La nature historique de la construction sociale.
Analyse catégorielle et réalité sociohistorique chez Reinhart Koselleck
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Analyse catégorielle et réalité sociohistorique chez Reinhart Koselleck
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The study follows the reforms’ development in the Ottoman Empire during its three main periods – the Tanzimat bureaucratic reformation, the European reform programs during the Hamidian autocracy and the Young Turks constitutional-parliamentary regime. Emphasizing the leading and unchanging motivation of the efforts to modernize the Ottoman administrative and political system by copying European models to save the Empire, the research highlights the specifics of this process through its various stages. The different manifestations of European influence in the imperial center and the Balkan periphery, the Islamic tradition as a sustainable context of the Ottoman reform, the deepening fragmentation of society and the increasing dependence on the Great powers resulting from the application of the “European recipes” are among the main features of the process. One of the accents in the study is the transformation of Ottomanism as an essential element reflecting the internal contradiction, eclecticism, inadequacy of the reform ideology, policy and practice and ultimately the historical vindication of the idea of the Ottoman Revival.
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Modern mountaineering (mountain tourism) is an urban socio-cultural phenomenon that originated in Western Europe in the middle of the 19th century. The South Slavic mountaineers followed the basic European model, while enriching it with their national peculiarities. The contacts between Slovenian, Croatian, Bulgarian and Serbian mountaineers became particularly intense in the first decade of the twentieth century in the context of the Neo-Slav movement (Neo-Slavism). Through this movement, the topic of mountaineering with its actual or alleged Slavic peculiarities and dimensions was included in the agenda of the First Slavic Congress in Prague in 1908 and the Second Slavic Congress in Sofia in 1910. Steps have been undertaken to establish a Union of the Slavic Tourist Organizations that was to promote their mutual knowledge and cooperation. The Balkan and the First World War put an end to the projects of all-Slavic unity. Despite the strained political relations between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia in the interwar period, the connections between the South Slavic mountaineers were not interrupted. They developed mainly within the Association of Slavic Mountaineering Societies, a collective member of the Union Internationale des Associations d’Alpinisme. Two of the congresses of this organization were held in Sofia (1929 and 1936) and that enabled the Slovenian and the Croatian mountaineers to get to know Bulgarian mountains and establish organizational and personal ties with their Bulgarian counterparts. The Bulgarian mountaineers also visited Ljubljana and Zagreb. Despite the attempts at ideologization and politicization, on the eve and during the Second World War the links between South Slavic Bulgarian mountaineers remained a beautiful page in the relations between the two nations that enriched their cultural cooperation and deserves to be studied and popularized.
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Professor Francesco Guida’s lecture, delivered in connection with his election as Doctor Honoris Causa of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, is a synthesis of the historical relations of Italy with the peoples and states in the Balkan Peninsula at the time of the struggles for national unification, for liberation and for political emancipation in the 19th and 20th century. The author examines successively Italy’s relations with Greece, with Serbia, with Bulgaria, Albania, Montenegro and Romania. The stages of Italian-Balkan relations are outlined: from the interaction in the struggle for national liberation to the political and diplomatic relations after the formation of national states and their inclusion in military and political blocs on the eve of World War I, shedding light on the Italian economic interest in the region as well.Guida also discusses the ideas of Garibaldi and Mazzini, which had a wide impact in the Balkans, too, at the time of national-liberation movements. In conclusion, he points out that the national revival movement of Italy (Risorgimento) and the national revival movements of the Balkan peoples had close and important ties. However, these ties should not be overestimated, because the ideas and the political figures of Italy did not exercise a greater influence on the political fate of the Balkan peoples than the Russian Pan-Slavism or than the political and diplomatic initiative of Austria-Hungary.
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The paper is an analysis of the motif of glass in the fiction of Bruno Schulz. The writer’s fascination with this particular material is related to the experience of modernity, sinceglass served as the substance of permanent and repetitive phantasms. In this respect, Schulz’s writing can be read as an artistically processed testimony of fascination with one of the material dimensions of modernity, which was glass architecture. The author interprets the modernist oculocentrism in Schulz’s stories, focusing on transparency in the spatial figures of the author of Cinnamon Shops (including panoramas, glass balls,telescopes, etc.).
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Jeder Historiker oder Archäologe, der sich mit der Geschichte und den materiellen Hinterlassenschaftender römischen Provinzen und des an sie angrenzenden „Barbaricums” beschäftigt, berührt mit seinenForschungen bewusst oder unbewusst das Thema „Romanisierung”. Der zunehmend umstrittene Begriff, demimmer wieder mangelnde Neutralität und imperialistische Konnotationen vorgeworfen wurden, bezeichnet alskleinster gemeinsamer Nenner die komplexen und regional sehr differenzierten Integrationsprozesse imrömischen Reich, angefangen von der römischen Landnahme in Italien, bis zu den hintersten Winkeln desImperiums und seiner angrenzenden Gebiete, die in einem graduell sehr unterschiedlichen Kulturaustauschzum Zentrum standen. Dabei steht vor allem aus archäologischer Sicht immer wieder die Frage im Vordergrund, in welchem Verhältnis die materielle Kultur in den Provinzen und ihren angrenzenden Gebietenzu dem steht, was wir mit dem Schlagwort „römische Identität” bezeichnen.
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One can rarely find a series of cognates as significant – for both the post-ancient history of Southeast-Central Europe and for the Old Germanic domain – as the Romanian lexical family that includes ban ‘feudal title of nobility’ and ban ‘coin, money’. It is rather surprising that no one has decisively propounded ultimate Old Germanic origins for those Romanian words as well as for their obvious relatives in neighbouring languages. Such a situation is most probably due to the fact that some earlier (Avar-Turkic-Hungarian) etymological explanations regarding the ban family came to be considered as definitive solutions, so they became a kind of “etymological legends” transmitted from author to author up until the present day. The main point of this study is to demonstrate that the Romanian lexical family represented by terms such as ban, bănat, băni, bănui and bântui (plus many significant derivatives) are far from being just borrowings from the languages of today’s neighbours of the Romanians. In their earliest recorded meanings, the Romanian words under discussion show surprising unity, since they all reflect a proto-feudal juridical-administrative system that can be clarified only by reference to the semantic sphere of Germanic words such as German Bann, Swedish bann or English ban. The general conclusion of this study (divided into two parts, published in two consecutive issues of Arheologia Moldovei) is that Romanian, as continuant of the Vulgar Latin spoken in Southeast Europe, preserved a lexical family based on Old Germanic loans with meanings that look even more archaic than the ones of the ban family (of Frankish origin) which survived in the French language.
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The article discusses how the authors of sixteenth-century Polish Catholic and Evangelical catechisms perceived and analysed the notion of “the Church”. Following the Tridentine programme, the Catholic authors present their Church as unified under the Pope’s authority and the only inheritor of the works of the Apostles. The veracity of its teaching is testified to with God’s unnatural interventions – miracles. Protestant theologians teach about “the visible and outward Church”, which exists whenever the pure Word of God is preached and where sacraments are administered in accordance with the Holy Writ. Alongside the Visible Church, there exists “the invisible and inward Church” that unites all those following Christ, who is the one and only head of the Church.
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The article discusses the fundamental problems of the history of Poland’s collapse and Polish-Russian relations of that period in the historiosophical concept of Nikolai I. Kareev (one of the main Russian historians of the liberal trend at the turn of the 20th century) in this aspect of the work of a Russian scholar in Polish historical science (primarily in works by Tadeusz Korzon, Aleksander Rembowski, Juliusz Bardach and Marian Henryk Serejski).
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At the turn of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, different historiographies began to move away from the interpretations that treated the October revolution as a separate subject of study. The revolution has come to be inserted in a series of events and presented as just one section of a long process. An important part of creating the narrative on the revolution concerns the search for its general historical meaning. From the liberal perspective, the events of October 1917 are seen as a coup d’etat that resulted in the establishment of the Bolsheviks’ rule, to which they could claim no legal right. However, it was the following civil war which ended in the Bolsheviks’ victory that enabled the Soviet system to take hold. The construction of the new state and the new society was made possible by the defeat inflicted on the Whites in the civil war. The revolution was thus only the first step on the road to establishing communist totalitarianism. From this perspective, one is justified in questioning the revolution’s reputedly crucial role in bringing about a significant historic change. In discussing these issues, scholars have been led to explore the possibility of making the liberal ideology take root in the non-modernised societies. One of the questions posed is whether the liberal ideology gives rise to the civil society or the civil society makes the dissemination of the ideology possible. In Russia in 1917, the public sentiments were largely shaped by those who had only recently stopped being considered slaves of the absolute monarchy, and the experience of representative institutions such as Parliament was still very limited. The fact that the rhetoric of social revolution is no longer used for interpreting the events of October 1917 can be regarded as proof that the founding myth of the Bolshevik Russia and its ideological legacy – the Soviet Union – did not survive the collapse of the state. It has been replaced by the narrative about the political coup d’etat that did not have social support.
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The 50s represented par excellence the timeframe of the Stalinist “cultural revolution” in Romania. From a historiographic perspective, it led to a massive elimination of the old structures of the historians’ guild, to the dramatic reconfiguration in terms of both topic and contents of the Romanian historical science. In this program, coordinated by Mihail Roller – a historian of the party and a genuine dictator of historical science in that period (1948-1958– the moment of December 1st, 1918 suffered even more than other identity instances of national history deep distortions under the matrix of “proletarian internationalism”. Between 1948 until the late 60s, December 1st, 1918 suffered metamorphoses that included successive layers (with ebbs and flows) of a nihilist-Stalinist nature, from absolute silence to the full incrimination of generating (and decision-making) political factors of this event. The Stalinist-rollerist historians have used, in turns, a specific linguistic and semantic lexicon: “bourgeoisie”, “imperialist war”, “adventurism”, “exploitation”, “national chauvinism”. However, the historiographic universe within the “obsessive decade” was not linear and it cannot be explained in exclusively Manichean terms as a fight between “good and truth”, on one hand (the “national-liberal”, “patriotic”, “anti-Cominternist” line) and “bad and false” (Stalinist rollerism), on the other hand.
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This is a review of the book edited by Radu Ioanid, Mihai Botez. Three portrait sketches. Documents (Mihai Botez. Trei schiţe de portret. Documente) Polirom, Iaşi, 2018, 442 p.
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The paper presents the opinions expressed on the pages of the German weekly Deutsches Adelsblatt at the turn of the 20th century in relation to the issue of the influence of social-economic changes and the advancement of civilisation on the life of noblewomen. These reflections served to update the catalogue of a woman’s tasks and obligations with new elements, such as better education and possibility of employment. The model of a modern noblewoman constructed by these means was reinforced with class-nationalist context, which, according to the opinion of journalists – made women responsible for the future of the German nobility and state
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Skaldic poetry that praised the deeds of the Viking heroes have been for a long time at the forefront of academic inquiry, particularly in the context of the Scandinavian activity in the region of the British Isles at the turn of the 10th century. Poems such as Hallfred Óttarsson’s “Óláfsdrápa”, Sigvat Þórðarson’s “Víkingarvísur” or Óttar Svarti’s “Hǫfuðlausn” have been perceived as testimonials to the memory of the Viking past, and they were often utilized by the poets themselves in their efforts to present their creative output as fundamental in the creation of the ideology of power. The presented article proposes a different approach to the poems praising the warrior deeds of the Scandinavian rulers. The author posits that the selected poems were not only meant to commemorate the warrior feats of their heroes, but first and foremost to emphasize their kingly attributes. To this end, the poems presented the victims of the Viking attacks as rebels and evildoers, righteously punished for their crimes by the sovereign and forced to recognize his authority.
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The analysis showed that all totalitarian regimes, although they had significant ideological differences, used almost identical methods of rule. At the heart of these systems is totalitarian terror and brutal repression against political opponents with mass-executions, detention (labour) camps, deportations, political trials and party expulsions of millions of people. Another important element of maintaining power is the absolute control and overall control of society and civil life by the secret police, which is entirely in the service of ideology and the great Leader. The secret police as the backbone of the repressive apparatus represented the basic mechanism of totalitarian power. Civil organizations were only the cover-up of the regime and the extended arm of the Party for complex action and control of the people. A comprehensive system of control over public and private life also involved the co-operation of a network of a million of volunteer-snitchers and informants. Well-organized and aggressive ideological propaganda, the censorship and complete media monopoly strengthened the support of the authorities. The propaganda and terror effi ciency has enabled the advancement of modern technology, as well as the need for the security of existential challenges of „people’s masses“. The system of rule emerged partly from the social and historical conditions and the traditional heritage of worshiping the rulers and the iron fist. Nevertheless, with the victory of totalitarian ideologies, the systematic state repression and propaganda, a completely new system was established, which was meant to create a „new man“ and a new society. Unlike ordinary dictatorships, this system requires from its citizens to involve themselves unconditionally in the construction of a new order. Totalitarianism, unlike other non-democratic regimes, does not limit freedom, but abolishes it completely.
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