Keywords: Civil Service;
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Keywords: juvenile delinquency
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Keywords: Security Sector Reform;
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Keywords: Police in Bosnia and Hercegovina; public security in Bosnia and Hercegovina;
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Keywords: Russia and the Balkans; Russian influence;
Currently (2018), the two main supporters of the region, the USA and the EU seem both too taken by their internal problems. Europe is indeed losing its attractiveness because of its own crisis and above all after Juncker’s statement about no chances of enlargement in the next 5 years1, postponing the process to 2025. On the other side, there are Turkey and Russia. Turkey, with its neo-Ottoman foreign policy, is playing a great role in the area, offering a new authoritarian model. Russia, also exploiting this vacuum left by the West, is trying to affirm its influence, mainly using the Orthodox Church ties and weapons trade. The most affected countries are Serbia and Bosnia Herzegovina: in different ways, approaches and perspectives, but they are the ones Russia is looking to in strengthening its position in the region, above all after Montenegro’s NATO accession. Hence, the research is going to focus on the comparison between Russian interference in Serbia, always considered a great ally with shared roots and traditions, and BiH where Russian presence is peculiar, through a direct impact on the Serb and Croat political leaders.
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Although the positive attitudes of EU towards Western Balkans enlargement, so many steps have still to be taken in the region for achieving EU membership. Only Montenegro and Serbia, the former more than the latter, look ready for a forthcoming accession. Montenegro’s accession negotiations started in 2012 and at the moment it is the richest Western Balkans’ country1, it joined NATO last year, and the main problem to be overcome is corruption. Concerning Serbia, the biggest country of the region, for its controversies a possible accession would foster stabilisation in Western Balkans, nevertheless the relations with Pristina should be regularised before confirming any kind of membership. To the light of the EU proposals and intentions, it is necessary to understand which are the gaps to fill in BiH, for it to become a candidate country, and which are the political, social and economic aspects the country has to improve for achieving EU accession.
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Keywords: army of Bosnia and Hercegovina;
The regimental system is a method of military organisation developed by the British Army over the last 300 years, variations of which can be identified in the present-day armed forces of numerous Commonwealth states including Australia, Canada, India, Pakistan, and the United Kingdom (UK). Despite its widespread application and well documented history, however, any definition of the Regimental System must remain fluid. Socio-economic developments, coupled with advances in technology and military organisation, means that the parameters of what a regiment is – in terms of structure, composition, identity, and purpose – are constantly changing. David French, in his detailed study of military identities in the British Army, postulates that ‘the language of the “regiment” is so shot through with anomalies that to talk of a “regimental system” is itself almost a misnomer, for there was much about it that was anything but systematic.’1Perhaps the only consistent observation of the Regimental System focuses on its abstract, emotional appeal. When joining a regiment, a soldier enters a community which offers them an inspirational heritage, a legacy to defend, and the support of a “family” in a manner considerably more personal than the faceless bureaucracy of an army organised along the lines of the continental system. Such a dynamic, it is argued, fosters esprit de corps and boosts the morale of troops, ultimately leading to increased combat effectiveness and cohesion. Over 130 years after Edward Cardwell reformed the British Army and established the Regimental System, the model was applied to the newly integrated Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Bosna i Herzegovina, BiH; AFBIH), a military with no significant historical links to the British Army or the wider Anglosphere. This paper will offer an overview of the origins and development of the regimental system in a number of countries, explain how such a system came to be applied in BiH, and compare the application of the system in the AFBiH with other militaries which utilise it. The strengths and weaknesses of the regimental system in the AFBiH will then be considered, and the report will conclude with an analysis of how the regimental system could be reformed in order to strengthen the AFBiH.
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Keywords: NATO; security; alliance; modern times; challenges; BiH;
Activities of Bosnia and Herzegovina related to Euro-Atlantic security structures, with the ultimate goal of institutionalizing relations with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, officially began in 2001 with the expression of the intention of the highest officials of our country to join this organization and activities primarily aimed at the inclusion of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the NATO Partnership for Peace program. This publication presents NATO and its policy in partner countries in order to offer the interested audience more detailed information about NATO with the aim of faster and easier integration into this defense structure. One of the motives for publishing this publication is the chronic lack of information on this matter available in the languages of the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Keywords: BiH; military; armed forces; human rights; 2010;
By ratifying the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights on July 12th 2002 BosniaHerzegovina has assumed responsibility that it will ensure the exercise of all human rights and fundamental freedoms regulated by the Convention and its protocols, for all individuals under its jurisdiction. This responsibility clearly implicates the protection of human rights for all individuals under its jurisdiction, regardless of the walks of life or organizational forms they belong to. It means that apart from human rights related to all individuals in BiH society, there are some areas which inherently do not allow for general realization and protection of human rights. Human rights pertaining to the members of armed forces fall within this category. On one hand, members of armed forces enjoy all rights and fundamental freedoms as granted by the European Convention, while, on the other hand, by the nature and requirements of their profession they inevitably experience numerous restrictions in terms of exercise of such human rights. It is only logical to assume that within the Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina, it will not be possible to exercise fully all human rights which are typically granted to those involved with the civilian sector, because of high level of subordination and centralization of such function. The delicacy of our task stems from the need to reconcile and harmonize human rights granted to all individuals with the obligatory restrictions immanent to the armed service. In accordance with the existing practice in modern European countries, the need arose to ensure the exercise of human rights for the individuals within that walk of life, at least inasmuch as it is feasible in such conditions, and, at the same time, without impeding normal functioning of the armed forces in terms of its defensive role. With this premise in mind, the objective of our research in Bosnia and Herzegovina is to examine the relationship between freedom of an individual member of the Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the need to successfully perform primary duties of the Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This task is especially delicate since, this is the first time that in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the concept of professional armed forces was introduced instead of former compulsory military service. This will give us the opportunity to use experience of developed democratic European countries which achieved certain results in this field and conducted research into relationship between armed forces and human rights of individual members of armed forces. It means that the project will mostly tackle the human rights fields which were subject to research in European countries, in order to pinpoint specific and characteristic aspects of our situation. Its most striking feature in this field is the fact that the armed forces are not mentioned specifically in the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Annex 4 to the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina), but in Annex 2 of the said Agreement. It is clear that future amendments to the Constitution will also regulate the constitutional status of the armed forces. Nevertheless, this research will be focused on the current state of affairs, regardless of the fact that the Dayton Agreement stipulated separate implementations for military and so-called civilian aspects of the Agreement, and that High Representative of the International Community is in charge of this field in accordance with Annex 10 of the Dayton Peace Agreement.
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Keywords: BiH; military; armed forces; human rights; 2010;
Ratifikacijom Evropske konvencije za zaštitu ljudskih prava 12. Jula 2002. godine država Bosna i Hercegovina se obavezala da će svim licima pod njenom jurisdikcijom osigurati sva ljudska prava i osnovne slobode sadržane u Konvenciji i protokolima uz nju. Ova obaveza države Bosne i Hercegovine podrazumijeva naravno i zaštitu ljudskih prava za sve pojedince pod njenom jurisdikcijom, bez obzira na to kojim društvenim sferama ili oblicima organiziranja pripadaju. To znači da pored svih onih ljudskih prava koja se jednako odnose na sve pojedince pripadnike bosanskohercegovačkog društva postoje i oblasti djelovanja koje po svojoj prirodi ne omogućavaju takvu jedinstvenu primjenu i zaštitu ljudskih prava. Jedna od takvih kategorija svakako su ljudska prava u oružanim snagama. Naime, pojedinci pripadnici oružanih snaga imaju sa jedne strane sva prava i osnovne slobode iz Evropske konvencije ali, sa druge strane, usljed specifične prirode i karaktera profesije koju obavljaju nužno imaju i brojna ograničenja tih ljudskih prava. Normalno je predpostaviti da se u Oružanim snagama BiH, s obzirom na visok stepen subordinacije i centralizacije te funkcije, neće moći osigurati sva ona ljudska prava koja su karakteristična za pripadnike u različitim oblicima civilnih djelatnosti. Delikatnost našeg zadatka upravo je u tome da se na skladan način pomire i sintetiziraju ljudska prava koja pripadaju svim pojedincima i obaveza njihove restrikcije koja proizlazi iz karaktera vojne djelatnosti. Sukladno praksi savremenih evropskih država postoji potreba da se za pojedince i u toj sferi društvenog djelovanja osiguraju ona ljudska prava koja je moguće u tim uvjetima ostvariti a da se istovremeno, ni na koji način ne naprave zapreke uspješnom djelovanju oružanih snaga u ostvarivanju njihove odbrambene funkcije. Polazeći od navedenog, cilj istraživanja je da se u Bosni i Hercegovini takođe istraži odnos između slobode pojedinca – pripadnika Oružanih snaga Bosne i Hercegovine i potrebe da se uspješno ostvaruje osnovna zadaća Oružanih snaga Bosne i Hercegovine. Ovaj zadatak posebno je suptilan zbog toga, što se prvi put u Bosni i Hercegovini uveo princip profesionalnih oružanih snaga umjesto ranije klasične vojne obaveze. Ovom prilikom svakako, imat će mo u vidu iskustva razvijenih demokratskih zemalja Evrope, koje su i u ovom smislu postigle već određene rezultate i izvršile određena istraživanja u uvjetima postojanja oružanih snaga i ljudskih prava za pojedince koji vrše tu funkciju. To znači, da će biti tretirane uglavnom one oblasti ljudskih prava koje su već istražene u evropskim državama u namjeri da se ukaže na specifičnosti i posebnosti naše situacije. Najmarkantnija specifičnost naše situacije u ovoj oblasti jeste da se oružane snage ne spominju u Ustavu Bosne i Hercegovine (Aneks 4 Općeg okvirnog sporazuma za mir u BiH) nego u Aneksu 2 tog Sporazuma. Svakako da će predstojeće ustavne promjene dovesti i do ustavnog normiranja oružanih snaga. Međutim, ovo istraživanje bit će usmjereno na sadašnje stanje, bez obzira na okolnost što se u Daytonskom mirovnom sporazumu razdvaja implementacija vojnog dijela mirovnog sporazuma od tzv. civilne implementacije toga Sporazuma i postojanja Visokog predstavnika međunarodne zajednice koji je zadužen za tu oblast prema Aneksu 10 Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma.
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Keywords: Western Balkans; BiH; security; borders; drawing borders; human perspective;
Ovaj izvještaj prezentuje rezultate terenskog istraživanja koje je Centar za sigurnosne studije proveo u maju 2011. godine u lokalnim zajednicama u Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH) i Republici Hrvatskoj (RH). Terensko istraživanje predstavlja kombinaciju grupnih rasprava i intervjua sa ključnim informatorima u dvije lokalne zajednice. Određeni broj intervjua proveden je i u Sarajevu. Svrha istraživanja je bila identifikacija potencijalnih nesporazuma u kontekstu označavanja granica na lokalnom nivou koji postati biti uzrokom eventualnog konflikta, te analiza utjecaja koji teritorijalni sporovi mogu imati na populaciju koja živi blizu granice. Rezultati istraživanja konceptualno se fokusiraju na problem postojećeg nedostatka informisanosti u redovima administrativnih i lokalnih struktura vlasti u vezi sa osnovnim problemima oko sporova povezanih sa označavanjem granica, te nedovoljnu svijest lokalne populacije i opšte nezadovoljstvo koje vlada zbog činjenice da ovi problemi još uvijek nisu riješeni. S druge strane, pozitivna činjenica je to da ljudi generalno ne pokazuju ogorčenje spram graničnih opština vezano za ovaj problem, te iskazuju zajednički stav da da je ovo doista politizirano pitanje. Naposljetku, Izvještaj završava setom preporuka koje su u skladu sa službenim stajalištima institucija vlasti Bosne i Hercegovine, međunarodne zajednice kao i sa stavovima građana.
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Keywords: BIH; security; police; policing; overview;
The results of this research are based upon the analysis of adequate laws and regulations prescribing the work of the Ministries of Interior and police organizations, the information on the budget resources obtained from official sources of the government institutions, and the interviews with the officials from the Ministries of Interior, Brcko District Police of BiH and other police organization in BiH. Over the working period we faced certain limitations, mostly related to the inaccessibility of the public to the legislative regulations, particularly those of Cantonal police organizations; this is why this research was partially limited to the work of those organizations which either make their legal regulations and bylaws accessible to the public, or which provided them to us at our request. This research project on police reform in BiH represents our modest contributions to the aspirations for embracing the highest democratic principles in this area of the state government. This research is comprised of five chapters: historical overview of police system reform in BiH; organizations, numbers and competencies; financing of the police system in BiH; structural analysis of jurisdictions in legislation and in practice; internal and international cooperation and final conclusions.
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Keywords: BIH; security; police; policing; overview;
The results of this research are based upon the analysis of adequate laws and regulations prescribing the work of the Ministries of Interior and police organizations, the information on the budget resources obtained from official sources of the government institutions, and the interviews with the officials from the Ministries of Interior, Brcko District Police of BiH and other police organization in BiH. Over the working period we faced certain limitations, mostly related to the inaccessibility of the public to the legislative regulations, particularly those of Cantonal police organizations; this is why this research was partially limited to the work of those organizations which either make their legal regulations and bylaws accessible to the public, or which provided them to us at our request. This research project on police reform in BiH represents our modest contributions to the aspirations for embracing the highest democratic principles in this area of the state government. This research is comprised of five chapters: historical overview of police system reform in BiH; organizations, numbers and competencies; financing of the police system in BiH; structural analysis of jurisdictions in legislation and in practice; internal and international cooperation and final conclusions.
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Keywords: BiH; organized crime; study; EU;
Studija o organizovanom kriminalu u Bosni i Hercegovini bazirana je na potrebi da se donosiocima odluka u institucijama vlasti olakša identifikacija prioritetnih strateških područja u borbi protiv organizovanog kriminala. Inicirana je željom da se popune eventualne praznine koje se mogu pojaviti prilikom donošenja javnih politika baziranih isključivo na informacijama i podacima koje su u posjedu institucija vlasti. Analiza stavova i percepcije građana o pitanjima koja su u djelokrugu rada nadležnih službi, trebala bi biti jedan od izvora informacija kojem će zvaničnici posvetiti adekvatnu pažnju, posebno imajući u vidu da je vezana za oblast vladavine prava, odnosno ugrožavanju ljudske sigurnosti. Rezultati predstavljeni u ovoj studiji nastali su kao proizvod analize kvalitativnih i kvantitativnih podataka, pri kompleksnom pristupu fenomenu pojave organizovanog kriminala koji se morao sagledati s više aspekata. Stoga je i pristup realizaciji istraživanja morao biti višedimenzionalan, pridajući podjednak značaj institucijama iz oblasti pravosuđa i sigurnosti, ali i izvorima koji nisu dio zvanične vlasti, ali su prirodom svojih poslova veoma upućeni u oblast borbe protiv organizovanog kriminala. Predmetna studija ne predstavlja dokument koji zadire i ukazuje na pojedine slučajeve istražnih kriminalnih radnji koje su provodile ili provode nadležne institucije, već ima za cilj da iz perspektive civilnog društva identifikuje područja realnih prijetnji koja bi se trebala uzeti u obzir prilikom izrade strateških državnih strategija uz preporuke za konkretne operativne planove borbe protiv organizovanog kriminala. • Mnoštvo različitih inkriminacija koje obuhvata u svom ispoljavanju organizovani kriminal, raznorazni pojavni oblici njegovog manifestiranja, te niz drugih karakteristika koje nosi sa sobom, doveli su do toga da danas ni u teoriji ni zakonodavstvu ne postoji opći konsenzus o tome šta se sve podrazumijeva pod pojmom organizovani kriminal. • Većina domaćih i stranih autora smatra da organizovani kriminal uključuje komponentu nužnosti postojanja veze kriminalne organizacije s državom i njenim autoritetima, kao bitnim elementom organizovanog kriminala. • U stranoj literaturi postoji mnoštvo definicija organizovanog kriminala. Među njima se posebno izdvaja definicija UN-a, prema kojoj se organizovani kriminal definiše kao "proširena i kompleksna kriminalna aktivnost koju vrše grupe lica, bilo labavo ili čvrsto povezane, u cilju ilegalnog obogaćivanja na račun društvene zajednice i njenih članova”. • Evropska unija nije prihvatila model izrade jedinstvene definicije organizovanog kriminala, već je usvojila listu od 11 njegovih karakteristika, od kojih treba da postoji šest kako bi se moglo govoriti o organizovanom kriminalu. • Prema Krivičnom zakonu Bosne i Hercegovine grupa za organizirani kriminal definisana je kao organizovana grupa ljudi od najmanje tri lica, koja postoji neko vrijeme, djelujući u cilju činjenja jednog ili više krivičnih djela za koja se po zakonu može izreći kazna zatvora tri godine ili teža. • Autori iz naše zemlje i regiona dijele zajednički stav da glavnu motivacijsku snagu organizovanog kriminala, kao heterogene i složene pojave, čini finansijska dobit, odnosno munjevito sticanje mega profita, kao i nemogućnost otkrivanja u vršenju ovih kriminalnih aktivnosti. • Analizirajući značajan broj međunarodnih dokumenata koji tretiraju pitanja organizovanog kriminala, može se reći da postoji izuzetno veliki broj djelatnosti organizovanog kriminala, ali se među onim najdominantnijim svakako ističu: trgovina narkoticima, pranje novca, trgovina ljudima i autokriminal. • Bosanskohercegovački institucionalni kapaciteti za borbu protiv organizovanog kriminala postoje. Oni su prisutni u velikom broju i sa dosta širokim dijapazonom kapaciteta, od zakonodavnih, operativnih, preko savjetodavnih i kontrolnih kapaciteta. Na nivou BiH postoje 142 institucije koje imaju svoje mjesto i ulogu u borbi protiv organizovanog kriminala.
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Keywords: BiH; security; reform; overview; government;
Starting from the fact that security as a category has always been the main goal of every individual, state and social community, and consequently a necessary precondition for their survival, it is necessary to point out the importance and role of security institutions in creating an adequate environment as a precondition for the overall development of society. Various findings from historical and other researches of the development so far point to the fact that security institutions are the basis of every meaningful human existence in society, its need to establish, preserve, develop and design, both its existence and the better functioning of the state.
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Keywords: BiH; security; politics; corruption; transparency; risk assessment; 2015;
Prisutnost korupcije u sektoru sigurnosti veoma je ozbiljan problem za društvo, jer se institucije sektora sigurnosti pojavljuju i kao objekti i kao subjekti u tom odnosu. Kao značajan potrošač budžetskih sredstava, institucije sigurnosti predstavljaju izazovno područje za koruptivno ponašanje, dok su na drugoj strani ove institucije glavni organi državnog aparata u borbi protiv korupcije. U kojoj mjeri su ove institucije sposobne da se odupru izazovima korupcije i efikasno rade na otkrivanju, istraživanju i procesuiranju slučajeva korupcije, ako su i same zahvaćene i podložne korupciji? Ova procjena pokušava doći do vjerodostojnog odgovora na ovo pitanje, putem analize kredibilnih izvora i prikupljenih kvalitativnih i kvantitativnih podataka. Kvaliatativna analiza pokazuje da pojava korupcije u sektoru sigurnosti nije uzrokovana nagomilanim problema u društvu, već je zapravo posljedica nedovoljno uređenih odnosa, ali i odraza cjelokupnog stanja države u tranziciji. U cilju procjene obima korupcije u sektoru sigurnosti, ostvarili smo uvid u norme i praksu vezanu za pojavu korupcije unutar sektora sigurnosti. Kvantitativni podaci do kojih smo došli putem istraživanja na reprezentativnom uzorku, ukazuju da se od pet oblasti u okviru sigurnosnog sektora, po mišljenju ispitanika najviše korupcije dešava u oblasti policije i to čak 42,8% od ukupnih koruptivnih djela za koja znaju ispitanici. Zatim, 14% građana smatra da se korupcija najviše dešava u sektoru pravosuđa, carini/graničnoj službi 10,9%, sektoru odbrane 4,5%, te skoro zanemarljivih 0,5% u obavještajnom sektoru. Pored rezultata kvalitativnih i kvantitativnih podataka procjena identifikuje rizike za koruptivno ponašanje u sektoru sigurnosti, te preporuke za unapređenje borbe protiv korupcije unutar ovog sektora za koje smo procijenili da postoje realne pretpostavke da se mogu implementirati u postojećem društveno političkom ambijentu i ne tako dugom vremenskom periodu.
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Keywords: women; security; local communities; survey: 2023;
The Centre for Security Studies (CSS) has the honor to present a publication „Security of women in local communities“ which unifies findings and the results of research conducted within the six-month project "Improvement of Women's Safety and Security in Local Communities - AwareBiH". This project is financially supported by the Government of Canada through the Canada Fund for Local Initiatives (CFLI). The aim of this project is to sensitize society, especially representatives of the security sector, as well as the legislative and executive authorities on the perception of security from a woman’s perspective. This would contribute to greater visibility and the introduction of a gender perspective in security, especially when it comes to policy creation and the process of its implementation. The project included three key activities. The first project activity was related to research, precisely, surveying a representative sample of women from Sarajevo, Banja Luka and Mostar. The questionnaire was focused on factors influencing the respondents' feeling of safety in their local communities. In addition, the research included women's perceptions of police officers and other relevant security issues. As part of the first activity, online interviews of women in BiH have been conducted, through which we asked them to make a recommendations on how they consider their fellow citizens can contribute to a better feeling of safety in their local communities/places of residence. The second activity included writing a report on the findings of the conducted research. The third activity included a public campaign aimed at presenting the findings of the conducted research. In summary, the project seeks to contribute to the improvement of women's safety in local communities, pointing out issues that affect women's safety based on their experiences and presenting the results of the analysis to the key actors and the general public. We would like to thank the Government of Canada for the financial support of the realization of this project through the CFLI.
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Keywords: women; security; local communities; survey: 2023;
Centar za sigurnosne studije (CSS) ima za čast predstaviti publikaciju „Sigurnost žena u lokalnim zajednicama“ koja objedinjuje nalaze i rezultate istraživanja sprovedenog u okviru šestomjesečnog projekta „Unapređenje sigurnosti žena u lokalnim zajednicama - AwareBiH“. Projekat je finansijski podržala Vlada Kanade putem Kanadskog fonda za lokalne inicijative (CFLI). Cilj ovog projekta jeste da senzibilizira društvo, posebno predstavnike sektora sigurnosti, zakonodavne i izvršne vlasti na percepciju sigurnosti iz pozicije žene. To bi doprinijelo većoj vidljivosti i uvođenju rodne perspektive u sigurnost, posebno kada je u pitanju kreiranje politike i njeno implementiranje. Projekat je uključivao tri ključne aktivnosti. Prva aktivnost projekta se odnosila na istraživanje, tačnije anketiranje reprezentativnog uzorka žena iz Sarajeva, Banja Luke i Mostara. Upitnik je bio fokusiran na faktore koji utiču na osjećaj sigurnosti ispitanica u njihovim lokalnim zajednicama. Osim toga, istraživanje je uključivalo i percepciju žena o policijskim službenicima i drugim relevantnim sigurnosnim pitanjima. U okviru prve aktivnosti su obavljeni i online intervjui žena u BiH, putem kojih smo pitali da navedu način na koji one smatraju da njihovi sugrađani mogu doprinijeti boljem osjećaju sigurnosti u njihovim lokalnim zajednicama/mjestima boravka. Druga aktivnost se odnosila na pisanje izvještaja o nalazima sprovedenog istraživanja. Treća aktivnost uključivala je javnu kampanju s ciljem predstavljanja nalaza sprovedenog istraživanja. U konačnici, projektom se nastoji doprinijeti unapređenju sigurnosti žena u lokalnim zajednicama, ističući pitanja koja utiču na sigurnost žena na osnovu njihovih iskustava i predstavljanjem rezultata analize ključnim akterima i široj javnosti. Zahvaljujemo se Vladi Kanade koja je kroz finansijsku podršku omogućila realizaciju ovog projekta putem CFLI.
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The borders of some countries in the Western Balkans remain disputed and unresolved, posing a threat to regional peace and stability and creating an obstacle to European Intergration. This report focuses on five areas in the region where border/boundary demarcation has been problematic, with a view to informing European Union engagement. Currently, border demarcation processes in the region take place at the national political level and do not take into account the views of local populations living in border areas. This report investigates what communities living in these areas think of the approach of local, national and international actors in managing these disputes and recommends how the authorities can act on these findings.
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