use of the rise of Bolshevism as a cause against the imperialist forces, thus became very strong diplomatically.
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The article presents the opinions of the Polish society on the events of the Poznań June 1956. Despite official announcements and information blockade, news of the uprising spread across the country. Information was circulated among others by visitors to the Poznan International Trade Fair then staying in the city, by railway staff, as well as soldiers and functionaries engaged in suppressing the revolt. Voices of support dominated and were expressed at rallies and gatherings, in discussions and leaflets but also as inscriptions painted on the walls of buildings, inside factories or on railway carriages. The accounts are presented selectively and in a limited scope due to shortage of space, but are fairly representative for the attitude and reaction of Poles to the events that took place in Poznań on June 28, 1956.
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Starting with 1918, Paris becomes the center of Romanian propaganda abroad and the „La Roumanie” newspaper becomes the speaker for the Romanian interests. In the pages of this daily were reflected the suffering of Romanian war prisoners confined to prison camps. There are numerous testimonies proving cruel fate of those unfortunates who were abused both physically and mentally, despite international laws that compel the warring States to apply human treatments of prisoners of war.
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Še kot magister je kolega dr. Boris Mlakar - ob izjavi Predsedstva RS o narodni in državljanski umiritvi - napisal 20. marca 1990 za uredništvo "Borca" anketo o spravi. V njej je nekatera vprašanja zastavil tako, da je že sam in vnaprej postavil tezo, da je revolucija kriva za pojav oborožene in politično-policijske kolaboracije dela slovenske politike v času sovražne zasedbe, in v tem okviru še tezo o državljanski vojni kot določujočem dejstvu za oceno vsega tega dogajanja. S tega vidika je postavil v središče presoje "revolucijo" in ugotovitev, da "je torej tedaj bila revolucija v teku". K temu je pristavil svoje prepričanje, da je ravno to povzročilo, da so se tisti, ki so se te prihajajoče revolucije "bali", odločili za "protirevolucionarni upor", in to tako, da so se naslonili na okupatorja in sprejeli od njega orožje, kljub temu da so vedeli, da bodo označeni kot narodni izdajalci. [...]
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The paper represents an analysis of contemporary ideas about new wave music formed by generations born after 1980, in the "post-new wave" period. The ever more evident tendency to revitalize and re-actualize the new wave phenomenon at the local level, as well as the identities which stem from it, is indicative not only of the importance of this musical concept but its interdependence with the local community. The echoes of different contemporary narratives about this phenomenon influence the forming of a set of notions about, on the one hand, new wave itself, and on the other – notions about Belgrade of that time period, among generations which form their opinions and perceptions of it indirectly, and after the fact. The aim of the paper is to an- swer the question of the extent to which young people today are familiar with new wave and what the concept represents for them.
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Studying domestic folk art, inaugurated in the 1930s is still in its infancy. This assertion is born out by considering the motif of svastika, studied by Milovan Gavazzi in 1929 and 1930. Gavazzi’s model of scientific study (applied in the analysis of swastika on easter eggs), in thune with the then prevaling cultural history approach, has been reproduced and perpetuated by numerous domestic ethnologists. In the situation in which the history of social sciences recognizes theoretically and methodologically different research trends, Gavazzi’s tenets are necessarily bound to criticism. From the aspect of contemporary science, the strongest argument for disputing former interpretations of folk art is their neglect of the context of folk art manifestations.
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Bogdana Nawroczyńskiego bilans walki o państwowość, ziemie i język: na podstawie opracowania Nasza walka o szkołę polską 1901-1917
The following text is an analysis of the struggle for the independence of the Polish nation between the 19th and 20th centuries. This analysis takes an educational perspective and is based on a largely forgotten work of Bogdan Nawroczyński, Nasza walka o szkołę polską 1901-1917. When speaking about the freedom struggle one can distinguish between a more common meaning connected with military conflict, and a less common meaning connected with organic, cultural-based work. The second meaning is especially interesting due to the important role played by education therein. The organization of secret and official schooling in that period not only served to promote the spread of knowledge, but was also used for the rebuilding of the state. Nawroczyński's piece is also important from the point of view of contemporary problems and conflicts.
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The Stalinist period in Poland was the time of the strongest attempts by the communists to form a new sort of intellectual, in fact, their own intellectual. One who would not independently ‘understand the nature of things,’ but would do so with obedience, pursuant to the will and demands of the party. This metamorphosis, controlled from the top and executed according to the Soviet model, required a desacralization of the ethos of the intellectual whilst, in the stricte academic world - a transformation of universities from the ‘sacrum of knowledge’ into a producer of professionals/specialists. In addition, there appeared the necessity to exchange places in the master-student system, when the latter became the leader, initiating the academic system of a classless society. In practice, this meant a fierce attack on the pre-war academic staff, who were distrustful towards those in power. Young assistants/deputy assistants of a proper social origin (workers or peasants), entering universities by way of educational shortcuts like, for example, Preparatory Study, without a feeling of impropriety or of breaking age-old rules, destroyed the existing academos. They did not feel uncomfortable when breaking the rules since they were intruders in an area which, under normal conditions, they would never have entered. All thesephenomena, as a case study, were portrayed in the example of Maria Skłodowska-CurieUniversity. The significance of that university is that it was founded by a decree of the PolishCommittee of National Liberation and, in that sense, it had at least a symbolic obligation to identify itself with the political system of that time. Such an approach – a case study – also provides an opportunity to take a closer look at the mentality of those who destroyed the old order, the new ‘fierce’ ones who had risen socially in an unprecedented manner.
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The paper presents a case study of visits to World War I battlefield sites (monuments, sacred zones, cemeteries) on the Soča/Isonzo front. The focus is on acknowledging the motivations related to the construction of monuments and the role and interest of the Italian authorities when influencing and encouraging these visits. The paper will also attempt to determine the importance of this practice in the case of memorial sites at the Soča/Isonzo front. Additional issues addressed in the paper include how common visits to these sites were in the interwar period, who the primary visitors were and if and how this activity resonated in the tourism sector, and how tourism reflected the Italian national narrative in the contested border region.
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This study represents an analysis of the United States-Romanian relations during 1961-1964, focusing on the background process that led to the elevation of diplomatic missions to embassy status in June 1964. Primarily based on documents from the American and Romanian archives, it reveals the path to diplomatic ties’ improvement during the Kennedy years and the Johnson Administration’s first year. While Romania was seeking to distance itself from the Moscow’s economic and political control and to strengthen its domestic and foreign position, the United States started to reexamine her relations with the satellite – countries from Eastern Europe. In this regard, the study explains how the US’ perception toward Romania started to change, what gestures and actions influenced this change and how the bilateral relations registered progress amidst Cold War crises and international tensions.
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Holokaust v českém samizdatu
This is a Czech translation of ‘“Vergangenheitsbewältigung” auf Tschechisch: Der Holocaust im tschechischen Samizdat’, which is published in Peter Hallama and Stephan Stach (eds), Gegengeschichte: Zweiter Weltkrieg und Holocaust im ostmitteleuropäischen Dissens (Leipzig: Leipziger Universitätsverlag 2015, pp. 237–60). The author analyses representations of the Holocaust in Czech dissident literature published as samizdat in the 1970s and 1980s. He concentrates on historical writings, but also considers journalistic contributions, memoirs, and works of belles-lettres, as well as translations of publications. In particular, the article considers two aspects that highlight the difficulties one faced and continues to face when trying to fully integrate the Holocaust into Czech national history. First, the Holocaust was often understood by the dissidents as evidence of the inhuman nature of totalitarian regimes. This interpretation, however, led to placing the persecution of the Jews by the Nazi regime on the same level as the persecution of the Czechs by the Nazi and Communist regimes. Second, if there was a reassessment or questioning of the Czech national master narrative, then topics such as home-grown antisemitism or the Holocaust were not addressed. The dissidents admitted that Czechoslovakia also had its question of guilt, but they related it to the expulsion of the German minority after the Second World War. The Holocaust, by contrast, did not generate any similar debate among the dissidents. The behaviour of Czechs during the Second World War, the attitude towards Jews, and domestic antisemitism were thus not questioned at all. The Holocaust has, according to the author, therefore tended to be overlooked or, at best, mentioned only incidentally in writing about twentieth-century Czech history – whether the authors published their texts in state-owned publishing houses or in samizdat.
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The paper aims to provide an analysis of the politics of two local interest groups of Prešov, the so-called city parties, as specific forms of middle class dissatisfaction in the interwar period. Based on contemporary election results and archival sources, the first part of the study examines the political behaviour of the inhabitants of Prešov between 1920 and 1935, which helps to determine to what extent the city parties were popular among the multilingual and multi-religious voters. The second part investigates the social composition and the political discourse of the city parties. These local political groups were supported by 10-12% of the voters. Most of their followers were organized among the liberal middle classes, who were not able to identity with the politics of the big parliamentary parties. Their members defined themselves mainly against the Communist and Catholic movement. However, they also criticized the measures of the Czechoslovak government. And at the level of discourse they expressed dissatisfaction with the domestic policy of Czechoslovakia in the form of a virtual community of city burghers, regardless of their ethnic backgrounds. It is argued that because of the high percentage of Hungarian and Jewish intellectuals and entrepreneurs among the leaders and supporters of the local parties, this type of local politics might have been an alternative to the Jewish and Hungarian national politics at a local level.
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