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Smrt na Kosovu polju
20.00 €

Smrt na Kosovu polju

Author(s): Ivan Čolović / Language(s): Serbian

“The subject of my interest in this book are the ideological and political functions of memories of the Battle of Kosovo, from the first stories about them to the present day. I have displayed the documents that make up the examples of animating this story, and I have also organized them according to geopolitical criteria. I have divided the oldest documents on this theme into three groups: first, the documents of the Serbian church about Kosovo, then Ottoman, Byzantine, Italian and Western European documents, as well as documents from Dubrovnik. I have grouped the documents related to Kosovo from the 19th and 20th centuries according to the same principle, with unique presentations of Serbian, Montenegrin, Croatian, Slovenian, Bosnian, Yugoslav and Albanian examples. The panorama that is produced of political references to the Battle of Kosovo and the ideological messages contained in these stories demonstrate for how long, and with what intensity, the memory of Kosovo is present in the history of several Balkan nations and states, when and why it has operated in the function of their rapproachment and unity, and when and why it has served for their division and for the encouragement of mutual hatred and conflict (…)The Kosovo myth first appears in its fully developed form in the 19th century, when old stories about the Battle of Kosovo are revised and expanded in order to put into the service of the principal political-religious cult of the time, the cult of the nation, which will be the object of evocation of Kosovo in the 20th century and the first decades of the 21st century. That means that the examples of the Kosovo narrative from before the 19th century, that is before the appearance of nationalism, are different from the later ones and belong to the prehistory of the Kosovo myth. But since I have not been able to identify with precision the moment when that prehistory ends and history begins – just as historians of nationalism are not certain when it begins – I have not divided this book into two parts, prehistorical and historical, but have rather left it to the readers to use the examples I have analysed to follow the process of constituting nationalistic mythic narratives about Kosovo on the first half of the 19th century and their reactivation and political use after that.” (from the Introduction)

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Epika i politika
20.00 €

Epika i politika

Author(s): Aleksandar Pavlović / Language(s): Serbian

This book can, I hope, be read as a story. The plot develops during the first decades of the nineteenth century, when schiolars began to take interest in the Montenegrin oral tradition and when the first transcriptions and anthologies appeared. The story has its heroes: a bishop, Petar Petrović Njegoš, who was also the ruler and creator of Montenegrin statehood; a professional gusle singer, Đura Milutinović, who was also literate, educated, with a great respect for books and education, a fiery nationalist close to Serbian and Montenegrin political leaders; and of course Vuk Karadžić, the central figure in establishing the oral tradition as the foundation of national culture, and in many respects the central figure of Serbian culture in general.Thanks to the by now classic work of Smith, Gellner and Hobsbawm, we are familiar with the decisive role of cultural and political elites in „the invention of tradition“ and the genesis of national-romantic ideas and movements in Europe in the first half of the nineteenth century, and the significance of folk epics in this process amoing the South Slavs has long been noted. Although we are all familiar with the results, in this case the establishment of the Montenegrin and Herzegovinian epic as a national tradition, it seemed to me that the whole story, involving the growth and establishment of a new paradigm and its connection to the oral tradition, had not been told. In that context I recalled Sartre’s observation that Foucault wonderfully demonstrates that paradigms change, but tells us nothing about how they change and who are its agents (Sartre 1966: 87). Oral poetry may not offer the most gratifying grounds for such analysis because it is, in contrast with written text, a fluid, collective creation which is, from a methodological point of view, lacking in authors, beginnings, history. But that does not mean that the oral tradition is immune to change or influence from written culture and „politically influential figures,“ as we would now call them. This book represents an effort to identify those changes and influences through the example of a Montenegrin epic published in one of Karadžić’s anthologies.Some readers will, I hope, find the theoretical and methodological framework used in this research and its conclusions persuasive. Others might observe that neither I nor my predecessors in this field, after all, have indisputable evidence that Bishop Petar I or Đura Milutinović personally introduced new poems or rewrote old ones, and in that way reconfigured the oral tradition. Those readers might approach this book as a work comprised of an assortment of documentary and scientific facts in which concrete personages are not necessary, and possibly represent the fruit of the author’s romantic imagination. Maybe other readers, who remain committed to positivistic convictions on scientific rigour reliability, if such readers still exist, might save some time and effort and choose something else to read.***This book is based on the text of the doctoral dissertation, titled “From Traditional to Transitional Texts: Montenegrin Oral Tradition and Vuk Karadžić’s Narodne srpske pjesme,” which I defended at the University of Nottingham in 2012. In the preparation of the thesis I received great help from my supervisors David Norris and Vladimir Zorić, and also from the examiners Vladislava Ribnikar and Zoran Milutinović. My debt to Vladimir Zorić is especially great. He was my amicus certus, my source of support in the long process of applying for admission, seeking fellowships, writing the thesis and all of the challenges that involves. I also owe great thanks to my friends and colleagues (now scattered around the world), Stijn Vervaet, Alexander Dunst, Ivana Đurić, Stefanie Petschick, Adity Singh and Teodora Todorova for their perceptive comments and suggestions, and also for their help in confronting the linguistic, theoretical and existential dilemmas faced during my stay in England. My long friendship with Saša Ćirić has also left its traces in this book. But above all I owe thanks to Jelena, Ksenija and Ljiljana for the support they offer me in life, and Sofija, who brought into it a pleasure greater than any books or research.A.P., July 2014

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Anti-Corruption Policies against State Capture
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Anti-Corruption Policies against State Capture

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

In the tenth Corruption Assessment Report, the Center for the Study of Democracy provides an overview of the state of corruption and anticorruption in Bulgaria in 2013 – 2014. The report is produced within the framework of the Southeast Europe Leadership for Development and Integrity initiative (SELDI), which provides a comparative perspective for nine countries in Southeast Europe (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Turkey). The report’s findings are based on the state-of-the-art Corruption Monitoring System, and are complemented with recommendations on anti-corruption policies. The report argues that Bulgaria needs bold institutional anti-corruption reforms and personal commitment at the highest level in the judiciary and the executive to tackle state capture and wide-spread administrative corruption.

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Медии и политическо влияние
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Медии и политическо влияние

Author(s): Tihomir Bezlov,Konstantin Ivanov,Lyubomir Kutin,Marin Marinov / Language(s): Bulgarian

The interest in the media environment in Bulgaria is fueled by the manifold manifestations of political and economic dependencies of the media. External influence undermines confidence in the media and they lose their relevance as a means of forming an informed civil society, turning only into channels of private interest propaganda. Especially vulnerable is the press, which, due to the economic crisis and the competition of free online media, is subject to "political investment". Balancing and impartiality of the media are assessed by analyzing the online content of newspapers, information sites and national televisions. The media coverage of the debate over the second lift over Bansko, the suspension of South Stream, the local elections in 2015, as well as the general state of the regional media in Bulgaria are discussed.

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Białoruska ruletka. Opozycyjny kandydat na prezydenta o walce z dyktaturą
10.00 €

Białoruska ruletka. Opozycyjny kandydat na prezydenta o walce z dyktaturą

Author(s): Andrej Sannikau / Language(s): Polish

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Под сянката на Сталин и Хитлер. Втората световна война и съдбата на европейските народи, 1939-1941 г. Т. 2. Европейската демокрация пред унищожение
27.00 €

Под сянката на Сталин и Хитлер. Втората световна война и съдбата на европейските народи, 1939-1941 г. Т. 2. Европейската демокрация пред унищожение

Author(s): Plamen Tzvetkov / Language(s): Bulgarian

The period after the North or Winter War between Soviet Union and Finland was shorter than a month, but allowed the Soviet-Nazy Alliance to regroup and better plan their strategy of invading Europe. While the public interest was still focused on the situation in Poland, allies freely expanded the front line, whereas Germany seized Denmark, Luxembourg, Belgium and the Netherlands, and the culmination of their campaign - the occupation of Norway and France; and Russia took full control of the Baltics, after crossing over Lithuania. Some European countries to escape worse fate declared neutrality. The paralysis of Europe and the inability of the European governments to react and take adequate measures against this aggression seemed as the end of Europe and democratic ruling. At that period, Winston Churchill became a Prime Minister of the United Kingdom and nobody could envision how significant influence his policy will have and lead to a turnabout on the global political scene.

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Европа през XX век. Част 1. Политическа и дипломатическа история на европейските държави от Първата световна война до падането на Берлинската стена, 1914-1995 (в две части)
24.00 €

Европа през XX век. Част 1. Политическа и дипломатическа история на европейските държави от Първата световна война до падането на Берлинската стена, 1914-1995 (в две части)

Author(s): Plamen Tzvetkov / Language(s): Bulgarian

It is hard to perceive modern world without knowing the history of the European countries in the twentieth century to be remembered as the bloodiest century in the history. Most significant events at the time took place on the European continent. Europe has turned over the last hundred years from the cradle of the Judeo-Christian civilization, democracy and humanism into a proving ground for the most sinister ideologies - Russian Communism, German National Socialism and Italian Fascism. With Stalin's victory over Hitler in World War II, Europe not only lost its leading role in human progress, but also remained on the periphery of the Soviet empire. Only the fall of the Berlin Wall and the "gentle revolutions" of the end of 1989 gave Europeans a new chance to unite and take a decent place in world civilization progress, but the problems and challenges Europe is facing can be resolved in a more efficient way, if we know our past better.

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Европа през XX век. Част 2. Политическа и дипломатическа история на европейските държави от Първата световна война до падането на Берлинската стена, 1914-1995 (в две части)
28.40 €

Европа през XX век. Част 2. Политическа и дипломатическа история на европейските държави от Първата световна война до падането на Берлинската стена, 1914-1995 (в две части)

Author(s): Plamen Tzvetkov / Language(s): Bulgarian

It is hard to perceive modern world without knowing the history of the European countries in the twentieth century to be remembered as the bloodiest century in the history. Most significant events at the time took place on the European continent. Europe has turned over the last hundred years from the cradle of the Judeo-Christian civilization, democracy and humanism into a proving ground for the most sinister ideologies - Russian Communism, German National Socialism and Italian Fascism. With Stalin's victory over Hitler in World War II, Europe not only lost its leading role in human progress, but also remained on the periphery of the Soviet empire. Only the fall of the Berlin Wall and the "gentle revolutions" of the end of 1989 gave Europeans a new chance to unite and take a decent place in world civilization progress, but the problems and challenges Europe is facing can be resolved in a more efficient way, if we know our past better.

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Građanin Blagus
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Građanin Blagus

Author(s): Saša Blagus / Language(s): Croatian

Kontrarevolucionarni građanski rat iz devedesetih u Hrvatskoj još uvijek traje. Istina, vodi se drugim sredstvima, ali još uvijek traje. Znakova izlaska iz »olovnih vremena« ne da nema, nego je na djelu intenziviranje izuzetno regresivnih društvenih kretanja. Prije 14 godina sam počeo iskazivati neslaganje s rušenjem svih temelja društvenih odnosa i države koji su u sebi nosili klicu mogućnosti ozbiljavanja istinske ljudske zajednice, premda sami to još nisu bili. U njima je ipak bilo, kako je govorio Milan Kangrga, »nekaj ljudskog«. Svrha rata koji je Tuđman nazvao domovinskim bila je gušenje baš te mogućnosti. Imao sam potrebu protestirati ne samo protiv brutalne restauracije kapitalizma koja je eufemistički nazvana tranzicijom, nego i protiv naleta historijskog revizionizma kojemu je cilj rehabilitiranje i eventualno oživljavanje zločinačke NDH. I zaista, rat je imao sva obilježja nastavka »velikog čišćenja« koje u Drugom svjetskom ratu nije uspjelo. Radikalno zlo je ponovno eksplodiralo; ono prirodno, divlje, nagonsko, sirovo, surovo, još-ne ljudsko nadvladalo je slobodu, duh i um. Suočili smo se s materijaliziranim fantomom – ovdašnji, samonikli oblici nacizma i fašizma, ustaštvo i četništvo, ponovno su oživjeli kako bi zgazili duh evropskog moderniteta na ovim prostorima.

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Didaktički zid – Priručnik
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Didaktički zid – Priručnik

Author(s): Mladen Miljanović,Irfan Hošić / Language(s): English,Urdu,Persian,Spanish

The basic idea of this handbook is that there is no unnecessary or misleading knowledge, but only the possibility of being misused. As an officer after military training and work with the young soldiers within the military service, I considered that the knowledge I had gained in the process of military education at its ultimate point implies destruction and inhumanity. However, the idea of knowledge is its ability to be timely, humane and transformationally applied in society. Art is a field that can transform any kind of knowledge into a positive context and thus the society within which it operates or intervenes. After all, where we experience failure as humans we can’t succeed as artists!

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The Canada-Czech Republic Visa Dispute two years on Implications for the EU’s Migration and Asylum Policies
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The Canada-Czech Republic Visa Dispute two years on Implications for the EU’s Migration and Asylum Policies

Author(s): Massimo Merlino,Elspeth Guild,Sergio Carrera / Language(s): English

This paper critically examines the policy implications of the ongoing Canada-Czech Republic visa dispute for the founding principles of the EU’s immigration and asylum policies, notably those of reciprocity and solidarity. It addresses the main challenges posed by the unilateral reintroduction of visa requirements for nationals of the Czech Republic for the EU’s common visa policy, and for the fundamental rights of European citizens who belong to vulnerable and excluded groups, i.e. Roma, in search of international protection. The new Commission proposal on avisa safe guard clause for suspending visa liberalisation will be also critically examined in this context. The paper argues that the EU-Canada visa controversy reveals several pitfalls for the successful pursuit of EU foreign policy in Justice and Home Affairs, as well as for the legitimacy of Europe’s immigration and asylum policies. It concludes with a set of policy recommendations for improving EU-Canada cooperation in the fields of migration and asylum that aim to facilitate the legitimacy, solidarity and fundamental rights compliance of current and future cooperation frameworks.

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The Incomprehensible Flow of Roma Asylum-Seekers from the Czech Republic and Hungary to Canada
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The Incomprehensible Flow of Roma Asylum-Seekers from the Czech Republic and Hungary to Canada

Author(s): Judit Tóth / Language(s): English

This working paper analyses the flow of Roma migrants, in particular asylum-seekers, from the Czech Republic and Hungary to Canada in 1996–2010. Although the fate of the Roma is at the centre of events, statistics on asylum applications along with an interpretation of the history of migration issues, from the perspectives of both international relations and EU policy, illustrate the classical debate on state sovereignty versus universal or at least European solidarity. They reflect the debate on the binding human rights of fragile groups versus security preconditions and prejudices. This amalgam of migration, visa and asylum policies has affected the lives of Roma and their efforts to achieve equal treatment, integration and citizenship in their country of residence as well as their homeland.

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The Kremlin Playbook in Europe
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The Kremlin Playbook in Europe

Author(s): Ognian Shentov,Ruslan Stefanov,Martin Vladimirov / Language(s): English

The Kremlin Playbook in Europe analyzes the tools and methods used by Russia to exercise its influence on the continent. In particular, it shows how the Kremlin enjoys considerable surrogate power in some countries because of the oligarchization of their governance systems. It also highlights the effect of blinkered national policies which grant Russian capital access to European financial hubs. The report argues for a common transatlantic approach in the face of these threats. The report expands the map of Russia’s footprint built by previous Kremlin Playbooks, which examined Russia’s attempts to capture political and economic decision-making in sixteen European countries, by analyzing Greece and Cyprus. Their strategic location in the southeast of Europe and the eastern Mediterranean, common religious traditions, and historic ties make them an object of influence operations by the Kremlin.

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The Kremlin Playbook in Southeast Europe: Economic Influence and Sharp Power
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The Kremlin Playbook in Southeast Europe: Economic Influence and Sharp Power

Author(s): Ruslan Stefanov,Martin Vladimirov / Language(s): English

The weakening of the EU gravitational pull leaves a power vacuum in Southeast Europe that is readily filled in by authoritarian powers such as Russia. The Kremlin is taking advantage of the democratic backsliding and the widespread state capture among dysfunctional institutions to enhance its economic and political influence in the region. While Russian economic power in Southeast Europe has visibly declined since the imposition of EU and NATO sanctions on the Kremlin in 2014, its overall ability to influence domestic politics has remained potent and has even gained effectiveness. Russia has preserved its sway over strategic decision-making in the region most notably in the energy sector where it has locked governments in costly infrastructure projects. By exploiting governance deficits, the Russian economic footprint has expanded to include some of the biggest companies in the region in oil refining, wholesale fuel and natural gas distribution, telecommunications and retail. Their strategic importance for the national economies in Southeast Europe has provided Russia with an outsized political leverage. To amplify its influence, Russia has aptly employed a range of sharp power instruments such as media propaganda, leveraging cultural and religious ties and sponsoring of civil society activities. This report looks into the Kremlin playbook instruments in eight Southeast European countries: Albania, Bulgaria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia.

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Evaluating Governance and Corruption Risk in Bulgaria
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Evaluating Governance and Corruption Risk in Bulgaria

Author(s): Ruslan Stefanov,Stefan Karaboev,Todor Yalamov / Language(s): English

Corruption continues to be one of the main social problems for Bulgaria a decade after the country’s EU accession. The Bulgarian public is one of the few in Europe, which trusts EU institutions more than its own government to find a sustainable solution to this problem. Making sure the mechanisms of EU conditionality and public procurement support deliver on these high expectations is of paramount importance for delivering a lasting solution to Bulgaria’s rule of law problems. As part of the largest ever team of social sciences and humanities in Europe – ANTICORRP.eu, CSD has developed two case studies, which help explain the key risks of corruption in the public procurement market in construction and the way the EU has impacted Bulgarian progress on anti-corruption.

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Civil Society in Bulgaria: Between Social Entrepreneurship and State Capture
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Civil Society in Bulgaria: Between Social Entrepreneurship and State Capture

Author(s): Todor Yalamov,Maria Doichinova / Language(s): English

This publication analyses the changes in the third sector during the 2010 – 2013 period and at the same time outlines the positive practices in the social entrepreneurship as well as the risks that reduce the chances for nongovernmental organisations to effectively impact the democracy and well-being of Bulgaria.

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Topoi umjetnosti performansa: lokalna vizura
20.00 €

Topoi umjetnosti performansa: lokalna vizura

Author(s): Suzana Marjanić / Language(s): Croatian

The book The Topoi of Performance Art: A Local Perspective (Durieux, HS AICA, 2017) by Suzana Marjanić is a follow-up on the research of performance art from a local perspective, which I sought to integrate in the book The Chronotope of Croatian Performance Art: From Traveleri until Today (Bijeli val Association, Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research, Školska knjiga, 2014), structured as the first review of the history of performance art in Croatia focusing on the performative energies of individual centres (e.g. Zagreb, Varaždin, Osijek, Dubrovnik, Split, Rijeka, Labin, Pula). By changing the chronotopic perspective to that of motif and subject, in the book The Topoi of Performance Art: A Local Perspective I seek to explore performance art within the framework of its dominant topoi ranging from personal (personal mythologies) to political (criticism of political ethno/myths). While relying on the very political dimension, as the motto of the book I have chosen the statement of Igor Grubić on the occasion of his anonymous individual action Black Peristyle (held in the night between January 10 and 11, 1998), which was the first action and provocation supported by Croatia’s civic initiative of the 1990s and an action of exceptional civic courage. (author) “The edition you are holding in your hands is a different book in terms of content and organisation – many of the texts it contains were written and published following the finalisation of the Chronotope, and focus on specific subjects present in performance art or regard the performance works in relation to other genres and contexts outside or on the margins of that which we conventionally label with the term visual art. The author sovereignly tackles the analysis of the intertwining of performance art and experimental and pop music, performing arts, feminist and environmental activism, struggle for animal and human rights, as well as phenomena such as terrorism, refugee crisis, and other key political and social issues of our time.” (Marko Golub, editor)

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Tackling Kremlin’s Media Capture in Southeast Europe : Shared Patterns, Specific Vulnerabilities and Responses to Russian Disinformation
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Tackling Kremlin’s Media Capture in Southeast Europe : Shared Patterns, Specific Vulnerabilities and Responses to Russian Disinformation

Author(s): Rumena Filipova / Language(s): English

The report explores the scope, means and reach of Russia’s sharp power influence through the phenomenon of media capture in Southeast Europe, including EU members Bulgaria and Croatia as well as EU aspirants Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Albania and Kosovo. The comparative assessment uncovers the instruments, channels and narratives of Russian disinformation, the impact of Kremlin messaging on societal perceptions and the increasing overlap of influence tactics between Russia and other authoritarian states operating in the Balkans, particularly China.

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Western Balkans 2020: State-Capture Risks and Policy Reforms
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Western Balkans 2020: State-Capture Risks and Policy Reforms

Author(s): / Language(s): English

SELDI’s Regional Anti-corruption Report presents the civil society’s assessment of the regulatory and institutional factors enabling corruption in the Western Balkans region and emphasises some of the priority policy issues. SELDI’s monitoring tools provide data on the changes in the actual proliferation of two types of corruption – administrative corruption (bribery), which affects individuals and businesses, and state capture (grand corruption) affecting the functioning of democratic institutions and the government. With respect to the latter, SELDI’s State Capture Assessment Diagnostics (SCAD) tool reveals the presence of strong environmental enablers such as ineffective public organisations which lack integrity, impartiality and robust anti-corruption protocols. It also shows symptoms of business state-capture pressure, i.e. monopolisation happening at national, sectoral or institutional level. The energy is among the risk sectors, due to its high levels of concentration, inefficient corporate governance structures of state-owned enterprises and lack of adequate regulatory oversight. Furthermore, SELDI’s Corruption Monitoring System (CMS) shows that the acceptability of corruption remains relatively high in the region, while citizens do not trust the governments’ ability or willingness to tackle the problem. The public procurements are an area of particular concern. SELDI’s assessment highlights that tenders are often designed to favour specific bidders, there is a poor compliance oversight, overuse of negotiated procedures, and a large number of tenders with only one bidder. The judiciary also faces several deficiencies: overlap of competences, lack of resources, and influence of the legislative and executive branches in the selection and promotion of judges and prosecutors. The authors underline that releasing the governance from the state capture grip can only be achieved by an alliance of reform-minded policy makers, civil society and international partners. The EU in particular would need to be more active in its political engagement with the Western Balkans, providing them with a clear perspective for the future. Stronger engagement would, however, need to ensure that the benefits of closer economic integration with the Union do not accrue exclusively to a small clique of privileged oligarchs. The overall process should also neutralise the harmful effects of authoritarian influence in the region.

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Zu wissen, dass du noch lebst. Kinder aus Tschetschenien erzählen
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Zu wissen, dass du noch lebst. Kinder aus Tschetschenien erzählen

Author(s): Klaus Bednarz / Language(s): German

Herausgegeben von der Gesellschaft Memorial und der Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung. Edited by Foundations «Memorial» and «Heinrich Boell». Published in AUFBAU-VERLAG, Berlin 2006 Russian schoolchildren, like the vast majority of Russian society, know almost nothing about the history of Chechnya. And when a 15-year-old Russian schoolgirl asks the question, "I just want to understand why do we hate each other so much?" At the beginning of her reflections on Russians and Chechens, it may sound perplexed at first glance. But in truth it springs from the same spirit from which Heinrich Böll and Lew Kopelew once asked: "Why did we shoot each other?" Böll and Kopelew were finally able to state that there is no longer any hatred between Russians and Germans. To be able to say something similar about Russians and Chechens will probably remain a utopia for a long time to come. The statements gathered in this book by Chechen and Russian schoolchildren about war and peace between their peoples are a shocking document of contemporary history. But with overcoming speechlessness as the first step towards understanding, it creates hope at the same time. Maybe this generation has a better future after all.

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