Edvard Kocbek

Author(s): György Lukács B. / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

The purpose of this study is to examine the political career of Edvard Kocbek (1904–1981), the internationally recognised Slovene writer, poet, Christian Socialist thinker and politician. Kocbek became well known in 1937, after publishing a long article about the Spanish Civil War, in which he raised his voice against the fact that the main Slovenian party and the Church leadership supported Francisco Franco. In World War II he and his Christian Socialists cooperated with the communists in the Liberation Front and Kocbek has received high ranking positions after the war, but as a Christian, he had no place in the new regime and was forced to resigne. After a decade, he could publish his literary works again. In the afternoon of his life, he raised a particularly unpleasant question for the regime regarding the massacres committed by the Yugoslav Communists after World War II, which was a taboo subject till then.

Látlelet a Monarchiáról

Author(s): Magdolna Orosz / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Arthur Schnitzler was one of the most prominent representants of the so-called „Jung Wien”, i.e. the group of Vienna intellectuals, writers and artists around 1900. His dramatical and narrative works demonstrate characteristic traits, social, intellectual and aesthetical problems, and figu-res of the late k.u.k.-Monarchy, and although he was often considered as an author contributing to the „Habsburg myth”, he had a very sceptical and critical view about his time and the Vienna society of the turn of the century. Schnitzler’s works account i.a. for the ’language crisis’, the crisis of personality in a very special manner, and in his novellas he introduces experimental narrative tools (e.g. multiperspectivism, interior monologue, unreliability) which makes him to a prominently modern author.

Hantos Elemér (1881–1942)

Author(s): Ferenc Szávai / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Hantos’ ideas contained progressive elements and made a realistic of-fer to the states of Central Europe. Its timing was unfortunate, however, because the new nation states’ desire for separation made its realization more difficult. Also, Germany’s breakthrough, and its new network of bi-lateral economic relations made virtually impossible the alliance of the Central European countries. Other attempts at integration have emerged too which also weakened the process. Hantos’ recognition, and offer of freedom from old grudges was a viable alternative to the weary nations of Central Europe. Elemér Hantos was a precursor of the spirit seeking the possible ways of coexistence, and no longer just for Central Europe, but for the whole of Europe: to emphasize what unites us, not what separates us.

Diktátorok árnyékában

Author(s): Gábor Székely / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Georgi Dimitrov (1882–1949) Bulgarian communist leader, head of state after 1945. His international recognition was acquired in 1933, follo-wing the German Reichstag–fire trial in Leipzig, where he was acquitted of Hitler's judges, accused by Herman Göring and Joseph Goebbels. He moved then to Moscow, where he became secretary general of the Communist International, wich controlled of the communist parties aro-und the world. He had a role in the elaboration of the popular front policy - successful in France and Spain. At the same time he had to suffer of Sta-lin's dictatorship, he had to experience the execution of. After 1945, with the Yugoslavian Joszip Broz Tito, many of his associates they saw the op-portunity in the Balkan Federation to loosening the dependence on Sta-lin. What Tito did, he did not succeed: the presence of Soviet troops in Bulgaria had decided the outcome.

Egy hiányzó fejezet Erdei Ferenc életútjából

Author(s): Zsuzsanna Varga / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

This paper focuses on a person being both a scientist and a politician who played a key role in socialist Hungary in the initiation of the opening towards the West. Ferenc Erdei (1910–1971) started his career as a soci-ologist in the early 1930s and was mainly involved in politics after 1945. Following the revolution in 1956, he drew back from his active political role. He established the Research Institute of Agricultural Economics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences which became the the most import-ant background institution of the Agrarian Lobby. My paper argues that the experience Erdei gained from his study trips in Western Europe in the 1930s served later as a basis for the „bridge-building” between the socialist East and the capitalist West. In my paper I investigate which western countries Erdei launched the opening towards and through which channels he started to build a network as well as the political and professional debates that followed this process.

A trianoni békeszerződés magyar aláírói:

Author(s): László Tamás Vizi / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Life, later destiny, political and public work of Dr. Ágost Benárd, minister of welfare and labor and Alfréd Drasche–Lázár, extraordinary ambassa-dor and authorized minister, who were the signatories of the Peace Trea-ty of Trianon, on 4th June 1920 were beyond the scope of examination of the researchers and historians in the recent time. Present study is aiming to fill this gap, with presenting the two signatories’ political and public ca-reer. It covers their education, role in the First World War and their work between the two wars. It definitely refutes the allegations that Dr. Ágos Benárd and Alfréd Drasche–Lázár were weightless politicians who were willing to leave politics and who were voluntarily signatories of the peace treaty. By contrast, the study describes both politicians’ work after the signing of the peace treaty, and proves with persuasive arguments that they were two honest gentlemen, who were suffering of and said to be victims of the events, they were the formers of the 20th Century Central Europe.

Gömbös Gyula

Author(s): József Vonyó / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Gömbös Gyula (1886‒1936) prime minister of Hungary (1932‒1936) started his political carreer after the defeat of Hungary in the First World War as a well-trained and talented officer. On the basis of his radical views influenced by different effects and because of his policy as head of government many people considered him that he took over mainly Mus-solini’s and partly Hitler’s views and political practice and his thinking and discussing politics were characterized by these facts. This study analyses the strong similarities and the important differences among the ment-ioned three politicians in the area of the ideology and the exercise of po-wer. The differences in the internal conditions of the three countries and among the characters of the three politicians explain the said similitudes and the differences. According to the author it can be prouved that Gömbös tried to creat a system (diktatorship) that (1) is similar to the fas-cism and the national socialism; (2) it’s not a copy (except the unsuccesful trial of the acceptance of the Italian coorporate system), but it’s about be-ing in similar societies the politicians give similar answers to the challenges.

1995-2003: POST-DAYTON STRUGGLE FOR EQUALITY

Author(s): Arijana Aganović / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This chapter covers women’s participation in the political processes and public life in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period between the signing of the Dayton Peace Accords and the adoption of the Gender Equality Law in 2003. These two events will offer a temporal framework for the following chapter. The signing of the Accords marked the future of political life in Bosnia and Herzegovina while the adoption of the Gender Equality Law marked a turning point in the process of establishment of institutional mechanisms for combating gender inequality.

USTAV BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE

Author(s): Goran Marković / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine ima karakter oktroisanog ustava, pošto ga nije donijela neka domaća institucija, nego je stupio na snagu kao aneks (dodatak) jednog međunarodnog sporazuma. Pripada kategoriji pisanih, kodifikovanih, čvrstih i kratkih ustava. Sastoji se od malog broja dugih članova, koji obrađuju ustavnu materiju nepotpuno, donekle neprecizno, prozno i esejistički. Strukturu Ustava čine preambula, normativni dio i dva aneksa. Preambula je kratka i sadrži osnovne principe na kojima počiva ustavno uređenje Bosne i Hercegovine. Normativni dio se sastoji od dvanaest članova, kojima se manje-više cjelovito uređuju pojedini segmenti ustavne materije. Prvi aneks Ustava sadrži spisak međunarodnih akata o ljudskim pravima i slobodama koji se primjenjuju u Bosni i Hercegovini, a drugi sadrži tematski različite odredbe. Ustav dosad nije revidiran primjenom amandmanske tehnike, nego odlukama visokog predstavnika, Parlamentarne skupštine i sporazumima entiteta o prenosu nadležnosti.

La byzantinologie en Bulgarie et ses récentes acquisitions

Author(s): Dimitâr Angelov / Language(s): French Publication Year: 0

Sur les cités byzantines aux XIe — XIIe siècles

Author(s): Petar Tivchev / Language(s): French Publication Year: 0

Uklanjanje 1945/46. grobalja i grobova "okupatora" i "narodnih neprijatelja" poginulih 1941-45. na području Nezavisne Države Hrvatske

Author(s): Vladimir Geiger / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The duration and intensity of WWII in the territoiy of the Independent State of Croatia, the presence of occupation forces of the German Reich and the Kingdom of Italy, armed forces of the Independent State of Croatia, as well as the activities of the Yugoslav monarchists and communist-led partisans, caused direct clashes between the belligerent parties. This led to a number of casualties both among soldiers and civilians. Irreconcilable ideologies and military and political interests of the conflicting parties in the general and civil war increased the number of casualties. The communists reckoning with real or purported enemies alike in Yugoslavia during WWII and especially at its end and right after it, was massive and without mercy. Part of the radical and total reckoning of the Yugoslav communists with their enemies immediately after WWII was the order of the Interior Ministry of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia of May 18, 1945 about removal of graves of "occupiers" and "enemies of the people" that targeted graves, tombstones of German, Italian and Hungarian armies, as well as those of the ustasha, chetniks and Slovenian home guards. The fact that the order was systematically implemented in the territory of the Independent State of Croatia is proven by surviving documents and testimonies of eyewitnesses, as well as by the state of the graveyards themselves. The graves of fallen partisans and victims of "Fascist terror" were protected by law, put in order and well maintained in Yugoslavia after WWII, whereas the graves of "enemy" soldiers and "collaborators" remained outside of the pale of the law. This remained so until the break-up of Yugoslavia.

Обнова Савеза јеврејских вероисповедних општина Југославиje после Другог светског pata и повратак прве групе јеврејских заробљеника и избеглица у Србију

Author(s): Mladenka Ivanković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The activity of the Union of Jewish Religious Communes in Yugoslavia (henceforth: the Union) was renewed on October 22, 1944. The Union was reconstructed on the basis of the pre-war organization that went into the same activities and bore the same name. Under the law valid at the moment the Union had been set up, it was treated as a religious community. In keeping with the changed social and political conditions, it was necessary to start the process of adapting to the new reality. The change of status and character of the post-war Jewish community was officially adopted at the sixth post-war conference of the Union of Jewish Communes in September 1952. This was made official by removing the word “religious” from the official name of the Union. After WWII there were some 4,400 Jews who had survived the war as civilians and members of the partisan movement in the whole territory of Yugoslavia. The population that had survived the horrors of the war in the Yugoslav territory was enlarged through arrival of refugees and POWs who had been in camps in occupiers’ or neutral countries. They were registered with the Union. Apart from Yugoslav citizens, among the refugees who contacted the Union there were also citizens of 18 European and non-European countries: of Germany, Switzerland, Turkey, USA, UK, Columbia, Spain, Syria, France and Poland. The Union of Jewish Religious Communes of Yugoslavia organized their lives too and took care of them, as well as of Yugoslav nationals.

Српско грађанство између Истока и Запада (1944–1945)

Author(s): Nataša Milićević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The Serbian bourgeoisie found itself in a particular social and political situation in 1944–1945. Apart from the victory of the People’s Liberation Movement in the liberation and civil war and the take-over by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, it was determined by the division into two worlds, East and West, socialism and capitalism. The Serbian bourgeoisie, like that in other East European countries, found itself between those two worlds. On the one hand, according to the basic ideological values it espoused, it was turned westwards, whereas, on the other hand, geographically and politically it found itself in the area in which the new political and social forces headed by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia strove to establish the values which canceled the very basis of the existence of the bourgeoisie. Particular attention was devoted to democracy, as one of the great ideas of the Serbian bourgeoisie. In meeting and clashing with the revolutionary forces it was defeated and virtually “disappeared”, together with the bourgeoisie as political and social class. After difficult crucible with it met during the previous decades – for instance crucible connected with the fulfillment of the national ideal, i.e. the creation of a democratic state in which all Serbs would live, or temptations occurring within the multiethnic state, or those, particularly hard, created by wars, particularly WWII - the Serbian bourgeoisie was weak, divided, without the aid of a strong monarchy, army and support of the Western democratic powers in that historical moment to defend and save the achievement in which it invested political, economic and intellectual capacity and innumerable human losses. The older generation of the Serbian bourgeoisie which had experienced democratic political life was biologically, politically and in every way tired and spent. It couldn’t understand the new times which demanded changing one’s ideological and political views and opinions, as well as moral values and their adaptation to the new times. Neither did the younger generation of bourgeoisie which was supposed to take over and lead the struggle for democracy have enough strength, unity or capability. It ripened in the years leading to WWII and had no opportunity to realize what the real democratic and parliamentary life looked like. The new times draw them partly into the ranks of the Communist Party in whose ideals they saw beacons for better life and arrangement of social relations.

Předmluva

Author(s): Jiřina Šiklová / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Genderové změny po roce 1989 v České republice

Author(s): Linda Sokačová / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Genderovaný pracovní trh: proměny diskurzu

Author(s): Michaela Appeltová,Nina Bosničová / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

O drugima

Author(s): Olivera Milosavljević,Latinka Perović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Interview with Latinka Perović, by Olivera Milosavljević.

Istraživač i erudita - Delatnost dr Latinke Perović u Institutu za noviju istoriju Srbije (1975 –1998)

Author(s): Radmila Radić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Dr Latinka Perović je radila u Institutu za istoriju radničkog pokreta Srbije, kasnije Institutu za noviju istoriju Srbije od 1975. do 1998. godine. Njeno bavljenje istorijom društvenih ideja u Srbiji druge polovine XIX veka i rusko-srpskim vezama, tokom te 23 godine provedene u Institutu, rezultiralo je opusom od šest monografi ja (Pera Todorović, 1983, Od centralizma do federalizma: KPJ o nacionalnom pitanju, 1984, Srpski socijalisti 19. veka. Prilog istoriji socijalističke misli, 1-3, 1985, 1995, Planirana revolucija. Ruski blankizam i jakobinizam, 1988, Zatvaranje kruga. Ishod rascepa 1971-1972, 1991, Srpsko-ruske revolucionarne veze. Prilozi za istoriju narodnjaštva u Srbiji, 1994), kompletnim priređivanjem devet knjiga istorijskih izvora (pisma, članci, govori, dnevnici, uspomene, izabrani spisi: Pere Todorovića, Avrama Petrovića, Mite Cenića, Nikole Pašića), objavljivanjem više desetina studija, rasprava i članaka u zbornicima i naučnim časopisima u zemlji i inostranstvu, velikim brojem predgovora i pogovora u izdanjima istorijskih izvora za XIX i XX vek drugih autora kao i nizom prikaza istoriografskih dela. Dr Latinka Perović je održala takođe i veliki broj predavanja u zemlji i inostranstvu, učestvovala na međunarodnim i domaćim naučnim skupovima i bila promotor novih istoriografskih izdanja. Svojom ukupnom delatnošću ona predstavlja jednog od najplodnijih saradnika Instituta u njegovoj pedesetogodišnjoj istoriji.

Bibliografija

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

U bibliografiju koja sledi nisu uneti članci, intervjui i reči na promocijama knjiga, koji su objavljeni u raznim listovima i časopisima u državama nastalim posle raspada Jugoslavije, kao ni nekrolozi.