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Publisher: SAV - Slovenská akadémia vied - Historický ústav SAV

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Candidates for Power and Success. Formation of Elites in Modern History
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Candidates for Power and Success. Formation of Elites in Modern History

Adepti moci a úspechu. Etablovanie elít v moderných dejinách

Author(s): / Language(s): Slovak

Keywords: Slovakia;Czechoslavakia; history; 19th century; 20th century; WWII; interwar period; politics; diplomacy; governance; communist regime; Fascism; Nationalism; culture; economy;

There has been always been a great buzz around Valerián Bystrický. It is not different even today. His study is almost continuously occupied by his friends, colleagues and pupils. They work not only at his household institution – the Institute of History of the Slovak Academy of Sciences – but also at other scholarly institutions and universities. They come to him for a friendly chat and to discuss their professional issues expecting his opinion and advice. Authors who participated on this publication represent a small sample of them. The topics included in this book represent a very broad and colorful spectrum and the same can be said about the view and professional erudition of Dr. Bystrický. It would be not very useful to list all the topics he has dealt with. They can be found in the selected bibliography of his writings at the end of this book. It doesn’t matter if he is dealing with European or Slovak history; the 1st and 2nd Czechoslovak republic or the war Slovak republic; politics, personalities or society – all his works are characterized by comprehension, detachment and great knowledge of sources. He doesn’t belong to theoreticians or speculative methodologists of various systems and –isms. He goes to the problem always in medias res. His method is the accurate documentation of historical processes and consistent knowledge about the searched topic and sources. That is how his pertinent works based on arguments had been created. Many of them belong to fundamental and pioneering works of our historiography. We must admire the curiousness and interest of Dr. Bystrický for new problems. We can say that a man with such an erudition and detachment can’t be surprised easily. It is a gift or a privilege that there is always something which he is interested in – he is still able to contemplate and to think intensely about historical and social problems. He is a proponent of the necessity to always take a clear and resolute stand to key questions. He is not shy to let his positive or negative attitude be known. The latter possibility brought numerous stories, occasional good-hearted acrimonies and anecdotes that are still very popular. They originated from the fact that he is a well-known enemy of smallmindedness and petty wars. As he often says: „Something is always going to happen.” For a scholar of his caliber, one must admire the graciousness of Dr. Bystrický which has an extra significance in the scholarly circles. In connection with his natural authority, it has a special value mainly for the middle generation of today’s historians. He has always treated them with human understanding and they have had the opportunity to cooperate with a wise and helpful man.

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Analytical Historiography versus National History. “Nation” as a Social Representation.
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Analytical Historiography versus National History. “Nation” as a Social Representation.

Analytická historiografia versus národné dejiny. „Národ" ako sociálna reprezentácia.

Author(s): László Vörös / Language(s): Slovak

Keywords: history; historiography; essentialism; socialization; nationalism; social theory; Slovaks; Slovakia; Hungary;

The objective of this book is twofold. Firstly, it seeks to answer the following questions: Why is it that most mainstream historiographies remain informed and determined by national/nationalist ideologies in some important aspects? Why do “national histories” seem to be so right and natural? Why is it that the substantial part of theorising about nationalism remains informed by objectivist concepts of the nation and what are the consequences of this? Secondly, considering the answers to the above questions, this book offers a possible alternative approach to the historical study of nationalism based on a re-evaluation of the epistemological foundations of traditional history, broadening its methodological corpus by incorporating analytical approaches used in the social sciences and by introducing the social psychological theory of social representations into the interpretations of historians...

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Poet and a Place: Viennese Years of Jan Kollar
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Poet and a Place: Viennese Years of Jan Kollar

Básnik a mesto : Viedenské roky Jána Kollára

Author(s): Tatiana Ivantyšynová,Peter Podolan,Miriam Viršinská / Language(s): Slovak

Keywords: Jan Kollár; literature; culture; Vienna; 19th century; Slavs;

The revolutionary years 1848 – 1849 had a significant impact on the lives of all people in the multi- ethnical Habsburg monarchy. The revolution brought the Austrian empire and its sovereign new issues which had to be solved inevitably. In the new circumstances the main task for the imperial court was the adjustment of the public administration in the country which was to be handed over to new and reliable people. At the beginning of 1849 the government created a new advisory institution. The governmental advisors became the main proponents of the Slovak issues at the governing circles in Vienna. Ján Kollár was named the adviser at the beginning of April 1849 and thus, after thirty years in Pest, he came to Vienna where he later also died. In his new role Kollár focused on solving the Slovak issue – national rights of Slovaks which, in his opinion, were to be extended in Hungary in a several phases. Firstly he pursued to completely and definitely eliminate magyarization and finally bring it to its end. Following this aim he made some elaborates for the government. One of them, about national administration is still undiscovered. In others he was dealing with changes in the school system and in the Lutheran church in the Habsburg monarchy. Both documents are summarizations of Kollár’s ideas about how school system and Lutheran church should function in the monarchy with the emphasis on language and national equality. While working as the governmental adviser he also engaged in other spheres. He used his good relationships with the Austrian governing authorities for the benefit of Slovaks. He recommended people whom he trusted for important posts. He managed to put through the so called Old Slovak language (Czech language with some Slovak elements) as a literary language, was zealous to establish a great Slovak principality and he made efforts to solve all contemporary problems of Slovaks in Hungary. Shortly after arriving in Vienna he found himself at the Vienna University as a professor of “Slavic archeology“, which made it possible for him to devote his time to his greatest passion, i. e. studying Slavic past and mythology towards the end of his life. Thanks to Kollár’s stay at the university, his last works were dedicated to the oldest history of Slavs in the European area. He became the pioneer of archeological research in which he tried to use the available scientific works and also to create new scientific terminology. Staroitalia slavjanska… with almost 900 pages was Kollar’s largest volume published. It was a mixture of the method of his previous scientific works aimed mainly at etymological explanation of national names (Rozprawy…, Sláwa Bohyně…) with a new archeological range. The last elaborated sphere of Kollár’s scientific interest at the end of the 1840s and the beginning of the 1850s were the so called Prillwitz idols allegedly representing the deity from Retra, about which, towards the end of his life, Kollár wrote a vast book with the same title which was never published.

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Czechoslovak Foreign Policy 1945 - 1992 (selected events and facts in dates)
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Czechoslovak Foreign Policy 1945 - 1992 (selected events and facts in dates)

Československá zahraničná politika 1945 – 1992 (vybrané udalosti a fakty v dátumoch)

Author(s): Pavol Petruf / Language(s): Slovak

Keywords: Czechoslovakia; Federal Republic; Czechoslovak Socialist Republic; foreign policy; diplomacy;

Nie je nijakým tajomstvom, že dejiny zahraničnej politiky určitého štátu – práve tak ako dejiny vo všeobecnosti – nemožno redukovať na číru „katalogizáciu“ jednotlivých historických udalostí a faktov zoradených v časovej postupnosti. Pokus objasniť určitý výsek minulosti len pomocou súboru rozličných základných dát v sebe skrýva úskalie aj preto, že informácie, ktoré takéto dáta obsahujú, sú vždy kusé: ich výpovedná hodnota sa pritom nedá zvýšiť jednoduchým hromadením ďalších základných historických údajov, ale len ich komentovaním alebo zhodnotením v tých prípadoch, keď si to ich povaha a vzájomná podmienenosť vyžaduje. Autor tejto chronologickej príručky vychádzal pri jej príprave z uvedených skutočností, ale zároveň aj z praxou overeného poznatku, že základné historické dáta samé osebe síce nemajú rozhodujúci význam pre poznanie minulosti, ale sú jeho nevyhnutným predpokladom. Navyše umožňujú poukázať na tie stránky minulého vývoja – v našom prípade československej zahraničnej politiky v rokoch 1945-1992 –, ktoré v prácach zovšeobecňujúceho rázu (ale i v učebniciach dejepisu určených pre rozličné typy škôl) chýbajú, lebo ich štruktúra je nevyhnutne iná než vecné členenie a obsahová náplň chronologického prehľadu. Zatiaľ čo v syntetických prá- cach sa v koreláciii so spracúvanou témou kladie dôraz na primeraný výber nosných faktov a čo najúplnejší popis súvislostí medzi nimi, cieľom publikácií zaoberajúcich sa „dejinami v dátumoch“ je priniesť čo najväčšie množstvo relevantných historických dát bez toho, aby sa pri každom uvedenom údaji obligátne poukazovalo na s ním spojené špecifické súvislosti. Tejto praxe sa v zásade pridržiaval aj autor príručky. O širších súvislostiach uvádzaných historických dát sa zmienil iba v tých prípadoch, keď si to ich obsah bezpodmienečne vyžadoval. Išlo najmä o udalosti, ktorých účinky boli dlhodobejšieho rázu, alebo ktoré svojím významom podstatne ovplyvnili agendu a aktivitu československej zahraničnej politiky v sledovanom období. Námatkovo možno v tejto spojitosti spomenúť napríklad Marshallov plán, inváziu vojsk piatich socialistických krajín do ČSSR v auguste 1968, problémy spojené s výstavbou sústavy vodných diel Gabčíkovo – Nagymaros atď. V uvedených prípadoch sa autor usiloval – v rozsahu, ktorý je pre daný typ publikácie únosný – podrobnejšie zachytiť sled s nimi spojených udalostí a súvislostí, alebo o nich aspoň obšírnejšie informovať. Používateľ tohto chronologického prehľadu sa však nesmie domnievať, že v ňom nájde všetky základné historické dáta týkajúce sa československej zahraničnej politiky v rokoch 1945-1992. Kompletná sumarizácia takýchto dát je prakticky nemožná už z technických príčin súvisiacich nielen s ich zhromaždením, ale i s následným publikovaním v rozsahu akceptovateľnom tak pre vydavateľa, ako i používateľa. Pri prácach tohto druhu preto vždy vzniká otázka, ktoré udalosti a fakty do nich zaradiť a ktoré z nich, naopak, vypustiť. Tak prichádza k slovu „subjektívny faktor“, t. j. názor zostavovateľa. Tento faktor je osobitne dôležitý najmä v prípade, ak autorom príručky je jedinec, a nie kolektív pracovníkov rovnako zasvätených do daného druhu práce a pripravených i povinných – najčastejšie formou priebežnej internej oponentúry – korigovať eventuálne nesprávne rozhodnutie týkajúce sa výberu historických dát. Bolo, napríklad, stiahnutie sovietskych vojsk z Afganistanu na sklonku osemdesiatych rokov minulého storočia udalosťou, ktorá stojí za krátku zmienku v chronologickej príručke k dejinám československej zahraničnej politiky v rokoch 1945-1992? V užšom zmysle ňou nemuselo byť, ale v širšom zmysle ňou zrejme bolo, lebo uvedený krok svedčil nielen o prehodnocovaní dovtedajších postojov sovietskeho vedenia k závažným dobovým medzinárodným problémom, ale bol aj signálom, že Kremeľ sa pod tlakom určitých okolností ocitol pred nutnosťou redukovať mocenské ambície ZSSR. Keďže tento fakt nemohol byť z hľadiska historickej perspektívy irelevantný ani pre československú zahraničnú politiku, autor tejto príručky sa priklonil k názoru, že o stiahnutí sovietskych vojsk z Afganistanu sa v nej treba stručne zmieniť. S podobnými dilemami bolo potrené sa vysporiadať v mnohých ďalších prípadoch. Pokiaľ ide o štruktúru práce, jej autor pokladá za potrebné uviesť, že pomerne veľké množstvo a vecná rôznorodosť údajov, ktoré obsahuje, si bezpodmienečne vyžadovali rozdeliť ju do viacerých častí. Ich názvy zreteľne hovoria o ich obsahu a uľahčujú vyhľadá- vanie potrebných údajov. Na ten istý účel slúži i menný register. Na tomto mieste si autor dovoľuje uviesť i niekoľko drobných praktických rád, ktoré môžu používateľovi pomôcť získať o hľadanej položke čo najviac informácií. Ak má záujem zistiť si napríklad údaj o určitej bilaterálnej zmluve uzavretej Československom s inou zmluvnou stranou, stačí mu nazrieť do časti venovanej dvojstranným zmluvám a v príslušnom dokumente vyhľadať požadovaný (základný) údaj (ak pozná rok uzavretia zmluvy alebo jej signatárov, stačí mu pozrieť si príslušný rok alebo si vypomôcť nahliadnutím do menného registra). Ak bola hľadaná zmluva uzavretá v Prahe a používateľ príručky má záujem zistiť, či zmocnenec druhej zmluvnej strany bol prijatý prezidentom republiky alebo iným vtedajším československým ústavným činiteľom, môžu mu byť nápomocné údaje uvedené v častiach týkajúcich sa prijatí hlavou štátu alebo iným ústavným činiteľom; ak potrebuje zistiť, odkedy boli s dotyčnou zmluvnou stranou udržiavané diplomatické styky, môže mu byť užitočná II. časť príručky. Kombináciou údajov z viacerých častí práce možno spravidla vždy získať ucelenejší súbor informácií o hľadanej udalosti alebo nejakom inom akte. Na druhej strane treba ešte raz pripomenúť, že limitovaný rozsah chronologickej príručky neumožnil jej autorovi ani v najväčšej stručnosti informovať napríklad o obsahu rokovaní na zasadaniach Výkonného výboru Rady vzájomnej hospodárskej pomoci. Tieto informácie môže záujemca nájsť buď v publikovaných dokumentoch a knižných prácach uvedených v zozname použitých prameňov a literatúry, alebo v niektorých prípadoch i v dobovej dennej tlači. Hľadanie mu uľahčí informácia o dátume konania príslušného zasadania alebo iného podujatia či udalosti, ktorá je v chronologickej príručke vždy uvedená. A ešte jednu vec nemožno ponechať bez krátkeho komentára: pri veľkom množstve uvádzaných historických dát sa nedá vyhnúť eventuálnemu omylu v datovaní niektorých historických udalostí alebo nepresnosti pri prepise mien niektorých menej známych historických osobností. Jedno i druhé môže byť spôsobené buď rozpornosťou údajov uvádzaných v použitých prameňoch a nevyhnutnosťou prikloniť sa k jednému z nich, alebo i nedopatrením pri prepisovaní textu. Počet takýchto prípadov by však v nijakom prípade nemal presiahnuť tolerovateľnú hranicu. Autor chronologickej príručky si záverom dovoľuje vysloviť názor, že jeho práca pomôže záujemcom o československú zahranič- nú politiku v rokoch 1945-1992 oboznámiť sa aspoň v skromnej miere i s tými jej stránkami a aktivitami, bez poznania ktorých by obraz o nej bol neúplný a azda i skreslený.

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Chronology of ancient history of Slovakia
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Chronology of ancient history of Slovakia

Chronológia starších slovenských dejín

Author(s): Ján Lukačka,Vladimír Turčan,Viliam Čičaj,Mária Kohútová / Language(s): Slovak

Keywords: Slovakia; history; chronology; ancient history; empires; identity; Europe;

The chronology of ancient history of Slovakia is summarizing the basic historical data concerning the history of Slovakia from the Prehistorich Ages to the first half of the 19th century. It was, of course, not possible to pay attention to every single event, that took place in the above mentioned period; the intention of the editors of the presented chronology was to highlight such events that are either significant for the discussed period or created the start of a new development. To prepare a satisfactory chronology of prehistory is a very hard task, since especially in the period of Paleolith, it is almost impossible to settle the exact date of particular events. Dating the single historical events exactly is more easily by approaching the turn of the era. It concerns especially the Roman Ages, a period we can rely on first writen documents describing the events on the territory of Slovakia. The Migration Period which occurred within the period of roughly AD 300-600 was a new chapter in the history of human, that markedly changed the ethnical map of Europe. This was the time when our Slavic ancestors settled the Danube area. In the past Slovakia created an integral part of big multiethnical empires (Great Moravian Empire, Kingdom of Hungary). This was the reason we took a broad historical context into our considerations, although the chronology is primarily focused on events connected with the historical area of today's Slovakia. Thanks to the growing number of writen documents available, the sequence of historical events taking place in the Midle Ages and the early Modern Period is more dynamic and “colorful” Similar to other chronologies of this type, our publication has not the ambition to neither bring an broad explanation of singular issues nor to explain them. Our goal was to provide a gene¬ral information concerning historical personalities or events. The possibility of selecting historical data and their representativity was limited by the number of collected editions, collections of documents, monographs and papers dealing with Slovak history. It should be underlined, that some historical periods and issues still wait for a critical evaluation. Thus, there is no doubt that more detailed and deep-going historical chronologies will be elaborated in the future, since we optimistically assume that the efforts designed to collect and elaborate new data concerning the history of Slovakia will become more effective and easier thanks to the new informational technologies.

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Electrification in the Economic and Social Life of Slovakia 1938 - 1948
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Electrification in the Economic and Social Life of Slovakia 1938 - 1948

Elektrifikácia v hospodárskom a spoločenskom živote Slovenska 1938 - 1948

Author(s): Miroslav Sabol / Language(s): Slovak

Keywords: Slovakia; electrification; economy; economic development; 20th century;

In the first half of the 20th century, the process of electrification was the background for economic development. In Slovakia, a breakthrough in the process of electrification began in 1918 after progressive large-area electrification. Between the two World Wars, the process went from local to a regional stage. Economic development in Slovakia in the following years 1938-1942 can be defined as a progressive transition from regional into a nationwide stage of electrification. In Slovakia, there were five state-owned power station companies working until 1942. Their main aim was the systemic electrification of areas given to them. Also, they had to harmonize an overall fragmentation of electrification process into one technical uniformity. That is why they had various legal and tax advantages than private power station companies. Slovakia, as the independent state set up in March 1939, had its economy under the influence of Nazi’s Germany economy, therefore it had to fulfil its interests. This influence changed the area of energetics as well. The first years after the new state was set up were unfavourable for the electrification process because of ill-judged personal changes, lack of finances as well as materials. Situation became more difficult when Slovakia ceded Hungary its South region on the basis of Vienna arbitrary decision. Power station companies lost their third of invested capital in already electrificated cities and municipalities which became a part of Hungary. In 1942, those five power station companies united into one company called Slovenské elektrárne. This company coordinated the large-area electrification in Slovakia. Number of electric energy consumers was constantly increasing due to consistent acquisition. Energy from water sources was used by hydroelectric power stations built across large Slovak rivers. Overall favourable development was interrupted by the passage of troops across Slovakia in 1944-1945. German troops destroyed lots of electrical utilities and paralyzed the electric supply. Damaged utilities were repaired during the first months after the war ended. In autumn 1945, all the power stations were nationalized in Slovakia. In 1946, Slovenské elektrárne and České elektrárne united into Československé energetické závody. A two-year plan for reconstruction of war-destroyed economy passed. Before the communist party entered in 1948, the number of electrificated cities and municipalities increased as well as the production and consumption of electric energy.

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Evanjelické a. v. spoločenstvo v 18. storočí
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Evanjelické a. v. spoločenstvo v 18. storočí

Evanjelické a. v. spoločenstvo v 18. storočí

Author(s): Eva Kowalská / Language(s): Slovak

Keywords: Catholicism; 18th century; Habsburg monarchy; Hungary; Evangelic church;

The association with the Catholicism and the Roman Catholic Church had already in the past been perceived by the dynasty of Habsburgs as an expression of unity and strength of the widely differentiated union of states. However, it was only during the seemingly quiet time period of the 18th century that the dynasty managed to turn the Catholic Church into one of the means of enforcing their power and the power of the state. In addition, the confessional structure of the society in the monarchy was changed as well: the non-Catholics, though still marginal, developed into a quite important group of believers. The time period, during which the modernisation of the life in the Habsburg monarchy started through the reforming effort of the state power, brought along principal changes to the life of the Protestant communities. The position of the Protestant churches in the civil society started to shift from oppression towards acceptance by the civil society, and their internal development could finally comply with their internal needs. The functioning of the Lutheran community and Church in the society is described in the introductory chapter. Here, an attention is given to the destinies of people who suffered under the confessional oppression, but also to the methods and controversial results of the re-Catholicizing measures, as they were recorded by the Lutheran agent of the Vienna court (or the Hungarian Court Office) in his official dairies. The changes in the every-day coexistence of the confessions that started with the issuance of the Patent of Tolerance could be evidenced only gradually: in spite of the fact that the Hungarian society was accustomed to the coexistence of several confessions, the issuance of the Patent evoked quite a turmoil in the society. It was especially concerning the administrative bodies (in counties but also in dicasteries – the supreme state administration bodies) that were facing the task of co-operation with the Protestants. An interesting field for confrontation between the Catholics and Lutherans, but also between both Evangelical churches, was created by ,,missions” of Lutherans to Bohemia and Moravia. In return, these missions exercised an impact on the inter-confessional relations within the Hungarian kingdom. The character of these relations was also marked with the general political situation in the monarchy as a whole, but mainly with the fear that the non-Catholics could possible get connected with the foreign powers (Prussia), or even with the revolutionary circles abroad (France). In addition, the long time maintained mentality of supremacy among Catholics on one hand, and the feeling of exclusiveness nurtured among Lutherans on the other turned into sources of intolerance, which in many cases got expressed after the issuance of the Patent of Tolerance or the Religious Act No.26/1791. The relation of the Lutheran Church and community to the state represented an important aspect of their functioning. The state, even after the issuance of the Patent of Tolerance, made an effort in terms of determining the areas of its exclusive interest. At first place it were the schools where the exclusion of general education from the outreach of the church institutions wanted to be achieved, and on the second place the liturgies were required to be “rationalized” according to ideas presented by Joseph II. Especially the topic of school reform, which was planned to be accomplished through establishing combined schools and applying secular supervision of education and textbooks, is a subject of a detailed examination The problems that the Lutheran (Evangelical AC) church was confronted with resulted in a controversial internal development. The pressure put by the state and the Catholic church on this confession evoked a need for internal consistency, owing to which the church was able to preserve its identity, even under the influence of unfavourable conditions. However, this development resulted in a considerable rigidity that could be seen in the outlasting adherence to the Lutheran orthodoxy, being the dominant theological orientation. In course of the 18th century, it was first of all the socially conditioned phenomenon, owing to which the influence of clergies could be preserved within the church structure. In the Lutheran society, tensions started to appear between the secular patrons, who were the only ones entitled to protect the interests of churches on the various levels of the state administration, and the superintendents, who were acknowledged by the state to be the official representatives of the church and were assigned some, though little, competencies. The relations between the secular and clerical members of the church were also complicated by the fact that the system of consistories did not get naturalised in the Hungarian monarchy, and the synods could not be summoned after 1707. Even though several ideas on how the internal circumstances of the church should be settled (e.g. Jan Cernansky, before 1779) were developed, the situation was not stabilised before 1791 when the synod was finally summoned. At this synod, the influence of the secular church representatives was forced through. As a result, the clerical representatives started to show concerns regarding the Lutheran identity preservation that was perceived to be endangered by the initial proposals to create a union of Lutherans and Calvinists. The advocates, who were determining the development of the Evangelical AC Church in the course of the 18th century, developed into a relatively small but in terms of education, theological and philosophical orientation a quite varied group of people who were taking up secular as well as church positions. The influence of their advocacy was considerable. Closer attention is paid to those who managed to exceed the activity field assigned to them by their work position, and exercised an influence on the attitudes of people around. Because the positions they were taking up were not the most significant ones, their influence as if ,,from the background” did not get to the attention centre of the recent historiography (Pavol Sramko/Schramko), or it was not adequately evaluated (Michal Institoris Mossoczy). Through their works and activities, the advocates of Lutheranism managed to permeate into the circles that were close to the Vienna Royal Court and thus contribute to forming the attitudes of the Court regarding the religious issues in Hungary (Jozef Benczur). In addition, people who were in a direct work contact with the Royal Court (Court Agents), or those who were in charge of informing the foreign countries about the events in Hungary with an aim to advocate for the Hungarian Protestants living abroad, were quite active in this field as well.

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Historiography in Motion. Slovak Contributions to the 21st International Congress of Historical Sciences
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Historiography in Motion. Slovak Contributions to the 21st International Congress of Historical Sciences

Historiography in Motion. Slovak Contributions to the 21st International Congress of Historical Sciences

Author(s): / Language(s): English,French

Slovak historians have participated in the activities of International Committee of Historical Sciences/Comité international des sciences historiques (ICHS/CISH) at the very outset of “that global community of historians”, that is, since 1926. Until 1993, Slovak historians were represented in ICHS/CISH by joint Czechoslovak National Committee of Historians; since 1993, by Slovak National Committee of Historians. Size of the Slovak participation was diverse in different periods. During the First Czechoslovak Republic, Slovak professional historiography was only at its starting stage, so it was not visible on the international forum. After 1948, there were good conditions for a professional progress of the Slovak historical science, but it was politics that entered that process. Violent interferences into the spontaneous development of historiography deformed the historical knowledge, but restrained the greater participation of Slovak historians on international activities as well. In the period of 1950-1954, the Czechoslovak National Committee of Historians, as well as other national committees in the Soviet bloc, did not exercise its membership in ICHS/CISH. The contacts between the Slovak historians and global historical community branched out intensively after 1989. A choice of a represent to The World Congresses was not dependant on political institutions, but solely on historians. Till 1989, the representation was determined by totalitarian regime that favoured historians mostly without any scientific background. Starting from Madrid congress in 1990, Slovak historians, who were able to communicate with the global historical forum, successively participated in international activities. However, it was not a rapid but a consecutive process, because Slovak historiography needed some time for reaching the standards of international historical science and its dominant trends. The World Congresses of ICHS/CISH reflect trends, tendencies and thematic shifting in international historiography. It is manifested at the individual associations, commission sessions and round table programmes. Participation of the Slovak historians in The World Congresses was not numerous even after 1989. At present, there exists any substantial difference in the thematic area more, which we have felt yet at the Montreal congress in 1995, but problem of the Slovak participation is of another nature now: Slovak academic institutions are not able to send more historians to congress, because their budgets are sill very short. Meanwhile, there are competent historians either of the elder, but mainly of the younger generation, who could react and contributed to the challenges of the world historiography. We have realised this before the 19th congress at Oslo in 2000. Slovak National Committee of Historians arranged a publication for Oslo Congress: Slovak contributions to the 19th congress of historical sciences, Bratislava 2000 (ed. Dušan Kováč), 243 pp. Slovak historians, in eighteen studies, contributed to the twelve thematic sessions chosen for the congress. The 21st World Congress of ICHS/CISH in Amsterdam is a breakthrough event for the Slovak historiography. There are six contributions by Slovak historians to the programme, one of them is in major theme One, and a Slovak historian is an organiser of one of the sessions. However, Slovak historiography, who the congress programme regards as a challenge and as a demonstration of the running trends in the world historiography as well, has already branched that far that it is able to deal with the chosen themes in much more extent than the active participation at the congress allows. It is a reason why the Slovak National Committee of Historians decided to publish a special volume in which we offer some congress themes to the world community in Amsterdam. Electronic form of the volume is not only economical ant time-saving, but handy as well. We are ready to present this e-publication to the participants of the congress.

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Idea of the Czechoslovak State in Slovakia 1918 - 1939. Protagonists, Holders, Opponents
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Idea of the Czechoslovak State in Slovakia 1918 - 1939. Protagonists, Holders, Opponents

Idea československého štátu na Slovensku 1918 - 1939. Protagonisti, nositelia, oponenti

Author(s): Xénia Šuchová / Language(s): Slovak

Keywords: Slovakia; Czechoslovakia; state; idea; identity; 20th century;

In the presented monograph, which is a result of research work for the last fifteen years, the author is presenting its own contribution to the issue of constitutional concept that created the base for the creation and maintenance of the first Czechoslovak Republic in the inter-war period. In the political arena, the idea of a Czechoslovak state stemmed from the conviction of its creators that the unified and common “national” state is the only possibility for the Czechs and Slovaks in order to sustain their own national existence and their own state and to defend them against territorial and other claims of its expansionistic neighbouring countries. For the Czech “component” of the “Czechoslovak nation”, this newly created state unity was aimed to guarantee a distinct majority in relation to the grievously (from the Czech point of view) high number of German national minority; the Slovak “component”, on the other hand, placed its hopes on the Czechoslovak Republic that had to save the Slovaks from the menace of “national death”, which was understood to be the inevitable consequence of Hungarian aspirations to restore the Hungarian Kingdom. Amongst implicit protagonists of the idea of Czechoslovak state in Slovakia were above all politicians like Vavro Šrobár and Ivan Dérer, partially also Milan Hodža, whose objections grew with the passing of time. The advocates of this idea were eager to spread this idea to the Slovak masses, operating in a way which was corresponding to the concept of Tomáš G. Masaryk of “detailed work” – that means by shifting the attention of the social classes to the questions of everyday life in order to prepare them for a “shock of democracy”. The democratic system was succeeding after the “Big War” in a new, joint state of Czechs and Slovaks, being accompanied by economic, political and moral split. The engagement of these protagonists in this crucial period side by side with the trio of state-founding personages – T. G. Masaryk, M. R. Štefánik and E. Beneš – have brought them to leading political positions in the Czechoslovak Republic. There were expected to adapt and implement the “idea of Czechoslovak state of a unitary Czechoslovak nation” in special conditions existing in Slovakia and to impose these ideas in all areas of life of Slovak society by operating with a team of closest collaborators and a broader circle of supporters. The five chapters of first part of the presented book titled “Protagonists” are mainly focused on activities, political concepts and the attempts to implement them in political and social level of the above mentioned Slovak representatives of the so-called centralistic camp referring to the position of Slovakia in Czechoslovak Republic. Their personal ambition and mission of these protagonists was to bring the “Czechoslovak idea” close to the mind and hearths of the Slovak people, to build strong ties between the people and the democratic and republican political order of Czechoslovakia and also to upgrade their Slovak identity, which they interpreted as a partial identity, to the mutual “Czechoslovak identity”. Author’s ambition in the mentioned five chapters of this monograph is to answer the question, which methods and instruments did the “protagonists” use in order to achieve their goals and why they did not succeed. In contrast to the slogan of autonomy according to the Pittsburgh Treaty proclaimed by the Slovak Peoples Party, the “protagonists” announced the concept of “administrative autonomy”, which, asthey have thought, could gradually fulfil the legitimate requirements of Slovaks without affecting the integrity and unity of Czechoslovak state and to put the republic at risk of neighbouring countries having anti-Czechoslovak attitude. There was a significant difference between Šrobár’s and Dérer’s understanding of Czechoslovak “ethnic unity” and Hodža’s aiming to the concept of Czechoslovak “political unity”. The bearers of the idea of a Czechoslovak state were government offices and all parts of public administration. The five chapters of the second part of the book are paying attention to the problems of organisation of public administration and self-administration (district- and municipal administration) and its financing, staff, representation of Slovaks in supreme public offices and the possibility of delegating the Slovaks civil servants to the district- or municipal-offices of public administration in the Czech Lands or Moravia-Silesia. This topic includes also a very significant institution of citizenship; i. a. the searching for a solution in order to find a possibility to don’t let the autochthonous inhabitants of Slovakia feel like a “inferior” population in its own country. Mechanisms had to be found, which should guarantee that not only national minorities. i. e. loyal citizens of Czechoslovakia, but also the Slovaks as a “limb of the ruling nation” wouldn’t feel as second-class citizens in consequence of their treatment by the Czechoslovak public offices. On the other hand, taking into account the efforts undertaken by forces eventually trying to destruct the Czechoslovak state, the possibility had to be excluded to abuse the democratic understanding of citizenship and civil rights guaranteed by the Constitution of Czechoslovak Republic. Third part of the book titled “Opponents” is dedicated notably to the radical-socialist and communist, or Bolshevik opponents of the idea of Czechoslovak state. This issue belongs to author’s profiling research topics, which get new impetus after 1989. This thematic bloc starts with a historiographic overview of monographs and texts written since the Communist coup d’état in 1948 till the fall of totalitarian regime in 1989. It was inevitable to tackle the older historiographic production without bias or, in other words, „sine ira et studio“. In three following chapters, which are relatively extensive in comparison to the other chapters, the author’s interest is focused on issues closely related to the main topic of this monograph: the nationality-policy and the solutions proposed and considered of the status of Slovakia in Czechoslovakia, both during the first years of the existence of Republic and the period before the fall of First Czechoslovak Republic. The reader may find concrete examples of tactical approach followed by the Communist International (Comintern) that was mostly motivated by the interests of the Leninist/Stalinist geopolitics aiming at Soviet domination in East-Central Europe: starting with the slogan of autonomy within the Hungarian Soviet Republic, event. Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic of 1919-1920, through the denying of the Czechoslovak unity promoted under the phrase of “the right of the nations to self-determination up to the separation and creation of their own national state”, and finally till the slogan of “defending Czechoslovak democracy against the interior and foreign fascism” during the so-called Munich-crisis and even more colourful phrases and slogans, which arose in the autonomous Slovakia (1938-1939) and in Slovak Republic during the primary stage of Second World War. The research of this topic is based on newly accessible archival documents and foreign literature. The author is pointing out that in present Slovakia, there is no scientific or a broader social discussion dealing with problems of radical socialist and Communist movement, which existed in the conditions of the democratic, First Czechoslovak Republic, understood as both “systematic” and “anti-systematic element” of its political system. The attention of the Slovak historiography after 1900 is mainly directed to the era of Communist totalitarian regime (both institutionally and personally) installed after 1948 and the Communist-crimes. Author is presenting its own explicit point of view to this issue in a commented bibliography that is introducing the last topical part of the presented monograph. It is also impossible to understand and interpret the “idea of Czechoslovak Republic constituted by a unitary Czechoslovak nation” properly, by restricting oneself to the conclusion that it failed, or to an aprioristic refusal of this idea by pointing out that it was an “artificial idea”, a “so-called idea” or “fictive idea”. There is no doubt that it was a construct, which was at the beginning adopted only by a small part of protagonists, since certain parts of Slovak society didn’t absolutely agreed with it and had some reservations (partly influenced by the autonomist or communist opponents), but the biggest part refused this idea. The balance of power between the Czechoslovak, or in other words “centralistic”, and the autonomist group changed and it should be underlined that even the most prominent protagonists of Slovak autonomous movement (Andrej Hlinka, the nationalist “Old-ludáks”, or the national wing represented by Emil Stodola and Martin Rázus) were formulating their political program of autonomy in the frames of Czechoslovakia, eventually Czecho-Slovakia. It were first of all international circumstances of foreign policy and not the mistakes (although some of them were serious) of “Czechoslovakism” and “centralism” that resulted in the fall of Czechoslovakia and opened the way for an independent (although only formally) Slovakia existing during Second World War. However, the disapproval with a unitary Czechoslovakia resulted in a swift destruction of democracy and the coming to a power of first totalitarian regime.

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Chapters from the Slovak Contemporary History. Towards 70th birthday of Michal Barnovský
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Chapters from the Slovak Contemporary History. Towards 70th birthday of Michal Barnovský

Kapitolami najnovších slovenských dejín. K sedemdesiatym narodeninám Michala Barnovského

Author(s): / Language(s): Slovak,English,Czech

Keywords: Slovakia; Czechoslovakia; 20th century; WWII; communist regime; diplomacy; politics; religion; christianity; ethnic minorities; security and defense;

During and after World War II, Slovakia underwent massive political, economic, social and state constitutional changes. Being the part of the international events of the “hot” and Cold War, it had been brand marked by the two nondemocratic, totalitarian regimes – fascist and communist. After the Slovak Republic, which was in 1939 – 1945 a satellite state of the Nazi Germany, Slovakia became a part of the reconstructed Czechoslovak Republic with its specific system of “the limited democracy”. The communist coup d’état in February 1948 had brought the country under the rule of another totalitarian regime, spreading from Moscow to all states of the Soviet block. Though, the Czechoslovak society in 1968 tried to reform the communist system, it was unsuccessful in the same way as some other Soviet block countries, which also attempted to disengage the chains of the Soviet imposed regime. This period of the modern Slovak history has been – mainly after 1989 – a subject of numerous studies. Nevertheless, it is still researched only partially, some problems more other less. At the most is missing the synthesis of the contemporary history of Slovakia. The Institute of History of SAS is trying to fill this gape with a project Slovakia in the 20th century granted by the state Agency for Support of Science and Research. The part of this project will be the collective monograph (as the volume V) dealing with the history of Slovakia in 1945 – 1968, and its authors plan for the future also the next, sixth, volume of this synthesis. The book Chapters from the Slovak Contemporary History, which now the reader has in his hands, is also aimed at the presentation of some key or important problems of the Slovak war and postwar history. But it is not the only goal. The publication is also a tribute to the 70. life jubilee of an outstanding Slovak historian Michal Barnovský. His forty-five years of scientific career in the Institute of History have enriched the Slovak historiography in the field of the contemporary Slovak history. In which researched themes and to what extend, the reader may find in the introductory article and in the selected bibliography of Dr. Barnovský. The book begins with chapters showing the multiplicity of the history of the Slovakia and the Slovak question during World War II. The first one (author Jozef Bystrický) describes the role, which the Slovak army played in the plans of the Czechoslovak Ministry of National Defense (MND) in London in 1943 – 1944. Various documents, especially the Directives from 1943, enclosed the views of the London exile, how to engage the army of the Slovak state in the rising against its regime and in military resistance against the Nazi Germany. Though, the Military Headquarters in Slovakia preparing and then in August 1944 realizing the uprising had had to take in account the specific situation on the Slovak territory at the given moment, the MND instructions and directives influenced highly positive the contents, character and the quality of the military-technical arrangements for the rising. The second chapter of this Slovak state points at issue deals with the specific phenomenon of the regime propaganda. In this connection the author Marína Zavacká analyses a Slovak state journal Vĺča (The Young Wolf) for boys of age between 6 and 10, members of Wolf corps of the Hlinka’s Youth organization. It served as a regime-sponsored source of officially approved children’s role-models, including patterns of deeds to be followed. The study summarizes different propagandist vehicles used for making up heroic stories, ranging from social sacrifice to the sacrifice of life. Following four chapters concentrate on several important problems during the period of “the limited democracy”. One of the crucial questions of those times was the position of the Slovakia in the newly reconstructed republic and the search for the model of the future co-existence of the Czechs and Slovaks. Marek Syrný in his text examines this complicated problem from the point of view Democratic Party (DP), which arouse from the Slovak National Uprising as the strongest noncommunist political subject in Slovakia. The idea of its leaders was the Czechoslovakia as de facto federal state. The decline of this DP plans was pronounced in the course of discussions to the three Prague agreements, which had been till February 1948 more and more influenced by the struggle for power between democrats and communists. The next chapter by Slavomír Michálek shows one of the key problems of this period in the sphere of the foreign policy: the aims and the activities of the Czechoslovak delegation at the Paris Peace Conference 1946, which were concentrated on the preparation of the treaty with Hungary. Beside the participation of the two leading figures of the delegation – Jan Masaryk and Vladimír Clementis – the author follows especially Juraj Slávik. Slovak born Slávik, who during his professional life belonged to the influential personalities of the Czechoslovak policy and diplomacy, participated at the finalizing the peace treaty texts regarding Hungary. Although the Slovaks felt the Hungarian problem as the most important for them, there had been another national community in Slovakia which postwar destiny radically changed. The German minority had been evacuated by German authorities, before the Red Army had crossed the Slovak borders (the chapter written by Milan Olejník). After the war had ended many of the Germans returned home, but there they fell under the decrees of President Beneš. Due to them they lost the Czechoslovak citizenship, underwent political, economic and social discrimination and 32-tousand of them were expelled. In 1948 to the rest of them the citizenship was returned, but the minority rights they have been lacking until 1989. The last chapter covering the period 1945 – 1948 belongs to the commentated document in which the French Consul General in Bratislava E. M. Manac’h informs his government about the key political phenomena in Slovakia during the Czechoslovak crisis in February 1948. The commentator of the material – published in Slovak translation and in French original – Pavol Petruf stresses, that E. M. Manac’h stated that the events between 21 and 27 February 1948 had shown the communists, in comparison to their democratic opponents, as better prepared for solving the batte for power. Couple of problems connected with the the communist coup d’état in February 1948 are the subject of another chapters. Miroslav Londák in his text analyses the changes of the economy system in Czechoslovakia and Slovakia, which had taken place in the first, “founding” period of the new regime. They resulted into the socalled socialist economy, based almost entirely upon the state ownership and directed by the centrally composed five years plans. The author also points out the specifics of the development in Slovakia and the determinants of its socialist industrialization. Another sector of economy – the agrarian one, is the topic of the chapter written by Viera Hlavová. The strategy of the communists immediately after the war was to get peasants on their side and therefore they had rejected the cooperatives of the Soviet type. But after the February 1948 the primary task became to re-orient the small agrarian production to the large-scale socialist one, to form state agricultural enterprises and, in the same time, to fight the “capitalist elements” in the country. The village had been transformed according to the Soviet mode, without respecting the specifics of the Czechoslovak and Slovak agriculture. The same regime changes as upon the Slovaks, dropped down upon the members of the Hungarian minority. In addition to it – as Soňa Gabzdilová-Olejníková states – immediately after the coup d’état the exchange of the inhabitants between Czechoslovakia and Hungary continued, the plans were made for the second stage of re-Slovakization and there was no hope for in the Czech lands deported Hungarians to return back to Slovakia. In this respect the situation changed with incorporation of the principles of so-called proletarian internationalism into the mutual relations between the communist parties of Hungary and Czechoslovakia. The communist coup d’état influenced also the Slovak postwar emigration, which had been concentrated at the free and independent Slovakia. As Karel Kaplan in his chapter analyses, this Slovak exile was for a long time devided, but after the February 1948 Karol Sidor – one of the leading figures of the Slovak autonomist émigrés – successfully formed the Slovak National Council Abroad, the umbrella organization of the Slovak political exile. The direct influence of the exile states in his text also Vladimír Varinský, who surveys the formation of The White Legion organizations in Slovakia. Although it was possible, that some of these organizations provoked the State Security, the newest research shows that the main cause of their secret existence and activities was a spontaneous resistance of the people against the practices of a new regime. And the reaction of the communist establishment was persecutions. The most brutal form of them had been the framed political trials and the two of them from the beginning of the 50ties depicts in his chapter Jozef Leikert. Based upon the archival research, but mostly upon oral testimony he analyses them from the point of view of their insider, journalist and writer Ladislav Mňačko. He witnessed these trials as the daily news Pravda journalist and influenced the public in accordance with the regime propaganda. But later on he came round to realize its fabricated character and confessed his part of guilt. In the shadow of the “founding” period of the communist system with its totalitarian practices and persecutions stays the sometimes natural development – though politically and ideologically distorted – of various phenomena in the Slovak society. One of them, the development of the Slovak science from its half-amateur stage to internationally accepted partner, shows in her chapter Elena Londáková. She concentrates on the Slovak Academy of Sciences, but deals also with the complex of the state and party policy towards the science and its various branches. On the outside and from the point of view of communist leaders the “founding” period represented a successful establishing of the communist system. But already in this time there were the signs of the crisis, which is immanent to this type of regime. Jiří Pernes in his text summarizes the various opinions regarding its beginnings. Unlike Karel Kaplan, who talks about the crisis in 1953 – 1957, Pernes inclines to take in account deeper tokens of it, which perhaps started the crisis development already in the early 50ties. With the chapter of Václav Vondrášek the themes of the publication move chronologically to the history of the 60ties. He surveys the activities of the Hlinka’s Peoples Party exile at the turn of 50ties and 60ties and the countermeasures of the communist establishment in Slovakia. The efforts to unify this exile abroad, watched the communist regime in Czechoslovakia with suspicion. As the reaction, the State Security activities towards the potential followers of this exile branch started to intensify. So much more that in connection with the further restriction of power of the Slovak national institutions and worsening of the economic situation the discontent in Slovakia had grown. This special Slovak national discontent created also one of the differences in perception of the “Prague Spring” in the Czech and Slovak societies. As the author of this chapter, Stanislav Sikora states, during the attempt to reform the Soviet type of socialism in 1968, both state building nations in Czechoslovakia had their own conceptions of the democratization process. While in the Czech lands the priority was the general democratization of the political system, Slovaks felt it as the opportunity for the further national emancipation. But the newest studies also show that also the Slovak society was more diversified than this traditional characteristic says. The next chapter of the book treats the staffing transgression of the communist regime into the activities of the Slovak Evangelic Church of the Augsburg Confession in 1948 – 1989. Jan Pešek in his text analyses the communist regime attempts to rule over all spheres of the society, including the churches. In the case of Slovak Evangelic Church of the Augsburg Confession the establishment used the traditional election of all church and laic authorities for its own purposes. With various practices influenced the elections to the benefit of persons, willing to cooperate with the regime. In this way the ability of the Evangelic Church of the Augsburg Confession to resist the pressure of the communist system had been markedly weakened. Also the following chapter treats a specific issue. Jan Rychlík surveys the travel relations between Czechoslovakia and Poland in 1980 – 1989. The point is that in connection with the strikes in Poland and forming the independent trade union Solidarity, the Czechoslovak authorities started to be afraid of the free travel possibilities between two countries. There were two causes for this fear: political and economic. The author very precisely documents the official measures and economic circumstances, which for more than a decade regulated the travel transfer between the Czechoslovakia and Poland. The last chapter of the book by Juraj Marušiak bridges the history and contemporary development. It is an analysis of the perception of the past by the Slovak society and of its influence on the development after the November 1989. The author concentrates on the perception of the two totalitarian regimes – that of the war Slovak state and of the communist period. He comes to conclusion that in the Slovakia the roots of democratic tradition are not strong enough, which should be the result of the political system before 1918. Both totalitarian regimes of the 20th century used these behavior patterns of the population and on the other hand a great part of the people identified themselves with these regimes.

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The Chapel at Dome of St. Martina - the intellectual center of Bratislava in the 15th century
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The Chapel at Dome of St. Martina - the intellectual center of Bratislava in the 15th century

Kapitula pri Dóme sv. Martina - intelektuálne centrum Bratislavy v 15. storočí

Author(s): Miriam Hlavačková / Language(s): Slovak

Keywords: Slovakia; history; middle ages; 15th century; St. Martin's Cathedral; Christianity; education; intellectual center;

Eine der besten Charakteristiken des mittelalterlichen Kapitels ist die prägnante Formulation von Peter Moraw Statt der Begegnung von Kirche und Welt. Seine treff ende Äußerung gilt völlig ebenso für das Pressburger Kapitel. Das Pressburger Kapitel bei Pressburger St. Martin´s Dom war ein der wichtigsten Kirchen- und Bildungszentren im mittelalterlichen ungarischen Königreich. Zum Kapitel gehörte eine dem Kanoniker-Scholastiker unterstehende Schule und eine eigene Bibliothek. Die Mitglieder des Kapitels – Pröbste und Kanoniker, spielten hervorragende Rolle bei der Verwaltung des Königreichs. Ihre Erfahrungen und Fachkenntnisse erwarben sie dank ihrer Universitätsbildung und Kanzleipraxis in erzbischöfl ichen bzw. päpstlichen Diensten. Sie fungierten nicht nur als Vermittlungspersonen bei Eheschließungen oder Friedensverhandlungen, sondern sich auch als Hofärtzte um die Gesundheit und Verpfl egung des Herrschers kümmerten. Der König belohnte seine gebildeten Diener oft mit einem Kirchenamt oder Benefi zium. Die persönliche Besetzung des Kapitels sowie auch dessen Prosperität hing hauptsächlich von dem über das Patronatrecht verfügenden Herrscher ab. Wenn sich in den Regierungsjahren Sigismunds von Luxemburg im Pressburger Kapitel eher die für den persönlichen Bedarf beim Herrscher zuständigen Dienstleute (Geheimkanzler und Diplomat Johann von Aussig an der Elbe, Reichsvizekanzler Johann von Gran, Schreiber Michael von Mailberg, Ärtzte Siegfrid Degenberg, Johann Halbhauer von Hammelburg u. a.) konzentrierten, während der Existenz der Universität Istropolitana waren es die Absolventen der „höheren“ Fakultäten (Theologie und kanonisches Recht), welche an der Universität Istropolitana ihre Kenntnise in der Praxis anbringen konnten. Ein der wichtigen Gründe für die Präsenz der böhmischen Geistlichen im ungarischen Königreich in der ersten Hälfte des XV. Jh. waren die hussitischen Wirren in ihrem Heimatland. In den Diensten von Sigismund fanden sie im Pressburger Kapitel ein sicheres Zufl uchtsort. Ihre Wirkung, dank deren im Kapitel neue Einfl üße vor allem der devotio moderna auftauchten, wird sicher auch in der Zukunft zum Gegenstand weiterer zu der vorliegenden Arbeit ergänzenden Forschungen. Anfänglich war das auf dem Pressburger Burghügel residierende Kapitel eine zum liturgischen Dienst und Diözeseverwaltung berufene Priesterversammlung. Als das Kapitel im XIII. Jh. in die Stadt zum St. Martins Dom umsiedelte, wurde es zum bedeutenden intellektuellen und kulturellen Zentrum. Selbstverständlich war das Kapitel an der Entstehung und Wirkung der damals einzigen Universität im ungarischen Königreich beteiligt. Auch wenn sich die Bezeichnung Academia Istropolitana während der Zeit ihres wahrscheinlichen Bestehens 1465 – 1489 in den zeitgenössischen Quellen nicht fi ndet (man begegnet dem Namen erst seit den 40-er Jahren des XVI. Jh.), ist die Benennung Academia Istropolitana in der Literatur üblich geworden. Zum Unterschied von der Universität waren die Akademien des 15. Jh. lockere, eher private Institutionen ohne Uni versitätsrechte und Privilegien. Aus diesen Gründen bevorzugen wir in der vorliegenden Arbeit den Begriff Universität Istropolitana. Mit der Organisierung der Universität wurde außerdem humanistisch orientierten Kanzler, dem Graner Erzbischof Johann Vitez, auch der Vizekanzler der Universität und Probst des Pressburger Kapitels Georg Peltel aus Schönberg († 1486) beauftragt. Die überlieferten Dokumente bezeugen von seinem aktiven und tatkräftigen Leben: nach dem Bakkalaureus-Abschluß an der Fakultät der Freien Künste der Wiener Universität war er als Kanzler und Rat am Hof des Königs Ladislaus Posthumus und des Kaisers Friedrich III. tätig. Seit den 70-er Jahren des XV. Jh. vertrat er die Interesse des Königs Matthias Corvinus, er nahm an zahlreichen diplomatischen Missionen teil. Unter anderem machte er sich um die Versöhnung von König Matthias mit Kaiser Friedrich III. verdient, ebenso beteiligte sich 1463 an der erfolgreichen Rückgabe der Heiligen Stephanskrone nach Ungarn. Während seines römischen Aufenthaltes (wo er wahrscheinlich das kanonische Recht studierte), wurde er zum apostolischen Protonotarius ernannt. Die Blüte der humanistischen Lehre in der Kurie, seine Erfahrungen auf den Höfen in Wien und Ofen – alles das hat in Schönberg Spuren hinterlassen und sicher ihn auch bei der Konstituierung der Universität Istropolitana in Pressburg beeinfl ußt. Nach der Meinung der ungarischen Historikerin A. Ritoók-Szalay konnte das Plan der Gründung der Universität bereits beim Treff en von Kardinal Bessarion mit Erzbischof Johann Vitez in Wien 1460 – 1461 erarbeitet werden. Ein der Hauptziele dabei war die Hoff nung zur baldigen Wiedervereinigung der griechisch-orthodoxen und römischkatholischen Kirche. Trotz diesen großgelegten Pläne war die Realität viel prosaischer – die Universität Istropolitana gehörte eher zu den regionalen Universitäten. Sehr wahrscheinlich dienten die in der Kapitelbibliothek erhaltenen Statute der Bologner Universität aus dem 14. Jh. als Vorlage für die Verfassung der Istropolitana-Statuten, genauso wie es auch in Prag der Fall war. Aus dem Verglech mit anderen europäischen Universitäten in der Umgebung sowie auch aus der Analogie bei der Personalbelohnung mittels Benefi zien kommt vor, daß in dem Fall von Pressburger Universität eher als um das strikte Kopieren des Bologneser Musters mehr um ein gemischtes Verwaltungsmodell ging. Die Richtung der Universität wurde vom Anfang an durch ihre humanistisch orientierten Professoren bestimmt. Mehrere Vortragenden an der Fakultät der Freien Künste – Martin Bylica aus Olkusz, Regiomontanus, Johann Reibel aus Kupferberg und Johann aus Krakau (warscheinlich Johann Glogowita aus Krakau) trugen dank der Unterstü- tzung seitens des Graner Erzbishofs in den ersten fünf Jahren der Existenz der Universität wesentlich zur Entwicklung der astronomischen Studien bei. In den bei der Gelegentheit des 500. Jahresfeiers entstandenen Studien hat man auf einer Seite die Bedeutung der Juristischen Fakultät überschätzt (u. a. hatte man den Unterricht des kanonischen sowie auch römischen Rechtes vorausgesetzt), auf der anderen Seite wurde gerade die Existenz dieser Fakultät in Zweifel gesetzt. Die Juristische Fakultät war ein legitimes Bestandteil der entstehenden Universität. Auf ihre Existenz deuten mehrere Hinweise: in der Zeit wurden die Universitäten üblicherweise mit allen 4 Fakul täten gegründet; auch die 18 Bänder der juristischen Traktate (d. h. Standardwerke zum Unterrircht des kanonischen Rechtes) sind zu erwähnen. Diese Werke gehörten zum Bestand der Bibliothek von Gotsleichnams-Bruderschaft (nach dem aus dem Jahre 1501 erhaltenen Inventar), welche zuvor von der Universität Istropolitana benützt wurde. Es ist schließlich möglich, daß sich um ursprünglich private Bibliothek des Probst Georg aus Schönberg handelt. Wir haben ihn nämlich als Besitzer von zwei derzeitig in der Salzburger Universitätsbibliothek bewahrten Erstdrucken aus der Gotsleichnams-Bruderschaft Bibliothek identifi ziert. Als Professore der Juristischen Fakultät sind auch mehrere Rechtsgelehrten – Bakkalaureus des kanonischen Rechtes Andreas aus der Raaber Diözese, Magister Valentinus aus Veresmart in Graner Diözese, Erzdiakon Paulus aus Wieselburg (ung. Moson) und Magister Franz Ethe, Pfarrer aus ungarischem Kéthely – der „nunc in universitate Posoniensis constitutis“ zu bezeichnen. Das Studium der Jurisprudenz in Pressburg erfolgte warscheinlich, ähnlich wie in Prag, unter der Aufsicht des Kapitels, der kirchlichen Verwaltung und erzbishöfl ichen Gerichtswesens. Diese vielversprechende Entwicklung der Universität wurde aber durch die Politik vereitelt. Nach der Entdeckung der Verschwörung gegen Matthias Corvinus 1471 fi el der Kanzler Vitez in die Ungnade und ein Jahr danach er verstarb. Er war nämlich mit der auf die Eroberung von Böhmen konzentrierte und die türkische Gefahr venachlässigende Politik des Königs nicht einverstanden. Die Universität wurde in der Folge von den zu seinem Umkreis gehörenden Professoren (M. Galeotto, J. Gattus, Regiomontanus und M. Bylica) verlassen. Die Universität Istropolitana geriet allmählich unter den Einfl uss der eher trazionalistich als humanistisch orientierten Wiener Universität. Die Universitätsverwaltung überging nach 1472 an den Vizekanzler Georg aus Schönberg. Der Vizekanzler versuchte, aus den üblichen 14 kirchlichen Prebenden eine bestimmte Anzahl für die Bezahlung der Professoren zu sichern. Eine Parallele zur Verbindung des Kapitels mit der Universität, welche direkt die Istropolitana-Gründung beeinfl ußte, fi ndet sich am Beispiel der benachbarten Wiener Universität. Das Kapitel wurde zu einer Universitätsstift, wobei jedoch die Kapitel-Kanonikate nicht komplett für die Universitätsprofessoren vorbehalten waren, wie es in Prag oder in Heidelberg der Fall war. Die Professoren der Universität und zugleich die Kanoniker des Pressburger Kapitels wurden Landsleute des Vizekanzlers vorwiegend aus Niederösterreich, Absolventen der Teologischen und Juristischen Fakultät der Wiener Universität. Dabei sind der Lizenziat der Theologie und großer Kenner der griechischen Sprache Nicolaus Schricker von Hüttendorf, Lizenziat der Theologie Nicolaus Popp von Hüttendorf, Lizenziat der Theologie Georg Greiff enstein aus Krems, Bakkalaureus der Theologie Sigismund Obrecht aus dem niederösterreichischen Lengenfeld, Magister Wolfgangus Prechtel aus Hausleiten, Doktor des kanonischen Rechtes Erasmus von Regensburg, Bakkalaureus der Theologie und des kanonischen Rechtes Johannes Rauch aus der Regensburger Diözese u. a. Die Beispiele anderer Universitäten belehren, daß die Kirche in der Regel nicht die einzige bei der Beschaff ung von Geldmitteln und Belohnung der Professoren mitbezahlende Institution war. Einen enscheidenden Anteil bei solcher Finanzierung kam der königlichen Familie zu. Im Falle der Pressburger Universität war dies jedoch nicht der Fall. Trotz der Tatsache, daß sie zur Prestige- und Repräsentativsanstalt des ungarischen Königreichs gegenüber die Nachbarländern werden sollte, zog der König eher seine politischen Anliegen der Universität vor und hat die sie fi nanziell nicht unterstützt. So können wir uns aufgrund der fragmentarisch erhaltenen Zeugnisse über die Universität Istropolitana auch eine legitime Frage stellen: Wurde die Istropolitana nach dem Abschied der Professoren des Vitéz-Umkreises und Übergang unter die Verwaltung von Georg aus Schönberg nicht eher zu einer „Zweigstelle“ der Wiener Universität? Trotz intensiver Beteiligung der Kapitel-Mitglieder an den pädagogischen Aktivitäten oder in den königlichen Diensten bestand ihr Hauptbetätigungsfeld in ihren sakralen Aufgaben: Pastorale Fürsorge, Gottesdienste und Totenmessen, Prozessionen usw. Einige mit den königlichen Diensten beschäftigten Pröbste und Kanoniker hielten ihre Residenz außer des Kapitelsitzes, was sie durch die päpstlichen Dispense und Einsetzung der Vertreter (Vikare) wiedergutmachten. Zum Unterschied von ihnen, hielten sich die als Pfarrer, Dekan, Scholastiker oder Kustos wirkenden Kapitelmitglieder im Kapitelsitz, sie waren bei den Testamentabfassungen oder als Rechtsexperte in den städtischen Diensten tätig. Außer ihnen waren im St. Martinsdom zahlreiche Altaristen, Priester, Sängerchor – alle diese Personen ergänzten die zum Dom gehörende geistliche Gesellschaft. Die Bibliothek des Pressburger Kapitels stellt heutzutage den preisvollsten Handschriftenbestand auf dem Gebiet der Slowakei dar. Um die Rolle des Kapitels und seinen Beitrag zur Kultur- und Bildungsgeschichte in unserer Region ausgeglichen bewerten zu können, sind weitere Forschungen notwendig. Von besonderer Bedeutung ist, die Umstände und Identifi zierung der verlorengegangenen Kodexe in den slowakischen sowie ausländischen Archiven weiter zu erforschen. In diesem Zusammenhang haben wir festgestellt, daß eine Handschrift aus der Pressburger Kapitelsbibliothek mit kanonisch-rechtlichen Texten aus dem XIV. – XV. Jh. sich derzeitig in der Harvard University Library (USA) befi ndet, wo sie aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach in der Zwischenkriegszeit geriet. Bei der Verfolgung der Schicksale der Pressburger Kapitelmitglieder wird uns nicht überraschen, daß ihr Hauptziel in der ersten Reihe die kirchliche Karriere war – sie garantierte nämlich sicheren gesellschaftlichen Aufstieg und gleichzeitig auch kanonische und bischöfl iche Prebenden. Mehrere von ihnen nützten dann ihre internationalen Erfahrungen und Kenntnisse auf dem Gebiet der Slowakei aus.

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Lexicon of medieval towns in Slovakia
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Lexicon of medieval towns in Slovakia

Lexikón stredovekých miest na Slovensku

Author(s): / Language(s): Slovak,English

Keywords: Lexicon; medieval towns; Slovakia; Lexis; history; geography;

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The Ľudáci and the Communists: Rivals? Allies? Opponents?
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The Ľudáci and the Communists: Rivals? Allies? Opponents?

L'udáci a komunisti: Súperi? Spojenci? Protivníci?

Author(s): / Language(s): Slovak

Keywords: Slovakia; Czechoslovakia; history; communism; politics; diplomacy; economy; 20th century; interwar period; WWII; 60s; Christianity; trade unions; Slovak People’s Party; nationalism;

Vznik Československa r. 1918 zastihol Slovensko uprostred procesu premeny z tradičnej na modernú občiansku spoločnosť. Narážali v ňom na seba dve protichodné tendencie: tiahnutie ku konzervativizmu sa odrážalo vo vysokej miere religiozity; modernizačná tendencia sa - okrem iných relevantných znakov - prejavila v prudkej, až agresívnej dynamike politického a verejného života. Obe poznačili aj „zžívanie sa“ domáceho obyvateľstva s vyspelejším a „modernejším“ českým národným elementom v novom spoločnom štáte. V podmienkach hospodárskeho liberalizmu a parlamentnej demokracie, vyznačujúcej sa na jednej strane rozsiahlymi ústavnými právami a slobodami, na druhej strane recipovanými zákonmi rakúsko-uhorskej monarchie, tento prechod nemohol byť priamočiary ani bezbolestný. Prežitá „Veľká vojna“ pustošivo vtrhla do myslí ľudí, narušila, ba prevrátila dovtedajší hodnotový systém a otriasla či aspoň spochybnila predtým nesporné autority: štát a cirkev. Spolu s pretrvávajúcou sociálnou a nacionálnou frustráciou „ľudových“ vrstiev, s ich neschopnosťou pochopiť objektívne príčiny a neochotou vyrovnať sa s pozíciou nerovnoprávneho článku v novom štátnom zväzku, bola aj kríza tradičných hodnôt živnou pôdou pre politický extrémizus - pravý aj ľavý. Zápas s nimi, trvajúci celé medzivojnové obdobie, československú demokraciu oslaboval, až napokon, vyčerpaná a opustená spojencami, podľahla zahraničnej agresii. V polohe dobovej ľudáckej resp. komunistickej rétoriky sú odpovede na otázky položené v titule zborníka pomerne jednoduché a priamočiare; v propagačných brožúrach, politických a verejných prejavoch, straníckej tlači atd. obe hnutia jednoznačne vystupujú ako programoví nepriatelia, nezmieriteľní ideoví protivníci. Na verejných zhromaždeniach organizovaných jednou či druhou stranou sa ich aktivisti navzájom potierali nevyberanými slovnými invektívami, medzi militantnými stúpencami oboch hnutí dochádzalo ku krvavým zrážkam. Naopak, tzv. „štátotvorná“ propaganda v nich rada videla otvorených či skrytých spojencov: pri podkopávaní „československej národnej a štátnej jednoty“, pri torpédovaní základov ústavnej demokracie a spochybňovaní samotnej existencie štátu, pri (domnelej či skutočnej) službe cudzím mocnostiam. Hoci obavy boli namieste, argumentácia vládnych strán bola často až bizarná, no aj kontra-produktívna, pretože skôr zahmlievala ako ozrejmovala nebezpečné spoločné črty pravej a ľavej opozície - symptómy totalitných ašpirácií, rozpoznateľné už od samého začiatku: príchylnosť k autoritatívnym či diktátorským zahraničným vzorom, k ich geopolitickým predstavám a akceptovanie nedemokratického, násilného „rozťatia“ latentných vnútorných problémov. Pri konfrontácii s prameňmi neverejnej povahy sa ukazuje, že skutočnosť bola oveľa zložitejšia a že vz^'ah ľudákov a komunistov bol v priebehu času značne premenlivý. Napriek príležitostným vzájomným „oťukávaniam“ a individuálnym straníckym „prebehlíkom“ tu rozhodne nešlo o spoluprácu v opozícii, hoci podobná, účelovo protivládna rétorika k takejto interpretácii akoby ponúkala. Možno potvrdiť, že od začiatku boli rivalmi: vo volebnej agitácii súperili o priazeň tých istých, t. j. najnižších a nižších stredných sociálnych vrstiev, ťažko zasiahnutých dôsledkami vojny a povojnového rozvratu, krízou tradičných hodnôt, v ďalších rokoch najviac postihnutých dopadom transformácie, modernizácie a racionalizácie a krízového vývoja hospodárstva. Je však zrejmé, že ich vzájomný pomer nemožno spoľahlivo určiť bez prihliadnutia k „tretiemu na ihrisku“. Tým boli tzv. „centralistické“ - občianske aj socialistické - koaličné strany, ktoré formovali a určovali charakter demokratického politického systému. Nefungoval bez chýb a rozhodne poskytoval dostatok dôvodov ako aj príležitostí pre nekompromisnú oponentúru. Spoločným úhlavným protivníkom oboch hnutí, ktoré sa etablovali na jeho pravom resp. ľavom okraji, bol liberalizmus, v ktorom videli základný princíp československej demokracie. Pritom komunistické hnutie v ČSR, a najmä v jej východných častiach, možno prinajmenšom od polovice 20. rokov minulého storočia oprávnene charakterizovať ako ľavý politický extrém, vzhľadom na otvorenú deklaráciu cieľov a prostriedkov: likvidovať pluralitný politický systém, zvrhnúť parlamentnú demokraciu cestou socialistickej revolúcie a nahradiť ju „diktatúrou proletariátu“. Jednoznačná kvalifikácia ľudáckeho autonomistického hnutia ako pravicového extrému však nemá pre medzivojnové obdobie opodstatnenie. Z hľadiska straníckopolitického spektra sa HSĽS deklarovala predovšetkým ako kresťanská, konzervatívna a národná strana a v oficiálnych vyhláseniach rešpektovala, i keď s rastúcimi výhradami, existujúci demokratický systém a režim. Na politickom spektrograme obsadzovala počas celého dvadsaťročia miesto od stredu doprava, i keď od samého začiatku v sebe zahŕňala aj extrémistické zložky, ktoré mali ambíciu aj skrytý potenciál v „priaznivých podmienkach“ ovládnuť celú stranu. Ak politickú stranu charakterizuje okrem programu a organizačnej štruktúry vôľa súperiť o politickú moc, potom táto vôľa nechýbala ani ľudákom, ani komunistom. Kým však ľudová strana počas trvania predmníchovskej republiky čoraz vehementnejšie a agresívnejšie presadzovala svoj nárok na väčší podiel na moci, komunistická strana od samého začiatku cielene smerovala k prevzatiu absolútne celej moci v štáte a k jej podriadeniu potrebám „proletárskej revolúcie“; nech už to aktuálna taktická línia otvorene priznávala alebo, naopak, zastierala. Do novej roviny sa vzťah ľudákov a komunistov dostal po vyhlásení autonómie Slovenska 6. októbra 1938, odkedy HSĽS závratným tempom uskutočňovala demontáž československej demokracie, smerovala k monopolu politickej moci na Slovensku a završovala svoju vnútornú fašizáciu. Predchá-dzajúce spoločné postavenie legálnej parlamentnej opozície sa už prvými opatreniami autoritatívneho Tisovho ľudáckeho režimu zásadne zmenilo na protiklad medzi štáto-stranou a ilegálnym subjektom, vytlačeným mimo politického systému. Narastajúca perzekúcia komunistov po zániku druhej ČSR a počas trvania vojnovej Slovenskej republiky, v ktorej pro-nacistické Tukovo krídlo neustále posilňovalo mocenské pozície a presadzovalo totalitný charakter štátu, je zmapovanou (no aj deformovanou) témou. Neprebádaná je dosiaľ otázka vzájomnej infiltrácie ľudáckeho straníckeho a štátneho aparátu bývalými komunistami a naopak, ilegálnych komunistických a odbojových štruktúr ľudákmi. Takisto novou príležitosťou je skúmanie totalitných praktík a agitačno- propagačných techník „získavania“ národne saturovanej spoločnosti pre proklamované „národné“ ciele ľudákov, v konfrontácii s praktikami a technikami uplatňovanými komunistami po druhej svetovej vojne, v mene „socialistických“ cieľov, na ceste k monopolu moci a po jej uchopení. Na tomto poli doterajší výskum pokročil najviac, vďaka dlhodobej spoločenskej objednávke a záujmu na odhaľovaní zločinov komunizmu. Porovnávaciu rovinu vzájomných vzťahov ľudákov a komunistov tu poskytuje jednak známa činnosti retribučných súdov a bezpečnostných orgánov pri „vyhľadávaní“ a potieraní „zahraničných fašistov a ich domácich pomáhačov“, jednak tiež novo otvorená otázka „dlhých tieňov“ ľudáckej minulosti nad a vo vnútri totalitnej komunistickej strany po februárovom prevrate r.1948. Základ publikácie Ľudáci a komunisti: Súperi? Spojenci? Protivníci? tvoria vystúpenia prednesené na rovnomennej vedeckej konferencii v Banskej Bystrici v dňoch 30.11.-1.12. 2005, ktorú usporiadalo tamojšie pracovisko Historického ústavu Slovenskej akadémie vied v spolupráci s Katedrou histórie Fakulty humanitných vied Univerzity Mateja Bela. Otázku „styčných plôch“ fenoménov ľudáctva a (boľševického) komu¬nizmu slovenská historiografia - pod ideologickou kuratelou vládnucej strany - v minulosti buď celkom obchádzala alebo neprijateľne deformovala. No aj v zmenených spoločensko-politických podmienkach ju dlhší čas nechávala na okraji bádateľského záujmu a prenechávala jej interpretovanie viac či menej zaujatej publicistike. Publikované príspevky, prepracované do podoby vedeckých štúdií a vybavené poznámkovým aparátom, odkazujúcim na zásadné, dosiaľ nepublikované pramene, tak prinášajú množstvo nových poznatkov a otvárajú celkom netradičné pohľady na problematiku. Viacerí autori tu predstavili výsledky svojho najnovšieho výskumu v rámci spoločne riešeného projektu Vedeckej grantovej agentúry SAV č. 2/4183/24 „Radikálny socializmus a komunizmus na Slovensku v rokoch 1918 -1989. Spoločnosť medzi demokraciou a totalitou“. Záverečné slovo prof. Zdeňka Kárníka bilancuje výsledky takmer päťročnej spolupráce českých a slovenských historikov na široko koncipovanom projekte Grantovej agentúry Akadémie vied Českej republiky č. A8063101 „KSČ a radikálni socialismus v Československu 1918 -1989“. Podujatie sa sústredilo na analýzu a komparáciu oboch politických hnutí, ich programov, pôsobenia a ich vzájomných vz^'ahov v meniacom sa spoločensko- politickom kontexte, ako bolo naznačené vyššie: -ako strán operujúcich na pravom resp. ľavom okraji politického spektra predmníchovskej Československej republiky, súčasne využívajúcich a zneuží¬vajúcich systém parlamentnej demokracie; -vo vzájomne obrátených roliach totalitnej štáto-strany a perzekvovaného ilegálneho politického subjektu, aké zaujímali v podmienkach ľudáckeho režimu počas druhej svetovej vojny, resp. v povojnovom období na ceste komunistov k totalitnej moci a po jej ovládnutí vo februári 1948. Autori statí v predstavovanej publikácii netvoria názorovo jednoliaty celok, ani neuplatňujú rovnaké metodologické prístupy. Ponúkajú analytické sondy do jednotlivých oblastí, umožňujúce skôr komparáciu stanovísk oboch strán než syntetizujúci celospoločenský pohľad, čo napokon zodpovedá novosti otvorenej problematiky. Pokiaľ niektoré čiastkové závery pôsobia provokujúco - potom to tak má byť: zmyslom a cieľom publikácie je pozvať širokú historickú obec k argumentovanej diskusii o nadhodených otázkach.

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Milan Rastislav Štefánik in minds and hearts. Phenomenon of a national hero in the context of historical memory
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Milan Rastislav Štefánik in minds and hearts. Phenomenon of a national hero in the context of historical memory

Milan Rastislav Štefánik v hlavách a v srdciach. Fenomén národného hrdinu v historickej pamäti

Author(s): Peter Macho / Language(s): Slovak

Keywords: Milan Rastislav Štefánik; Slovakia; Trnava; Czechoslovak Republic; national hero; symbol; 20th century; culture; memory; history;

General Milan Rastislav Štefánik (1880 – 1919), an astronomer, soldier, diplomat and the Minister, the co-founder of the Czechoslovak republic, belongs to the most important historical personalities of modern Slovak history. Shortly after his tragic death, he became a person enshrined in the symbolic national Pantheon: even today he belongs to the group of people, who are generally considered among Slovaks as national heroes. He was buried in the Mount Bradlo which is situated near his birthplace: Štefánik´s grave with its monument became a sacred symbol, a Slovak place of memory (lieu de mémoire) in the sense of conception of a French historian, Pierre Nora. The publication is focused on the issue of commemoration of Štefánik and his posthumous cult in Slovak society. From that point of view it is logical that the book does not talk about Štefánik´s personality itself but about the society, individuals, and groups; about those, who took Štefánik as their own symbol, identified with him or about those, who refused him. Štefánik´s fascinating life was appealing to simple people. That was why educators tried to use him as a social model whenever they educated youth or whenever they wanted to lift up civic and national consciousness in a widespread way among groups of Slovaks. In the texts dedicated to his commemoration, Štefánik was presented as a liberator, an ancient hero (Icarus, Prometheus) or a national martyr, a national saint or a saviour of the nation. Poets and speakers at the celebrations compared him with Moses, or even with Jesus Christ. Those conceptions and metaphorical pictures corresponded with a myth about millennial oppression of Slovaks and contributed to creating the concept of sacredness in the Slovak national movement. In poetic imagination Štefánik often played a social role of a mystical patron and a protector of the homeland. This motive appeared in a modified version also in the contributions among contemporary journalists in the time of threat that the unified territory of Slovakia could be violated: in the minds of people Štefánik functioned as a symbolic guarantee for the protection of state borders. The object of the research is based in the problem of how Štefánik has been used or misused in the political and ideological struggle between two main political camps (supporters of Prague centralism versus supporters of Slovak autonomy in the Czechoslovak Republic during the interwar period). These phenomena could be illustrated in polemics between an autonomous and a centralistic press from May 1922. The controversy concerned an alleged dishonour of the commemoration of Štefánik during the political manifestation organized by the Slovak People´s Party and by its leader Andrej Hlinka. The fight disclosed not only a character of political culture in the Slovak society but also some manipulative mechanisms. In that conflict the national hero Štefánik functioned not only as an element for mobilisation and integration but also as an instrument of disgracing and ostracising a political rival: the wider public was influenced to believe the idea: anyone who does not honour the most important national hero is a betrayer of the nation. Similarly interesting is the contemporary discourse about Štefánik´s tragic death. The conception of anti Slovak conspiration (Štefánik´s death as a politically motivated murder) became an incendiary theme appearing also in the media and serving the autonomists as a tool of political and ethnical determination (“we” autonomists versus “they” centralists; or “we” Slovaks versus “they” Czechoslovaks) in their struggle against centralism. During WWII it became an offi cial part of propaganda of the Slovak State. In the second part of this book the author is focused on the history of the Memorial of Štefánik and on annual commemorative celebrations in the western Slovak city of Trnava. He researched the problem in the context of communal politics, collective identities and group loyalties. The Memorial of Štefánik from 1924 was the fi rst secular statue, commemorated to a national hero. It was situated in the public area in Trnava. It is remarkable that the prior position in the city with a Catholic majority of citizens was given to Štefánik, a son of a Lutheran priest. The Memorial of Štefánik and annual commemorative celebrations were elements of nationalisation within the public space. They functioned not only as tools for Slovakisation of the citizens in Trnava but also for modernisation of that city; secondarily, regarding the character and content of the commemorative rituals, the symbol of Štefánik functioned also as a tool for secularisation: to some degree it functioned as a counterbalance to creating Trnava´s “self-picture” formed in a metaphor Trnava – the Slovak Rome. The achievement to infl uence citizens in Trnava in a way they fi nally identify with Štefánik as their social model caused that during the opening celebration dedicated to the new statue in the city, noone stressed the fact that Štefánik was of Protestant origin; on the other side an interesting attempt appeared to integrate him into the context of domestic identities, loyalties and pictures in the history of Trnava. This attempt showed up in the fact that Štefánik was presented as the Slovak from the western part of Slovakia. Then they purposely stressed that Štefánik during his life made connections with reviving activities of Bernolák´s followers, that means of the Catholics intellectuals, who operated in Trnava and in the wider western Slovak environment. The third part of the book is focused on the period of destruction of the Czechoslovak Republic and creating the independent Slovak State (1938 – 1939). A new government led by Hlinka´s Slovak People´s Party liquidated the democratic system of the Czechoslovak Republic, and immediately started to prefer new symbols, mainly the symbol of Andrej Hlinka. A part of Slovak citizens, mainly the Protestants, spontaneously refused Hlinka to be the most important national symbol. The struggle between the totalitarian regime of the Slovak State and new civic opposition was manifested also in the level of the fight for the national symbols. V. P. Čobrda, the General Bishop of the Lutheran Church, publicly spoke against the national symbol of Hlinka. He said that Hlinka was religiously intolerant and because of that he did not accept him as a symbol of a national father for the Slovak Lutherans. The same argument he presented also in May 1939 at the Mount Bradlo: during the commemorative celebration of Štefánik. This was organised by the Union of the Lutheran Youth. Čobrda´s speech was an open refusal of Hlinka. He stressed the position of Štefánik in the symbolic national Pantheon. The message of the celebration was clear: Milan Rastislav Štefánik is the most important national symbol and the greatest son of the Slovak nation. Štefánik became a symbol of Anti-Fascist, civic revolt.

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Ľudovít Štúr on the border of two ages
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Ľudovít Štúr on the border of two ages

Ľudovít Štúr na hranici dvoch vekov

Author(s): / Language(s): Slovak

Keywords: Ľudovít Štúr; history; memory;19th century; 20th century; identity; iconography; nationalism; education; religion;Evangelic church;

In the first part of the collective monograph its authors focused on the traditionally understood issues of the life and work of Ľudovít Štúr. They see him as a teacher, thinker, codifier of the standard language and leader of the Slovak national movement in the nineteen forties. They summarize older and bring new knowledge about his family background, political thinking, opinions on Slavonic patriotism, reflection of his figure among historians or in period lexicons. The first chapter written by Martin Kováč presents the relation of Ľ. Štúr to the Lutheran Church of the Augsburg Confession. It served to him as a platform for his fight for the revival of the Slovak nation. Štúr criticized not only a growing influence of magyarization but also of rationalism, superficiality and formalism which struck the Church. Eva Kowalská brought to the foreground the relationship between two prominent families in Uhrovec – the aristocratic family of Zays counts and teacher´s family of Samuel Štúr which the founder of Slovaks´ national movements, Ľ. Štúr, comes from. Both families were tied by personal relations which significantly changed in the course of time. The paper has been drawn up based on archival sources not used so far bringing new knowledge to clarify personal motivations, actions and attitudes of Ľudovít Štúr and his significant opponent Karol Zay. József Demmel reveals a political background of the codification of the standard Slovak language. Gyorgy Kossuth, the uncle of the Hungarian liberal politician Lajos Kossuth, played an important role in it. He belonged to a group of nobility and low nobility (zemianstvo) of the Slovak origin which refused social and political reforms and therefore from its conservative position it declared its support to the Slovak national movement. It was its influence that led Ľ. Štúr to a decision to codify a new standard language and to issue political newspapers in it. The following papers study in different optics the phenomenon of Slavonic integration. The text by Marcela Bednárová points out two major typical traits of Štúr´s concept of Slavonic idea – it is mapping the development of philosophic-mythological and socio-political opinions. According to the author both lines existed in symbiosis and without any contradictions. The paper by Karol Kantek and Eva Kowalská is about the life story of the last Štúr´s (Serbian) student and follower Kosta Kostić: it is in the form of a detective search for a forgotten figure of the past which can be interpreted in the context of inter-Slavonic relations – with ties to the Slovak, Serbian, Russian and Czech environment. Marcel Martinkovič, on the other hand, brings the reader back to the issues concerning theories, concepts and visions – he follows the development of Ľ. Štúr´s opinions on Slavonic patriotism, Europe and Russia. According to his opinion in the after-revolution period Štúr was even messianicly fixed to the Tsarist Russia seen by him as the only guarantor of a spiritual progress and freedom of the Slavs. The chapter written by Alica Kurhajcová shows a portrayal of Ľ. Štúr in Hungarian historiography at the end of the 19th century and in the first half of the 20th century. The author paid attention in particular to the publications of the Hungarian historian and publicist Lajos Steier who dedicated himself to the development of the Slovak issue in Hungary. By analyzing his work she deals not only with interpretation of Štúr, his personage, characteristics and politics but also the period context. The second part of the monograph represented by a larger number of papers is aimed at the so-called second life, i.e. afterlife of Ľ. Štúr. The authors look into the phenomenon of Štúr as a symbol paying attention to its significance for the formation of (collective) historical memory and identity, its use within museum practice, school teaching, art and culture etc. The chapter written by Jana Pácalová deals with the formation of the picture of Ľ. Štúr in the second half of the 19th century. It follows rhetoric and narrative strategies in journalism and in the selected memoire texts of his contemporaries with respect to the categories of memory, identity and subject. It is focused on the reconstruction of Štúr´s biography according to the social demand with the aim to institutionalize collective memory of Štúr. The biography of Ľ. Štúr written by his close associate and friend Jozef Miloslav Hurban of 1881 – 1884 can be considered as such text. Sylvia Hrdlovičová deals with the planning, implementation and placement of two gravestones to the grave of Ľudovít Štúr in the cemetery in Modra. The first gravestone was fixed and funded from the national collection in 1872 and the second one, a complex sepulchral site was definitely completed in 1964. The paper pays attention to public manifestation gatherings at the grave, celebrations of Štúr after 1918 and creation of other memorials devoted to Ľ. Štúr in the territory of Modra. The chapter of Daniela Kodajová is similarly focused and it analyzes celebrations and commemoration ceremonies related to the personage of Ľ. Štúr. The author attaches a big national-identification and national-integration importance to them. Peter Macho concentrated in this regard on a concrete personality as a public speaker at celebrations devoted to Štúr: he analyzes messages of ceremonial speeches and lectures of Bishop Samuel Štefan Osuský who was also the chairman of the Štúr Lutheran Society. Ľuboš Kačírek gives insight into the beginnings of the formation of Slovak collecting aimed at the personality of Ľ. Štúr, collecting of tangible relics related to his personality from the nineteen sixties within the Matica slovenská (Slovak Source) and Slovak Museum Society. In 1965, at the occasion of celebrations of his 150th anniversary, museums of Ľ. Štúr were founded in Uhrovec and Modra. This period covers also the construction of a memorial Štúr log cabin in Kohlwald in the Levočská valley and its exhibition was opened to the public only in May 1974. Further development of museum exhibitions related to the Štúr generation was initiated by the Matica slovenská and its department Slovak Literature Memorial (later the Literature-Museum Department). According to Beáta Mihalkovičová the foundation of Ľ. Štúr Museum in Modra was affected from the very beginning by a struggle for its character and priority orientation. The town of Modra suggested that a district museum of national history should be established and named by Ľ. Štúr but the academia and scientists, on the other hand, planned the foundation of a specialized personal museum of national significance devoted exclusively to Ľ. Štúr. The conflict lasted for several years and ended by a compromise. There was another conflict with regard to the concept of presentation of Ľudovít Štúr, whether the exhibition should concentrate only on the personality of Štúr or it should be placed into a quite broad literary and language context. Jozef Ambruš stood behind the birth of the museum, designed the introductory exhibition, as well as the libretto and scenario of the first permanent exhibition, however, it was implemented according to the scenario of Imrich Sedlák and lasted from 1978 to 2006. Adelaida Mezeiová analyzed Slovak language and literature textbook for secondary schools. The textbooks supported the creation of the portrayal of Ľ. Štúr as an ideal, charismatic leader, great organizer of the national life, excellent linguist and a man devoted to higher goals ready to give up his personal life in favour of a lofty ideal. The textbooks compared proved the thesis that the subject of Slovak language at school education had the effect of a state-forming and nation-forming subject and was prioritized within the system of school subjects. According to Juliana Beňová, Ľ. Štúr played an important role in the activities of Slovak non-professional actors in the mid-19th century. He supported theatre also in his newspapers, published theatre critical reviews and art news. He appeared on the stage of professional theatre in the 20th century as a drama character. Not only his fate but also the lives of other protagonists of the national history revived on the stage while their creators presented them in various ways – from a traditional visualisation of the personality through accentuation of mysterious life moments up to reinterpretation and demystification of the fates of Slovak Romanticists. In her paper, Katarína Beňová deals with the portraying of Ľ. Štúr, his followers and other representatives of nationally active intelligentsia by Slovak artists (Jozef Božetech Klemens, Peter Michal Bohúň) while she emphasizes the ties of Slovak painters with the Czech patriotic environment of the 19th century. It shows, inter alia, a so far unknown portrait of Jozef Miloslav Hurban from Hungarian collections. Zbyšek Šustek maps the figure of Ľ. Štúr from numismatic point of view. It was for the first time that Martin Benka chose Štúr as a leitmotif on several designs of a twenty crown note in the early nineteen forties. It was for composition reason that his portrait was finally placed on a ten crown note in 1944. Later on he was portrayed on two commemorative coins and two banknotes. During the process of their preparation, however, he appeared on a large number of ideological designs of a legal tender. Štúr also appeared as a frequent motif of the designs of themes for the Slovak side of euro coins, however, other motifs won in the public survey. Commemorative and numismatic coins issued at the occasion of his bicentennial celebration in 2015 was the last opportunity to portray him on a legal tender.

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The Most Political Science. Slovak historiography between years 1948 – 1968
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The Most Political Science. Slovak historiography between years 1948 – 1968

Najpolitickejšia veda. Slovenská historiografia v rokoch 1948 - 1968

Author(s): Adam Hudek / Language(s): Slovak

Keywords: Slovakia; historiography; communism; 20th century; national history;

The beginning of the Communist dictatorship in 1948 was one of the most important milestones in the history of Slovak historiography. We can justifiably speak of the new formation of Slovak historical science from the organisational, personnel and thematic points of views, even though the full consequences of the introduction of Marxism-Leninism in historical research were only fully noticeable from the 1950s onwards. Before 1948, Marxist historiography in Slovakia hardly existed at all and even after the Communist coup, it took a long time for the Marxist historical school of though to even begin to produce relevant works. This turning point in Slovak historiography, however, was not as complete in any direction as the official Communist propaganda declared. When analysing the institutional base of Slovak historical science, we must in the first instance record the setting up of the Historical Institute of the SAV (up to 1953 called SAVU) as the leading establishment for historical research. The institute, as the top institution, replaced the Historical Seminar of Comenius University, which fulfilled this function in the period of the First Republic, and the Historical Section of Matica slovenská which held an important position during the Slovak State. At this time, the centres of research in historical science came under the strict control of state and party institutions. The system of historical research during this period stabilised itself as a relatively operative model, but one not accepted without reservations. From 1948, a mixture of rational decision-making and demonstrations of class hatred ruled the human resources policy of institutions concerning themselves with history. The Communist regime began the larger-scale screening of historians at the beginning of the 1950s. However, it could not afford mass redundancy, since there was no one with whom to replace the “unsuitable” employees. In this way, the purges only affected a small number of historians, and only for a certain time. In general, state power did not hinder their research work, even in the case of screening reservations, on condition that the historians displayed loyalty to the regime and its ideology in their work. In the interpretation of national history, no deviations from the prevailing Marxist dogmas of the time were allowed. After 1948, a new, Marxist, master narrative began to be created. Its old, non-Marxist concepts were labelled as unusable, not taking into account Marxist notions of historical development. In Slovakia, Marxism-Leninism was installed in historiography in its most vulgar, Stalinist form by Communist ideologists who also set up the basic shape of the new, master narrative. In this way, historical science in the 1950s only participated in the creation of the national story by developing and confirming the lines defined by the party central office and by filling in the schemes given in advance. Historical research directly driven by ideology thus produced more or less trustworthy theories that in the end led to a distortion of history, and often the devaluing of new knowledge, too. The disintegration of Stalinist dogmatism in the second half of the 1960s brought with it a partial revision of these theories. At this time, the most problematic distortions in the Slovak master narrative were revised. Even though the Marxist base of historical science was respected, historians often inclined towards older, non-Marxist versions of the national story. In conclusion, we can state that the characteristic sign of Slovak historiography since its beginning was (sometimes more or less visible) the attempt to create an independent Slovak national story which would not merge with, and would not be part of, the Hungarian or Czech master narratives. However, this process was not totally completed even during the 1948-1967 period.

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November ’89 – a milestone in the development of the Slovak society and its international context
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November ’89 – a milestone in the development of the Slovak society and its international context

November 89. Medzník vo vývoji slovenskej spoločnosti a jeho medzinárodný kontext

Author(s): / Language(s): Slovak

Keywords: Slovakia; Czechoslovakia; 20th century; politics; communism; political system; democracy; social changes;

November 17th 1989 is one of the most important milestones in the Slovak and Czech history in the 20th century. It initiated deep social changes and it led to global changes of the political system, and in consequence it opened the way for a Slovak and Czech society’s way towards democracy – political and economic plurality, civic and political freedom. It was put an end to the monopole of Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, that continuously held the political power in country since the coup d’état in February 1948 and forced the Slovak and Czech society to accept its will through directives, and often frequently, by using the force. Both societies as well as national minorities living in Czechoslovakia expected from the November ’89 not only some partial corrections of socialism, what was the case more than twenty years before during the crucial events of the Czechoslovak Spring in 1968. In November 1989, the inhabitants of Czechoslovakia wanted something more – their allegations were going behind the frames of the existing socio-political system. They had enough experience with the practices and the policy of the communist regime, more than years before they were able to compare the existing political situation and the economic conditions with the situation in the democratic Europe in order to formulate more concrete expectations concerning the future. The distance between the people and the policy of the communist regime was more and more evident, as they confronted their own conditions with the situation in the democratic countries of Western Europe. On the other hand, there was a part of society that was relatively satisfied by some social conveniences offered by the socialist system, although these conveniences were often insufficient and strictly limited by the stagnating and unproductive economic system. The leaders of communist party were aware of the fact that their normalization-policy and incapability to introduce essential corrections of the political mechanism felt into the contradiction with changing inner political and social atmosphere in Czechoslovakia. It was in the first half of 1980’s, when it came to an outstanding differentiation of both Slovak and Czech society. A new generation grew up, which by its background determined by education and ideas completely exasperated the existing social-political and cultural-economic reality and was far beyond the normalization-policy of the communist regime. In its distance or even antipathy to the political regime, this new “wave” found common interest with the disappointed generation of 1968. Its another “ally” was a respectable part of Slovak and Czech intelligence in its effort to accentuate the adherence to human rights and civil liberties and the observance of religious freedom, cultural freedom, the freedom of education and scientific research. Main part of this publication, which contains also an introduction and selected bibliography, is focused on chronological overview of historical events concerning in particular Slovakia, although in a whole-Czechoslovak context. It is divided in two main parts. The first one starts with the silent manifestation of March 25, 1988, the so-called “candlelight demonstration”, that become one of the most significant manifestations of resistance against the communist regime. The end of this part is marked by November 16, 1989, that means by the eve of the events that had enormous importance for the whole development of Slovak and Czech society. The second part begins with November 17, 1989, and goes on till parliamentary elections that took place on June 8 – 9, 1990, e.g. elections of constitutional functionaries and the creation of federal and national governments in both parts of republic. The authors of both chronologically divided parts were taking into account the social-political, constitutional, economical, cultural, social and other context. Also reflected are international affairs of that time, first of all the social movement in the neighbor states Soviet Union, German Democratic Republic, Poland, Hungary and other states. At the same time the authors consider corrections in bilateral relations between the USSR and the USA as well as the Soviet Perestroika, which brought new impetus to the Slovak and Czech society and which in many aspects gave them an “eye opening” look. The impact of the Helsinkiprocess aimed at the respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and the cooperation between the East and the West was similar. At the end of 1980’s, the Perestroika and the Helsinki-process had crucial influence on the inner political and social development in Czechoslovakia. The bipolar world was slowly falling into pieces and the iron curtain between the East and the West was about to became history. Chronological records listed in both parts of this publication indicate, that the main protagonists of social/political development right after November ’89 – the VPN (Public against Violence) in Slovakia and the OF (Citizens Forum) in the Czech lands – laid down the condition of radical social transformation including a new order, pluralistic political system and parliamentary democracy and the reconstruction of local selfgovernment, as well as the consistent modification of state-political relations between the Slovak and Czech nation and the beginning of a economic and social reform. Further, they demanded freedom for culture, educational system and science and the revaluation of the foreign policy of Czecho-Slovak federation. Until the parliamentary elections in June 1990, the Slovak and Czech society overrun a fundamental transformation process in all spheres. Compared to similar development taking place in the neighbor states, this transformation process had some specific elements. Nevertheless, besides all specifics, all Central European post-communist states were about to participate in the process of European integration.

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Citizen, Society, Nation in the Course of the Slovak History
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Citizen, Society, Nation in the Course of the Slovak History

Občan, spoločnosť, národ v pohybe slovenských dejín

Author(s): Milan Zemko / Language(s): Slovak

Keywords: Slovakia; Czechoslovak Republic; citizen; society; nation; history; 20th century; Ľudovít Štúr; politics; communism; democracy;

The author of the book pays attention to four major problem areas in the modern history of the Slovak nation, the society and the country. The research is focused on the Slovak history in the first half of the 20th century and, particularly, the period of the Czechoslovak Republic between the two World Wars. In chapters of Part 1 entitled Slovak Society within Changes of Historical Time the author tried to classify relatively short period of interwar Slovak history in wider historical interrelations. In the first chapter he examines the problem of periodization of the Slovak history within the context of history of the other Central European nations, and points at the open methodological questions of the Slovak history research ensuing from insufficient investigation of the changing collective identity of the Slovaks. The next two chapters of Part 1 are devoted to historical heritage of the Slovaks and its peripetia related to generation of Ľudovít Štúr, as the first politically oriented and functioning generation in the modern history of the Slovaks, and following generations up to the origin of Czechoslovakia in 1918. The topic of the following chapter is the examination of historical traditions and stereotypes of the last two centuries which support, eventually weaken the renewed democratic political system in Slovakia after the fall of the Communist regime in 1989 and the origin of the independent Slovak Republic in 1993. Next two chapters research a historical memory of the Slovak society relating to the autoritarian Slovak Republic between 1939 and 1945 and to the Slovak National Uprising of 1944, being the symbol of anti-fascist struggle and democratic future of Slovakia. The last chapter of Part 1 deals with the simplifying contradiction between the civil and national principle in the history and the present time, as manifested in expert discourse as well as in journalism upon renewal of the democratic regime after 1989. In Part 2 entitled Politics and Its Faces on Interwar Party Arena the author is concentrated on domestic policy in interwar Czechoslovak Republic. The first chapter deals with violation of some democratic rules in the first decade of existence of the new Czechoslovak State. The further two chapters are concerned with the question of relations between the Agrarian Party, as the largest government party and Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party in the time of functioning in the joint government coalition in the second half of twenties of the former century and the conflict relations between two head personalities of the Slovak agrarians Milan Hodža and Vavro Šrobár. The subject of the author’s study is also the trend of authorities to keep the cult of the first president of the Republic T. G. Masaryk already during his lifetime in dimensions unusual for the European democratic countries. The last but one chapter of this part of the book examines the fragility and weakness of the Slovak democracy which had fully manifested itself in autumn months of 1938 after adoption of Munich Agreement by the Czechoslovak government. The People’s Party had managed then, also due to inability of the weakened democratic parties to remove in a short time the parliamentary democracy and to set down an authoritative rightist regime in Slovakia. The loyal service of the Slovak intellectual Vladimír Clementis to the Communist movement and regime, for which he was “rewarded” by death penalty and execution in 1952, is depicted in the last chapter of this part of the book. Part 3 of the book entitled Political Echoes of Ethnic Colourfulness of the Republic in Interwar Period is devoted in its five chapters to one of the most remarkable features of interwar Czechoslovakia and its consequences – to question of more or less conflict coexistence of nations and ethnic groups living in this Republic. The examination of regional aspects of the ethnic problem in the capital of Slovakia, Bratislava, is treated in the first two chapters of this part of the book. The next two chapters are concerned with policies of the national minority parties in the Czechoslovak Republic and participation of the German minority parties in the government coalitions of the interwar period. Based on the research the author comes to the conclusion that the proportional electoral system of interwar Czechoslovak Republic enabled in principle equitable representation of national minorities in the Parliament, and some German minority parties took an active part in the government policy since mid-20’s up to spring 1938, when the political game was energetically encroached by a strong external factor – Nazi Germany. The last chapter is devoted to interwar sources and inspirations for, in final consequences, unsuccessful attempt of radical “solution” of Hungarian question in Czechoslovakia after World War II. The final part of the book entitled Slovakia in the Modern Central European History includes the chapters with a various themes concerning the position of Czechoslovakia and, in its context, of Slovakia in the Central European area: a sharp critique of Czechoslovak-Soviet Treaty of 1935 from the point of view of radical rightist and nationalist newspaper Nástup, differences in views on postwar future of Central Europe by two prominent exile politicians – the former president Edvard Beneš and the former prime minister Milan Hodža during World War II, complex interwar and war geopolitical challenges for Czechoslovakia faced with by E. Beneš, as well as the CzechoslovakHungarian and Slovak-Hungarian disputes about the southern border of Slovakia since the Trianon Peace Treaty of 1920 up to the Paris Peace Treaty in 1947. The influence of the modern Central Europe history on international position of the Slovak Republic after attaining of its independence in 1993 is outlined in the final chapter of this part of the book. To the book is added, as a historical document, a politological reflection of the spring 1968 entitled Socialism and National Democracy drafted as a contribution to a discussion on the future of the Slovak society in the period of the so-called Prague Spring, that is, before occupation of Czechoslovakia by the Warsaw Pact armies.

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From the Autonomy to the Origin of the Slovak State
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From the Autonomy to the Origin of the Slovak State

Od autonómie k vzniku Slovenského štátu

Author(s): Valerián Bystrický / Language(s): Slovak

Celkový život slovenskej spoločnosti v minulom storočí rozhodujúcim spôsobom ovplyvnil zánik Rakúsko-Uhorskej monarchie, účasť slovenskej politickej reprezentácie na tvorbe nového štátneho útvaru a jej rozhodnutie vstúpiť do spoločnej Česko-Slovenskej republiky. Vznikli nové historické podmienky na uplatnenie národných, politických, hospodárskych, sociálnych a kultúrnych ambícii aké v minulosti neboli mysliteľné. Rovnako existovali mantinely vnútropolitického ale mimoriadne zahraničnopolitického charakteru, ktoré tento proces ovplyvňovali, determinovali a obmedzovali. Nebolo podstatné len to, že slovenský národ vstupoval do nového štátneho útvaru s historicky podmieneným spoločenským hendikepom vyplývajúceho z odlišných podmienok celkového predchádzajúceho spoločensko politického vývoja českých krajín, Slovenska a mimoriadne Podkarpatskej Rusi. Veľmi rýchlo sa objavili priamo nekompatibilné predstavy o štátoprávnom postavení Slovenska v republike a ďalšom budovaní spoločného štátu. Bolo priamo prirodzené, že rastúce národné ambície slovenského národa v podstatnej miere umožnené demokratickými podmienkami vývoja v novom štáte narážali na koncepčné predstavy českých elít jednoznačne uprednostňujúcich predovšetkým snahu vybudovať silný jednotný štát. Jeho základom mal byť jednotný etnicky československý národ aj vzhľadom k skutočnosti, že v štáte existovala silná etnická nemecká komunita. Problém integrácie Slovenska do nového štátu, stotožnenie sa slovenskej spoločnosti s republikou, primárna otázka vzťahu národa k štátu začali pomerne rýchle rezonovať po 28. októbri 1918, resp. po 30. októbri 1918. V plnej nahote sa vnášali do politických bojov a spôsobovali, že zápasy politických strán sprevádzala krvavá stopa nevraživosti ako jednoznačný symptóm len pomalého a postupného akceptovania demokratických zásad a demokratickej politickej kultúry v živote spoločnosti. Demokratický režim nového štátu, bez ohľadu na výhrady, resp. kritické pripomienky voči nemu zastihol slovenskú spoločnosť nepripravenú okamžite pochopiť jeho podstatu a zmysel, osvojiť si jeho princípy a len postupne a do určitej miery sa začal meniť prístup k novému politickému systému a jeho plnému rešpektovaniu. Konfrontačné prvky sa však výrazne vnášali aj do sociálnych zápasov, pričom snaha vyťažiť z nich politicky kapitál bola viac-menej evidentná. V tomto kontexte ani zápas o štátoprávne postavenie Slovenska v republike nebol výnimkou. Postupne však, ale jednoznačne v tridsiatych rokoch, dochádzalo k podstatným zmenám a vylúčeniu konfrontačných, krvavých stretnutí v politických a sociálnych zápasoch. Vplýval na to aj proces politického „dozrievania“ slovenského národa, keď rástlo národné povedomie a sebavedomie mimoriadne u mladej nastupujúcej inteligencie. Na druhej strane sa riešenie problému komplikovalo zložitým postavením nového štátu. V druhej polovici tridsiatych rokov sa začalo stupňovať bezprostredné ohrozenie samostatnosti a existencie republiky. Postupne sa dochádzalo k presvedčeniu, že nacistické Nemecko ohrozuje nielen samostatnosť ale priamo existenciu národov Československa. Ani v tomto období sa však nepodarilo odstrániť rozporuplné predstavy o štátoprávnom postavení Slovenska, ktoré rezonovali v slovenskej spoločnosti a ešte ostrejšie v kontaktoch medzi českými politickými elitami a jednotlivými politickými subjektmi na Slovensku. Bolo tomu tak napriek skutočnosti, že v spoločnosti všeobecne silnelo volanie po urovnaní vzájomných vzťahov ako predpokladu posilnenia odhodlania obyvateľstva brániť štát a vydobyté slobody po roku 1918. Predstavitelia politických strán na Slovensku sa nedokázali ani koncom tridsiatych rokov dohodnúť na formulovaní koncepčnej predstavy o mieste Slovenskej krajiny v štáte a už vôbec nie nejaký program spoločne obhajovať. Ich predstavy boli odlišné, rozdielne a protikladné, čo vyplývalo z ich politickej orientácie, ale mali jednu spoločnú ústrednú myšlienku, existujúce postavenie Slovenska v republike je neudržateľné; Slovensko potrebuje zmenu. Táto predstava rezonovala v celej slovenskej spoločnosti aj keď v rozdielnom rozsahu a v rozdielnych. konkrétnych predstavách Je symptomatické, ale v politických procesoch vývoja malého národa typické, že k zásadným rozhodujúcim vývojovým zmenám môže a dochádza v dôsledku kardinálnych prevratov na medzinárodnej scéne, v medzinárodných vzťahoch, veľmocenských presunoch, pod vplyvom agresie a pod. Nemožno pochybovať, že predstavy rôznych slovenských politických strán sa koncom tridsiatych rokov aj pod tlakom ohrozenia štátu a vyriešenia tohto problému ako posilnenia pozícii republiky približovali, hľadalo sa kompromisné, prijateľné riešenie. Je však nespochybniteľným faktom, že k zásadnému politicko mocenskému rozuzleniu tohto problému mohlo a došlo len pod tlakom zahraničnopolitického otrasu veľkého rozmeru. Diktát veľmocí v Mníchove a jeho vnútropolitické a zahraničnopolitické dôsledky umožnili, že sa mohla presadiť v danom momente maximalistická koncepcia riešenia slovenskej otázky vo forme federatívnej prestavby republiky. Je rovnako symptomatické, že následná zmena režimu smerovala jednoznačne k odbúraniu demokratického systému a budovania autoritatívneho režimu. Je ďalej príznačné, že Slovenský štát vznikol za situácie a podmienok, v rámci ktorých boli rozhodujúce zahraničnopolitické vplyvy a nie ambície politikov na Slovensku. Vybrané publikované štúdie chcú čiastočne prispieť k poznaniu týchto problémov, následkov a dôsledkov pre život spoločnosti a jej ďalšie politické smerovanie. Pritom je primárne koncentrovanie na politické rozmery týchto problémov s cieľom súčasne prispieť k poznaniu ako sa chcela republika brániť proti nacistickej agresii. Súčasne publikované, a v jednom prípade nepublikovaná štúdia o organizácii bezpečnosti na Balkáne, ukazujú ako chápali a riešili problémy bezpečnosti spojenci Československa v Malej dohode, resp. aké predstavy sa v podunajských štátoch prezentovali v oblasti integrácie a organizácie bezpečnosti. Spájanie problematiky všeobecných a národných dejín dáva príležitosť na podrobnejšie objasnenie toho ako reagovala slovenská spoločnosť na Mníchovskú dohodu, ale aj umožňuje naznačiť ako došlo a prečo došlo k mníchovskému diktátu z 29. septembra 1938. Prirodzene v niektorých štúdiách sa opakujú syntetickým spôsobom všeobecné úvahy, bez ktorých však by nebolo možné písať o konkrétnych ale aj teoretických predstavách a činnosti E. Beneša, M. Hodžu, J. Tisa. Priložené dokumenty považujeme za dôležité pri poznaní a hodnotení postoja E. Beneša k slovenskej otázke, ale aj jeho prístupu k publikovaniu dokumentov a následnému utváraniu jeho politického imidžu. Dokazuje to aj uverejnenie dokumentov, v spolupráci s Mgr. Barbarou Píseckou, o dohode slovenských , resp. politických strán zo Slovenska v Žiline 6. októbra 1938 a postojoch prezidenta a vlády k týmto otázkam. Vedecké štúdie sa publikujú v pôvodnom rozsahu. Viaceré z nich vyšli v zahraničí. Ich pôvodný zmysel smeroval k predneseniu daných problémov na zahraničných, resp. medzinárodných konferenciách a následne bol transformovaný na podmienky vedecky publikovaných prác predpokladu posilnenia odhodlania obyvateľstva brániť štát a vydobyté slobody po roku 1918. Predstavitelia politických strán na Slovensku sa nedokázali ani koncom tridsiatych rokov dohodnúť na formulovaní koncepčnej predstavy o mieste Slovenskej krajiny v štáte a už vôbec nie nejaký program spoločne obhajovať. Ich predstavy boli odlišné, rozdielne a protikladné, čo vyplývalo z ich politickej orientácie, ale mali jednu spoločnú ústrednú myšlienku, existujúce postavenie Slovenska v republike je neudržateľné; Slovensko potrebuje zmenu. Táto predstava rezonovala v celej slovenskej spoločnosti aj keď v rozdielnom rozsahu a v rozdielnych. konkrétnych predstavách Je symptomatické, ale v politických procesoch vývoja malého národa typické, že k zásadným rozhodujúcim vývojovým zmenám môže a dochádza v dôsledku kardinálnych prevratov na medzinárodnej scéne, v medzinárodných vzťahoch, veľmocenských presunoch, pod vplyvom agresie a pod. Nemožno pochybovať, že predstavy rôznych slovenských politických strán sa koncom tridsiatych rokov aj pod tlakom ohrozenia štátu a vyriešenia tohto problému ako posilnenia pozícii republiky približovali, hľadalo sa kompromisné, prijateľné riešenie. Je však nespochybniteľným faktom, že k zásadnému politicko mocenskému rozuzleniu tohto problému mohlo a došlo len pod tlakom zahraničnopolitického otrasu veľkého rozmeru. Diktát veľmocí v Mníchove a jeho vnútropolitické a zahraničnopolitické dôsledky umožnili, že sa mohla presadiť v danom momente maximalistická koncepcia riešenia slovenskej otázky vo forme federatívnej prestavby republiky. Je rovnako symptomatické, že následná zmena režimu smerovala jednoznačne k odbúraniu demokratického systému a budovania autoritatívneho režimu. Je ďalej prí- značné, že Slovenský štát vznikol za situácie a podmienok, v rámci ktorých boli rozhodujúce zahraničnopolitické vplyvy a nie ambície politikov na Slovensku. Vybrané publikované štúdie chcú čiastočne prispieť k poznaniu týchto problémov, následkov a dôsledkov pre život spoločnosti a jej ďalšie politické smerovanie. Pritom je primárne koncentrovanie na politické rozmery týchto problémov s cieľom súčasne prispieť k poznaniu ako sa chcela republika brániť proti nacistickej agresii. Súčasne publikované, a v jednom prípade nepublikovaná štúdia o organizácii bezpečnosti na Balkáne, ukazujú ako chápali a riešili problémy bezpečnosti spojenci Československa v Malej dohode, resp. aké predstavy sa v podunajských štátoch prezentovali v oblasti integrácie a organizácie bezpečnosti. Spájanie problematiky všeobecných a národných dejín dáva príležitosť na podrobnejšie objasnenie toho ako reagovala slovenská spoločnosť na Mníchovskú dohodu, ale aj umožňuje naznačiť ako došlo a prečo došlo k mníchovskému diktátu z 29. septembra 1938. Prirodzene v niektorých štúdiách sa opakujú syntetickým spôsobom všeobecné úvahy, bez ktorých však by nebolo možné písať o konkrétnych ale aj teoretických predstavách a činnosti E. Beneša, M. Hodžu, J. Tisa. Priložené dokumenty považujeme za dôležité pri poznaní a hodnotení postoja E. Beneša k slovenskej otázke, ale aj jeho prístupu k publikovaniu dokumentov a následnému utváraniu jeho politického imidžu. Dokazuje to aj uverejnenie dokumentov, v spolupráci s Mgr. Barbarou Píseckou, o dohode slovenských , resp. politických strán zo Slovenska v Žiline 6. októbra 1938 a postojoch prezidenta a vlády k týmto otázkam. Vedecké štúdie sa publikujú v pôvodnom rozsahu. Viaceré z nich vyšli v zahraničí. Ich pôvodný zmysel smeroval k predneseniu daných problémov na zahraničných, resp. medzinárodných konferenciách a následne bol transformovaný na podmienky vedecky publikovaných prác.

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From Eight to Eight. Transformations of the Slovak society in the years 1918 - 1938
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From Eight to Eight. Transformations of the Slovak society in the years 1918 - 1938

Od osmičky k osmičke. Premeny slovenskej spoločnosti v rokoch 1918 - 1938

Author(s): / Language(s): Slovak

Keywords: Slovakia; Czechoslovakia; interwar period; politics; political system; economy; education; sport; culture; language; theater; media; identity; radio; crime;

This collective monograph consists from 15 chapters written by Slovak historians and other social scientists who tried to sketch the life in inter-war Slovakia. The chapters are focusing on politics and economy but mostly on social and cultural aspects of the life of society. The authors tried to answer the basic question: how was the period of 20 years, from the emergence of Czechoslovakia in 1918 till the introduction of the Slovak autonomy in 1938, with its democratic, national, cultural, institutional, technical and economical changes reflected in everyday life of common people. From this prospective, the authors came with lot of new, interesting and challenging outcomes of their research. As a result of that, this book creates an original and colorful image of the history of Slovakia in Czechoslovakia. One of its goals was to turn over the attention of experts and broader audience to the topics from the Slovak history that have not been favored by the Slovak historiography before. Although the book is limited to the period of inter-war years, lot of phenomenon sparked by the events of 1918 exceeded the year 1938. For some of them there is continuity in the next decades or are relevant even today. The publication enables the reader to follow and evaluate different present-day social phenomenon from the perspective of their historical evolution. Those facts demonstrate that the methodology and the approach of the book are very important for the research of Slovak history today. If experts and broader audience find in it interesting information and challenging observation about the changes of Slovakia during the period of inter-war Czechoslovakia, the goal of the authors was fulfilled.

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