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The article presents the program of sexual education prepared and offered by Krakow Branch of the Planned Parenthood Association in the wider context of socio-political situation in Krakow (1956 – 1989). Since the beginning of the Association’s existence, the special attention was paid to the development of educational program, which concerned the different aspects of „family life“. The article is going to answer the questions about its goals, the educational tools used to achieve them and its social targets. To accurately determine the position of the Association in the city‘s community I will analyse its foundation and activities in wider context of the pre-war traditions of the organisation and the activities regarding premarital counselling undertaken by the Krakow Catholic Church.
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The objectives are to analyze the development of the relations in the sphere of the culture between Switzerland and Germany in the 1930-40’s and to determine the reasons for termination of the cultural dialogue between the countries after the arrival of national socialists in German and conditions of its recovery after the Second World War. The historical-genetic and comparative methods were chosen for the study. With the use of the historical-genetic method, the evolution of the German-Swiss cultural relations in the first half of the XX c. was explored. Appeal to the comparative method has enabled to draw the conclusions about the features of the bilateral cultural relations between Switzerland and Germany in the period between the two world wars, during the war of 1939 – 1945 and post-war years. Scientific novelty of the proposed article is that for the first time in Ukrainian historiography an attempt to explore the development of the cultural relations between Switzerland and Germany in 1930 – 40's was made. Conclusions. The main reasons of the Swiss efforts to withdraw from the involvement in the German cultural world in the late 1930's – 40's were memories of the First World War, when the conflict between the French and German communities had put in jeopardy the peace within the Swiss society, and a desire not to create the pretext for the global public accusations against Switzerland of its involvement in the crimes of the national socialists, which could raise doubts about the issue of Swiss neutrality. The background for the restoration of the cultural dialogue between the countries was the desire of Swiss to support the formation of a new democratic regime in the neighboring country, which was realized through the activities of both individual private artistic associations and institutions, and the work of the Swiss diplomacy, which through the analysis of the cultural situation of the particular German states was searching for the potential areas and ways of cooperation.
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The article presents the opinions of the Polish society on the events of the Poznań June 1956. Despite official announcements and information blockade, news of the uprising spread across the country. Information was circulated among others by visitors to the Poznan International Trade Fair then staying in the city, by railway staff, as well as soldiers and functionaries engaged in suppressing the revolt. Voices of support dominated and were expressed at rallies and gatherings, in discussions and leaflets but also as inscriptions painted on the walls of buildings, inside factories or on railway carriages. The accounts are presented selectively and in a limited scope due to shortage of space, but are fairly representative for the attitude and reaction of Poles to the events that took place in Poznań on June 28, 1956.
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Starting with 1918, Paris becomes the center of Romanian propaganda abroad and the „La Roumanie” newspaper becomes the speaker for the Romanian interests. In the pages of this daily were reflected the suffering of Romanian war prisoners confined to prison camps. There are numerous testimonies proving cruel fate of those unfortunates who were abused both physically and mentally, despite international laws that compel the warring States to apply human treatments of prisoners of war.
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Bogdana Nawroczyńskiego bilans walki o państwowość, ziemie i język: na podstawie opracowania Nasza walka o szkołę polską 1901-1917
The following text is an analysis of the struggle for the independence of the Polish nation between the 19th and 20th centuries. This analysis takes an educational perspective and is based on a largely forgotten work of Bogdan Nawroczyński, Nasza walka o szkołę polską 1901-1917. When speaking about the freedom struggle one can distinguish between a more common meaning connected with military conflict, and a less common meaning connected with organic, cultural-based work. The second meaning is especially interesting due to the important role played by education therein. The organization of secret and official schooling in that period not only served to promote the spread of knowledge, but was also used for the rebuilding of the state. Nawroczyński's piece is also important from the point of view of contemporary problems and conflicts.
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The Stalinist period in Poland was the time of the strongest attempts by the communists to form a new sort of intellectual, in fact, their own intellectual. One who would not independently ‘understand the nature of things,’ but would do so with obedience, pursuant to the will and demands of the party. This metamorphosis, controlled from the top and executed according to the Soviet model, required a desacralization of the ethos of the intellectual whilst, in the stricte academic world - a transformation of universities from the ‘sacrum of knowledge’ into a producer of professionals/specialists. In addition, there appeared the necessity to exchange places in the master-student system, when the latter became the leader, initiating the academic system of a classless society. In practice, this meant a fierce attack on the pre-war academic staff, who were distrustful towards those in power. Young assistants/deputy assistants of a proper social origin (workers or peasants), entering universities by way of educational shortcuts like, for example, Preparatory Study, without a feeling of impropriety or of breaking age-old rules, destroyed the existing academos. They did not feel uncomfortable when breaking the rules since they were intruders in an area which, under normal conditions, they would never have entered. All thesephenomena, as a case study, were portrayed in the example of Maria Skłodowska-CurieUniversity. The significance of that university is that it was founded by a decree of the PolishCommittee of National Liberation and, in that sense, it had at least a symbolic obligation to identify itself with the political system of that time. Such an approach – a case study – also provides an opportunity to take a closer look at the mentality of those who destroyed the old order, the new ‘fierce’ ones who had risen socially in an unprecedented manner.
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The Romanian parliamentary elections during the interwar period were highly animated, especially due to the countless methods and possibilities of vitiation of the results. Each political party had at its disposal such instruments and methods, but they were most effectively used by the governing party at the time, responsible for organizing the elections. These methods included censorship, curfew, the use of the army, the police and the gendarmerie in order to prevent access to the ballot boxes for the opposition’s electors or to intimidate them, arresting the representatives of the opposition, the use of large quantities of alcohol to influence the voters, etc. In such an electoral context it is very interesting to follow the behaviour of the Hungarian electorate, which was, from a demographic perspective, the most important minority in Romania, also bearing an important economic role. By analyzing the detailed aspects of the Central Electoral Commission in depth, we may conclude that in the counties inhabited by the Hungarian minority we are dealing with the most peaceful elections of the interwar period. The number of complaints and appeals is very low, and there are numerous cases in which in certain counties we have no appeals over the elections result, cases that were highly “unusual” for Romania. As a conclusion, we may say that the Hungarian electorate behaved in an exemplary manner during the interwar elections, but the circumstances in which these elections were held did not allow them to have a great chance of success. The National Hungarian Party participated in all interwar elections between 1922 and 1937, and it achieved fluctuating results.
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Holokaust v českém samizdatu
This is a Czech translation of ‘“Vergangenheitsbewältigung” auf Tschechisch: Der Holocaust im tschechischen Samizdat’, which is published in Peter Hallama and Stephan Stach (eds), Gegengeschichte: Zweiter Weltkrieg und Holocaust im ostmitteleuropäischen Dissens (Leipzig: Leipziger Universitätsverlag 2015, pp. 237–60). The author analyses representations of the Holocaust in Czech dissident literature published as samizdat in the 1970s and 1980s. He concentrates on historical writings, but also considers journalistic contributions, memoirs, and works of belles-lettres, as well as translations of publications. In particular, the article considers two aspects that highlight the difficulties one faced and continues to face when trying to fully integrate the Holocaust into Czech national history. First, the Holocaust was often understood by the dissidents as evidence of the inhuman nature of totalitarian regimes. This interpretation, however, led to placing the persecution of the Jews by the Nazi regime on the same level as the persecution of the Czechs by the Nazi and Communist regimes. Second, if there was a reassessment or questioning of the Czech national master narrative, then topics such as home-grown antisemitism or the Holocaust were not addressed. The dissidents admitted that Czechoslovakia also had its question of guilt, but they related it to the expulsion of the German minority after the Second World War. The Holocaust, by contrast, did not generate any similar debate among the dissidents. The behaviour of Czechs during the Second World War, the attitude towards Jews, and domestic antisemitism were thus not questioned at all. The Holocaust has, according to the author, therefore tended to be overlooked or, at best, mentioned only incidentally in writing about twentieth-century Czech history – whether the authors published their texts in state-owned publishing houses or in samizdat.
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The paper aims to provide an analysis of the politics of two local interest groups of Prešov, the so-called city parties, as specific forms of middle class dissatisfaction in the interwar period. Based on contemporary election results and archival sources, the first part of the study examines the political behaviour of the inhabitants of Prešov between 1920 and 1935, which helps to determine to what extent the city parties were popular among the multilingual and multi-religious voters. The second part investigates the social composition and the political discourse of the city parties. These local political groups were supported by 10-12% of the voters. Most of their followers were organized among the liberal middle classes, who were not able to identity with the politics of the big parliamentary parties. Their members defined themselves mainly against the Communist and Catholic movement. However, they also criticized the measures of the Czechoslovak government. And at the level of discourse they expressed dissatisfaction with the domestic policy of Czechoslovakia in the form of a virtual community of city burghers, regardless of their ethnic backgrounds. It is argued that because of the high percentage of Hungarian and Jewish intellectuals and entrepreneurs among the leaders and supporters of the local parties, this type of local politics might have been an alternative to the Jewish and Hungarian national politics at a local level.
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This article explores the phenomenon of the ‘Green Cadres' at the end of the First World War in Austria-Hungary, with a focus on events in western Slovakia 1918-1920. The Green Cadres were bands of army deserters and radicalized peasants who hid in the forests and mountains of the monarchy during the last year of the war and then violently attempted to topple the social-political order in many localities as the state collapsed. The article suggests that they represented both the last major episode of peasant unrest in the region and a radical new attempt by the rural common people to influence the character of national and social politics in the interwar period. The nationalist dimension of this loose social movement appears to have been particularly strong in western Slovakia and may indicate some affiliation with the leaders of Slovak Catholic populism. On the other hand, the inability of nationalist elites to coopt the Green Cadres was in part responsible for their marginalization in narratives of Czechoslovak liberation as well as in contemporary historiography. On the basis of sources in Slovak, Czech, Slovenian, Serbo-Croatian, and German, this study argues that the Slovak case of the Green Cadres fits into a broader transnational phenomenon, which sheds new light on the history of East Central Europe in the twentieth century.
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Падането на Берлинската стена като глобално иконично събитие
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The contribution is analyzing the legal aspects of historiographical revisionism, in an attempt to highlight the role of the courts in delineating between legitimate historical reevaluation of the past and the denial of essential historical facts, the latter being referred to as negationsim. The experience of Western countries in combating negationism through criminalisation of various forms of denial of mass crimes or through the civil litigation is juxtaposed to the confused postotalitarian dynamics in Eastern Europe and its anarchic reception in the region of the former Yugoslavia.
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The author concentrates on the treatment of contemporary Croatian/Yugoslav history in several monographs, overviews, and summaries of Croatian history published over the past ten years. In addition, he completes a short re¬view of research on contemporary history included in the scientific-historical projects financed by the Republic of Croatia’s Ministry of Science, Education, and Sport. He concludes that when guided exclusively by scholarly criteria, the matrix of Croatian historiography is developing in a satisfactory manner.
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The article focuses on the students considered difficult to be educated, as a key target of the school politics towards abnormal children in interwar Bulgaria. The aim is to trace the main classification strategies and technologies for normalization of those who deviated from certain medico-psychological and pedagogical norms. In order to reconstruct the profiles of these problematic students, the first part of the article analyzes some general concepts and trends of school mental hygiene. The emphasis of interpretation is put not on the sanitary meanings of school health but on its social preventive agenda, including models of moral health and collective normality. The main concept of abnormality is clarified as signifying pathological and pathologized conditions, which, by reason of their social unacceptability, are subject of normative formula of classification and disqualification. The second part of the article provides typologies of the abnormal students’ classifications and a review of the normalization technologies, as discussed in scholarly and popular-scientific publications. The alleged congenital or socially determined nature of students’ deviations is suggested as a key classification criterion. In relation to it, the analysis considers the influence of constitutional, holistic and eugenic theories, as well as of the special education measures. A conclusion is made that in the interwar period, Bulgarian schools developed as institutions of “biopedagogical surveillance”. The medico-pedagogical strategies towards abnormal students, who were regarded as difficult to educate, demonstrate the increased importance of these students under the framework of state biopolitics.
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Franjevačka teologija je u povodu stotinu godina svoga postojanja i djelovanja u Sarajevu (1909-2009) organizirala znanstveni skup i proslavu pod naslovom 100 godina Franjevačke teologije u Sarajevu: 1909.-2009. Znanstveni skup je održan 6. i 7. studenog 2009. u amfiteatru Franjevačke teologije, a 8. studenog – na dan blaženog Ivana Duns Škota, zaštitnika naše Teologije – održana je proslava tako što je svećeničkom euharistijskom slavlju predsjedao provincijal Bosne Srebrene fra Lovro Gavran. Za vrijeme euharistijskog slavlja izvedena je Missa Bosniensis Andrije Pavliča: Bosanska misa posvećena sv. Franji Asiškom, svim nesretnima, ispaćenima i izgubljenima ovoga svijeta, te bosanskim franjevcima i zboru Pontanima, koji je izveo misu. Zbor Pontanima je osnovao profesor naše Teologije fra Ivo Marković. Dirigirao je skladatelj Bosanske mise Andrija Pavlič (inače je dirigent zbora Pontanima Josip Katavić). Sudjelovali su Amila Bakšić, sopran; Zana Staniškovska, alt; Jasmin Bašić, tenor; Ivica Šarić, bas; i Dario Vučić, orgulje. Pokrovitelj Znanstvenog skupa i proslave je bio Željko Komšić, predsjedavajući Predsjedništva BiH. Koji je smisao Franjevačke teologije i uopće koji je smisao franjevačke škole mišljenja od srednjeg vijeka pa do danas? Evo kratkog odgovora. Franjevci, koji su bili nadareni za filozofsko i teološko mišljenje, nastojali su veličanstvenu viziju Franje Asiškog filozofski i teološko razraditi. Vizija Franje Asiškog, koja se temelji na Isusovu evanđelju, naglašava bratstvo i sestrinstvo svih ljudi, ne samo svih ljudi, nego i svih bića, to jest svih Božjih stvorenja u svemiru. Sva bića u svemiru su braća i sestre po stvorenosti. Jednakost među bićima uključuje i razliku među bićima, jer je svako biće originalno. I samo različita bića mogu biti u jedinstvu. Tom vizijom i njezinim prakticiranjem u svom životu Franjo Asiški je ponudio alternativu svijetu mržnje i nasilja, u kojem i danas živimo. To je on rekao svojom poznatom rečenicom koja glasi: “Exivi de saeculo” - “Izašao sam iz svijeta nasilja.” Izašao je iz svijeta nasilja i počeo osnivati svijet mira. Zadaća svih odgovornih bića jest izlazak iz svijeta nasilja i uspostavljanje svijeta mira, slobode i ljubavi. Zamislimo svijet bez nasilja i zamislimo svijet u kojem nasilje više neće biti moguće. Koliko su veliki franjevački mislioci tu viziju uspješno razradili i koliko su franjevci Bosne Srebrene, koji su živjeli i djelovali na Franjevačkoj teologiji, to mišlju i djelom svjedočili, to jest otjelotvorili, neka prosude drugi. U radovima sa znanstvenog skupa, koji se ovdje objavljuju, autori su obrađivali važne teme iz različitih perspektiva, pri čemu se moglo uvidjeti da je do Istine moguće doći samo dijalogom različitih perspektiva. Dijalogom uviđamo da je Istina jedna i da nas Istina sve nadilazi i povezuje u jednu zajednicu, ne samo nas, nego i cijelo čovječanstvo. Karl Jaspers je rekao: Istina je ono što nas povezuje (Wahrheit ist, was uns verbindet).
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Along with the differences between the various organizational units of the territoryin relation to the time and manner of conducting the fighting, Ilinden Uprising and its leaders largely reminiscent of the April Uprising and the apostles of the Bulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee.
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