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Overcoming the Old Borders. Beyond the Paradigm of Slovak National History
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Overcoming the Old Borders. Beyond the Paradigm of Slovak National History

Author(s): / Language(s): English

The Slovak community of historians is presently experiencing a relatively rapid change of generations. The professional development of historiography is more and more influenced by the generation of 30 – 40-year-old historians. This is the result of a specific development related to the changes in the society after 1989. At the beginning of the 1990s a considerable portion of scientists left the academic environment. Many of them moved to the private sector or got employed in lucrative positions within the civil service (e.g. diplomatic corps). Researchers compromised by excessive ideological commitment in the previous regime had to leave scientific teams, while others became the victims of radical cuts in employee numbers particularly in the Slovak Academy of Sciences (SAS). However, the situation changed in the second half of the 1990s. New universities were established and required human resources. A better financial situation in the SAS led to the opening of new job positions. At the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries (not only) historical research institutions took on an unusually great number of young scientists. This process was also well reflected in the largest research institution dealing with the history – the Institute of History of the Slovak Academy of Sciences. It is natural that all members of the new-generation researchers seek to somehow define themselves in opposition to their predecessors, for example, by going beyond what they consider as established stereotypes in research, terminology and interpretation. In their work, many young historians bring new methodological approaches into the Slovak historiography, and re-analyse the traditional historical constructs, or focus on phenomena of historical development which have yet to be explored. When compared with their older colleagues, they have got the undeniable advantage of working in a free society with almost no limitations in choosing research topics and with international cooperation opportunities. The main goal of creating and publishing this collective monograph is to provide an example of profile texts of the new generation of Slovak historians who work in the Institute of History. The twelve chapters of this work cover the period of the 19th and the 20th centuries. The chapters are devoted to the area of Central Europe with emphasis on the territory of Slovakia. The authors have based their work on different theories and apply a variety of methodological approaches. Their common goal is to overcome the negative conceptual models typical for Central European historiographies after 1989 such as the nation-centred paradigm of history and the neo-positivist emphasis on political history. Comprehension of Central and Eastern European history is barely possible without a thorough analysis of the concept of nation, its creation, its use, and its specific formation in different national communities. This is the main reason why the monograph starts with a methodological study (by László Vörös) which deals with the question of defining and using the concept of “nation“ and the problem with reification and objectification of the nation. The political development in Central Europe in the last two centuries was largely turbulent, marked by conflicts arising from cultural, ethnic and social heterogeneity of the area. Central Europe is a region generally characterised by a complex, delicate, and constantly changing intersection of political, ethnic, national, linguistic, religious, cultural borders, and contexts, producing various competing collective identities. The process of nationalisation had an impact on the society in the Kingdom of Hungary, and initially, it led to questioning the concept of multi-ethnic Hungary in the environment of aristocratic elites. Peter Šoltés points to another trend which was particularly strong in Hungarian intellectual discourse before March 1848, to present Hungary as “Europe in miniature”, where in addition to the four major nations (Hungarians, Germans, Slavs and Wallachians), there were more than a dozen other nations. The issues of the (often tragic) developments of the multi-ethnic and multi-religious regions have been analysed by Petra Rybářová using the example of emancipation and assimilation of Jews during the boom of political anti-Semitism in Hungary. Michal Schvarc has focused on the destiny of the German minority in Bratislava (in German, Pressburg) since the establishment of Czechoslovakia to the actual end of the German community in the city after 1948. In the 20th century the territory of Slovakia and its people were exposed to frequent changes that affected their lives fundamentally. State formations, boundaries and the ruling regimes changed in quick succession. The collapse of Austria-Hungary, the creation of Czechoslovakia in 1918, the Munich crisis of 1938, and, a year later, the creation of the Slovak State as a German “vassal”, the restoration of Czechoslovakia in 1945 and its incorporation into the Communist camp in 1948. The development continued with 40 years of the communist regime, its crises, failed efforts to reform, various forms of constitutional organisation of the state, all culminating in the 1989 “Velvet Revolution” and the division of Czechoslovakia in 1993. The Slovak Republic then went through a difficult process of consolidating liberal democracy. It also entails the complex process of “coming to terms with the past”. Naturally, a significant part of this book will therefore, in a way, reflect on the major breaking points in the historical development. Juraj Benko discusses the political socialisation of the Slovak population after the creation of Czechoslovakia in 1918. Matej Hanula deals with the issues of shaping the political culture of people in the new state’s developing party system in his text on the so-called Peasant Cavalry set up by the Agrarian Party: the most influential political party of the Republic. Miroslav Sabol analyses the economic impact of the Vienna Award of 1938 which resulted in the loss of one quarter of Slovakia’s territory annexed to Hungary. The topic addressed by Dušan Segeš is Slovakia as the subject of political contacts between Poland and Hungary in the neutral European countries during World War II. The political socialisation of the population was also important for representatives of the communist dictatorship, especially in the initial period. As Marína Zavacká notes in the chapter on local communist activists in the period 1949 – 1956, the regime was to a great extent participatory and required massive involvement of citizens’ participation in its activities. The analysis of this issue is also a part of the answer to the question of why communism in Slovakia has established itself relatively easily and why its implications are still noticeable today. Three chapters are devoted to the formation of the picture of the past as well as development of dominant narratives or counter-narratives. The text by Karol Hollý introduces the research of ideological discourse and nationalist historical thinking in the 19th century. The main focus of the study is to analyse the two main documents presenting political programmes which were an essential element of the ideology of Slovak nationalism in the second half of the 19th century. Miroslav Michela writes about the cult of the king Saint Stephen, patron of Hungary, in Slovakia in the interwar period. He draws attention to the political implications of his remembrance and hence the importance of stories about the history in the public discourse. This hypothesis is confirmed in the chapter by Adam Hudek on the formation of the picture of the fall of communism in Slovakia as a part of the problem coming to terms with the “totalitarian past”. Twenty years after the fall of communism, it appears also among the political and intellectual elites that there exists a number of parallel planes of discourse and several competing or overlapping “memories”. The question is how the historical science is able to reflect on this fact. The effort to maintain value neutrality is an important factor distinguishing the work of historians from interpretations coming for instance from the political environment. However, it is necessary to realise that a historian is neither completely independent nor completely objective. Historical judgments will always be inextricably linked to the specific social reality from which they take rise.1 The picture of value-independent research and the opportunities to discover a “definitive truth” is only a part of simplified notions of de-ideologisation of science which have emerged after 1989. The authors of this work are aware of this fact too. This book aspires to present an account of the generation of significant representatives coming from a diverse group of young Slovak historians. It deals with the specific problems of the historical development in Slovakia and Central Europe over the past two centuries. The thematic, chronological or territorial scope of this publication is in no way exhaustive. Rather, it is just an example, though largely representative, of the topics of historical research addressed currently in the key historical research institution in Slovakia. The authors will be happy if they start a discussion, exchange of ideas and further inquiry on the history of Central Europe.

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Piae Fundationes. Zbožné fundácie a ich význam pre rozvoj uhorskej spoločnosti v ranom novoveku
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Piae Fundationes. Zbožné fundácie a ich význam pre rozvoj uhorskej spoločnosti v ranom novoveku

Author(s): Ingrid Kušniráková / Language(s): Slovak

Katolícke fundácie a ich význam pre rozvoj školstva, ústavov sociálnej starostlivosti a cirkevných inštitúcií v období raného novoveku sú témou, ktorej slovenská historiografi a doteraz nevenovala takmer žiadnu pozornosť. Základiny ako majetkové podstaty založené s cieľom materiálne zabezpečiť cirkevné, školské a charitatívne ústavy sa okrajovo spomínajú takmer vo všetkých prácach venovaných dejinám týchto inštitúcií v sledovanom období, väčšina z nich však prináša len základné údaje o ich majetku, zakladateľoch a o cieľoch, ktoré mali plniť. V slovenskej historiografi i, ale i v dejepisectve okolitých krajín absentujú práce, ktoré by dôslednejšie analyzovali miesto fundácií v systéme fi nancovania cirkví, školstva a sociálnej starostlivosti, sledovali spôsob spravovania a využívania ich majetku a poukázali na vzájomnú súvislosť medzi podriadením fundácií kontrole štátu a realizáciou niektorých reforiem osvietenských panovníkov. Fundácie (základiny) boli významným fenoménom v živote ranonovovekej spoločnosti, tvorili základ fi nančného zabezpečenia cirkví, školstva a sociálnej starostlivosti. Ranonovoveký štát sa prakticky nepodieľal na budovaní cirkevných, školských a charitatívnych inštitúcií a nepoznal inštitút štátneho rozpočtu s vyčlenenými kapitolami na fi nancovanie spomínaných oblastí spoločenského života. Rôzne cirkevné inštitúcie, všetky typy škôl a sociálnych ústavov mohli vzniknúť a pôsobiť len vďaka dostatočne stabilným a výnosným základinám, ktoré zakladali cirkevné a svetské elity vtedajšej spoločnosti. Kniha o dejinách fundácií v ranom novoveku je súčasne prácou o dejinách cirkevných, školských a charitatívnych inštitúcií v tomto období a o systéme ich fi nančného zabezpečenia. Budovanie sakrálnych objektov, vzdelávacích a charitatívnych ústavov bolo súčasťou formovania novovekých konfesií v Uhorsku. Každá z nich si s podporou svojej cirkevnej hierarchie a solventných veriacich budovala vlastné inštitúcie, ktorých fi nancovanie bolo zabezpečené najmä výnosmi z fundácií. V dôsledku konfesionalizácie uhorskej spoločnosti štát diferencoval svoj prístup k existencii a pôsobeniu fundácií jednotlivých cirkevných spoločenstiev. Základiny každej konfesie vznikali a pôsobili v podmienkach, ktoré existujúce právne normy vytvorili pre jej pôsobenie a činnosť. Jednotlivé konfesie spolu so svojimi inštitúciami (farnosti, kláštory, školy a chudobince) vytvorili v Uhorsku v období 17. a 18. storočia uzavreté komunity, ktoré síce žili v rovnakých politických a spoločenských pomeroch, ale ich život okrem všeobecne platných právnych noriem ovplyvňovali aj zákony, platné pre konkrétnu konfesiu. V Uhorsku v sledovanom období pôsobili štyri významné kresťanské konfesie a každá z nich spravovala svoje vlastné fundácie. Dejiny fundácií jednotlivých konfesií je nevyhnutné skúmať v rámci vlastných cirkevných dejín a v kontexte vzájomných vzťahov týchto spoločenstiev a štátu. Takto postavená téma by však presahovala možnosti jednej knihy, preto bolo nevyhnutné tému obmedziť a vzhľadom na dominantné postavenie katolíckej cirkvi v krajine zamerať pozornosť len na fundácie tejto konfesie. Na začiatku 17. storočia stála pred katolíckou cirkvou a jej stúpencami v Uhorsku historická výzva obnoviť cirkev a získať späť pozície v spoločnosti, ktoré stratila v priebehu reformácie. Cirkev si musela nanovo zadefi novať svoje dogmy, formy zbožnosti a organizačnú štruktúru. Dogmatické otázky vyriešil Tridentský koncil, obnova cirkevného života bola v rukách domácej cirkevnej hierarchie a stúpencov katolíckej cirkvi. Nevyhnutným predpokladom obnovy cirkvi bol schopný a vzdelaný klérus, vzdeláva cie príležitosti pre katolícku mládež a primeraná sieť farností. Všetky tieto inštitúcie však mohli vzniknúť a pôsobiť len vďaka stabilným a dobre zabezpečeným fundáciám. Základiny boli v 17. stotočí jedným z predpokladov obnovy katolíckej cirkvi v Uhorsku a nástrojom jej fi nancovania. Fundácie, ich vznik a aktivity, boli významne poznačené časom, v ktorom vznikli, ako aj kultúrnym a spoločenským prostredím, v ktorom pôsobili. Fundácie vznikali ako „večné“ inštitúcie, ale spoločnosť, v ktorej existovali, sa menila. V čase veľkých spoločenských zmien preto dochádzalo k vzájomnému napätiu medzi správcami fundácií a svetskými či cirkevnými jurisdikciami. Pod vplyvom spoločenských zmien sa museli nanovo defi novať ciele niektorých základín, zmenil sa správca i spôsob ich spravovania. Správcovia fundácií sa v Uhorsku v 18. storočí museli vyrovnať najmä s dôsledkami osvietenských reforiem Márie Terézie a Jozefa II. V čase ich panovania, teda v druhej polovici 18. storočia, začal štát riadiť a reformovať oblasť školstva a sociálnej starostlivosti, ktoré sa dovtedy vnímali najmä ako súčasť života cirkvi, ale aj samotnú cirkev a jej vnútorný život. Refoma cirkevných štruktúr, školských a charitatívnych inštitúcií nebola možná, pokiaľ štát nepodriadil svojej kontrole fi nančné zdroje, z ktorých boli tieto inštitúcie fi nancované. Podriadenie fundácií kontrole štátu bolo prvým krokom na ceste k osvietenskej reforme týchto sfér spoločenského života. Kontrola základín zároveň významným spôsobom posilnila vplyv štátu na riadenie školstva a systému sociálnej starostlivosti, obmedzila kompetencie cirkvi v tejto oblasti a stala sa nástrojom osvietenských reforiem. Nemecká historiografi a, ktorá sa už dlhší čas venuje systematickému skúmaniu fenoménu stredovekých fundácií , používa tri základné koncepcie skúmania a spracovania ich dejín. Prvá, najstaršia z nich, je právnohistorická, ktorá vznikla na konci 19. storočia. Právne chrakteristiky defi nujú základiny najmä ako inštitúcie, ktoré plnia fundátorom stanovený cieľ. Za základnú črtu fundácií považujú trvalú existenciu ich majetku a právnu subjektivitu. Fundácie však boli sociálnym i kultúrnym fenoménom, z tohto dôvodu sa najmä v posledných desaťročiach stali predmetom výskumu sociálnych a kultúrnych dejín. Sociálnohistorický prístup skúma fundácie ako nástroje spásy a kolektívnej pamäte, sleduje vzťahy medzi fundátorom a obdarovanými osobami, analyzuje sociálne javy, ktoré fundácie vytvorili a sociálne súvislosti, v ktorých vznikli a plnili svoje poslanie. Vzťahy medzi fundátormi a adresátmi základín mali aj svoju kultúrnu rovinu, ktorá spočívala v pestovaní a upevňovaní pamiatky jednotlivca v kolektívnej pamäti. Fundácie vytvorili rámec, v ktorom sa organizovaným spôsobom pestovali spomienky žijúcich na zosnulých členov spoločnosti. Fundácie sa stali súčasťou obrazu spoločenských vrstiev, ktorých sebaprezentácia je predmetom výskumu kultúrnych dejín.4 Predkladaná kniha sleduje všetky tri uvedené aspekty dejín fundácií, nosnou témou sú dejiny fundácií ako školských, charitatívnych a cirkevných inštitúcií. Kniha má však ambíciu prekročiť právnohistorický rámec výskumu, preto sleduje i dôvody fundátorov, ktoré ich viedli k založeniu fundácie, analyzuje spoločenské skupiny, ktoré boli z výnosov fundácií podporované a povinnosti obdarovaných osôb voči pamiatke fundátora i fundácii samotnej. Vzhľadom nato, že základiny sa v ranom novoveku aktívne podieľali na obnove katolíckej cirkvi a jej inštitúcií, vnímam dejiny fundácií v tomto období aj ako súčasť cirkevných dejín. Práca je chronologicky vymedzená obdobím 17. a 18. storočia, konkrétne časovým úsekom, ktorý sa začal nástupom Petra Pázmánya na stolec ostrihomského arcibiskupa v roku 1616 a skončil smrťou Leopolda II. v roku 1792. Úspešná rekatolizácia pod vedením P. Pázmánya sa stala počiatkom renesancie katolíckych inštitúcií v krajine, ktoré nemohli vzniknúť a pôsobiť bez výnosných a stabilných fundácií. Obnova katolíckej cirkvi v Uhorsku vyvrcholila v polovici 18. storočia, teda v období, keď Mária Teré- zia začala realizovať osvietenské reformy i v uhorskej časti svojej monarchie. Smrťou Leopolda II. sa končí éra osvietenských reforiem a začína sa nová epocha v dejinách Uhorska. Práca vychádza predovšetkým zo štúdia archívnych prameňov Uhorskej kráľovskej miestodržiteľskej rady v Maďarskom krajinskom archíve v Budapešti, fond Acta fundationalia. Vo fonde sa nachádza veľké množstvo historikmi doteraz nevyužitých písomností, ktoré pochádzajú z rokov 1723 – 1780 a dokumentujú proces podriadenia fundácií štátnej kontrole. Pre potreby práce sa stali prínosom archívne fondy všetkých inštitúcií, ktoré v sledovanom období spravovali fundácie, teda najmä archívy cirkevných inštitú- cií, miestnych samospráv a župných úradov. Využila som archívne fondy deponované v Slovenskom národnom archíve, v Archíve mesta Bratislavy a v Štátnom archíve v Bratislave. Touto cestou sa chcem poďakovať pracovníkom spomínaných archívov za ich pomoc a ochotu.

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Pod zástavou cisára a kráľa
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Pod zástavou cisára a kráľa

Author(s): Vojtech Dangl / Language(s): Slovak

The presented monograph is an anthology of case-studies dealing with various aspects of military history of Slovakia starting with the antecedences of the 1848 revolution and continuing till the early beginnings of World War I. The texts are selected and arranged in chronological order. This mentioned period represents an era of crucial importance for the development of national consciousness of the Slovak nation. During that time, many revolutionary changes of social order took place in Hungarian Kingdom; decisive political struggles about the form of modernization were fought, the social structure and spiritual fundament changed radically, national contradictions among the nations living in the kingdom were more and more evident, the oppressive policy of Magyar elites towards other nations and nationalities strengthened. In consequence, the Slovak political representatives were pushed into a defensive position and they set as they primary goal the safeguarding of the Slovak national existence. The publication is divided into four parts: introduction, two basic chapters ordered chronologically and conclusion. In the first chapter titled Approaching the World War, I pay attention to the year of revolution, 1848, which represented a major turning point in the transition from feudalism to the capitalism and which deeply influenced the process of bourgeois transformation of the majority of European states. Further, it was for the first time in modern history of the Slovak nation, that an independent armed action of the Slovaks took place – the socalled September Uprising in 1848. In this chapter, the issues connected with the armed action of the Slovak volunteers in September 1848 serve as a background for a complex military historical analysis of that time. The Austro-Prussian War fought in 1866 that culminated in the defeat of Austrian army in the Battle of Königgrätz (Hradec Králové), brought a correction of great power ambitions of the Habsburg Empire, it further led to a revision of its foreign policy and cause inner political turbulences, leading to the Austro-Hungarian (Magyar) constitutional settlement in 1867. Last but not least, a reform of Austro-Hungarian army was initiated. In the second chapter, I consider the course of the mentioned war and its consequences, paying attention to the participation of Slovaks in the military formations of the Monarchy. The next three studies in this chapter seek to illustrate the system of resurrection of the Austro-Hungarian army and the organizational development of the infantry and cavalry units specifically considering the effects of those issues on Slovakia and the role of Slovaks in the frames of the Habsburg army and the units referred to. It is worth a mention that this is the first comprehensive attempt in Slovak historiography to reflect the above-mentioned issues. The studies are supplemented by tables and schemes and they are followed by an analysis of the nationality issue in the army – both the Habsburg and the Honvéd army – as well as the reactions of the Slovak policy to the mentioned questions in the last decades before World War I. Another chapter is dealing with the military and diplomatic background of events that followed after the Assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria in Sarajevo and which culminated in the World War I. The final study of this chapter is dealing with military plans of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy in the eve of the outbreak of World War I, taking into account their connection with the military plans of the general staff of the German army. The second part of this book is titled Slovaks in the Great War and is subdivided into three chapter, each of them monitoring the first stage of military actions in the north-eastern front, where numerous Slovak soldiers incorporated to the V. battalion of Bratislava and VI. battalion of Košice took part. In the first chapter I focus on the prelude of the Austro-Hungarian military formations operations in the north-eastern front during August 1914, which later resulted in most determined fights in the initial phase of World War I. In the following study, I consider the most extensive military operation of the Austro-Hungarian army in the north-eastern front – the Battle of Kraśnik. My last study is dealing with the Battle of Komarów, in the Russian literature better known as the Battle of Tomaszów. In both battles, many soldiers coming from Slovakia lost their lives. In addition to a detailed description of the course of these battles and the whole military situation, I pay attention to some controversial decisions taken by the high command of the Austro-Hungarian army, resulting from frictions and discrepancies between the German and Austro-Hungarian military command. These decisions caused setbacks of particular military operations. World War I and its consequences changed the political map of Europe and brought a dramatic change in the balance of power. The multinational Habsburg monarchy, which long before the outbreak of the Great War wasn’t able to respond and satisfy the demands (political, lingual, cultural etc.) of oppressed nations, ceased to exist. On its ruins, new state raised. By the establishment of the Czecho-Slovak state on democratic principles, Slovakia and the Slovaks entered a new historical era.

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Pracovali v Tretej ríši
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Pracovali v Tretej ríši

Author(s): Michal Schvarc,Ľudovít Hallon,Peter Mičko / Language(s): Slovak,German

Sie arbeiteten im Dritten Reich. Studien und Dokumente zur Anwerbung und zum Einsatz slowakischer Arbeitskräfte im Deutschen Reich 1938 – 1945 Der Slowakische Staat, seit dem 21. Juli 1939 offiziell Slowakische Republik (SR) ist sowohl in der Fach- als auch in der Laienöffentlichkeit immer wieder ein lebhaft erörtertes Thema. Ungeachtet dessen bleiben noch viele Fragen unbeantwortet, einige Problemkomplexe unberührt oder nur teilweise erforscht. Zu jenen Fragen gehört auch die Anwerbung slowakischer Arbeitskräfte nach Deutschland in den Jahren 1939 – 1945. Wenngleich es sich um ein bedeutsames Kapitel der kurzen Geschichte des Slowakischen Staates handelt, wurde es von der slowakischen Historiografie eine lange Zeit kaum reflektiert. Eine Ausnahme stellen nur einzelne Arbeiten tschechoslowakischer/slowakischer Provenienz dar. Diese behandeln jedoch nicht alle Ebenen des untersuchten Problems. Darüber hinaus orientieren sie sich fast ausschließlich an dem inländischen Schriftgut. Veranlasst durch diese Sachlage entschieden wir uns, die Anwerbung slowakischer Arbeiter nach NS-Deutschland in Form der kommentierten Quellen näher zu beleuchten, wobei den Kern der vorgelegten Edition Dokumente deutschen Ursprungs bilden, die bis jetzt unbekannt waren und noch nicht publiziert wurden. Wir haben dadurch neue Erkenntnisse zu den Zwangsformen und Methoden der Anwerbung durch nationalsozialistische Militär- und Polizeidienststellen nach Ausbruch des Slowakischen Nationalaufstandes bzw. nach dem Übergehen der Front auf das slowakische Staatsgebiet im Winter 1944/1945 sowie zur Lösung der Frage der unbezahlten Löhne in der Nachkriegszeit zutage gefördert. Wir betrachten das Phänomen zugleich als eine Art der ökonomischen Migration, dessen Katalysator eine hohe Arbeitslosigkeit in den Jahren 1939/1940 und unvergleichbar bessere Lohnverhältnisse im Reich waren. Dies erklärt die anfängliche große Nachfrage der produktiven Bevölkerung, eine Arbeitsstelle in Deutschland zu bekommen. Das Ziel des vorgelegten Werkes ist, den Stand der Kenntnisse dieser zweifellos interessanten Problematik zu erweitern. Die hier publizierten Dokumente bringen nicht nur die Auskünfte über den Anwerbungsverlauf, die Arbeits- und Lebensbedingungen slowakischer Arbeiter im Deutschen Reich, die Zahlenangeben der angeworbenen Staatsangehörigen der SR, sondern sie helfen außerdem, das Bild über die einzelnen Aspekte der politisch- wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen zwischen dem Slowakischen Staat und der deutschen „Schutzmacht“ abzurunden. Auf alle mit diesem Thema zusammenhängenden Fragen kann die Edition allerdings nicht entsprechende Antworten geben. Die Gründe dafür sind vielschichtig: Umfang des Forschungsgegenstandes, Zerstreuung des Archivguts, dessen Unvollständigkeit sowie eine ständige finanzielle Vernachlässigung der slowakischen Wissenschaft. Auf der anderen Seite soll diese Edition als eine Basis für weitere Nachforschung der Problematik dienen. Die Beziehungen zwischen der Slowakischen Republik und derer „Schutzmacht“ – dem Deutschen Reich – gestalten sich 1939 – 1945 vor allem auf zwei Ebenen: auf politischer und wirtschaftlicher. Die Anwerbung slowakischer Arbeitskräfte nach Deutschland während des Zweiten Weltkrieges stellt einen Schnittpunkt beider Ebenen dar. Es handelte sich dabei nicht um rein ökonomische Angelegenheiten und die Werbung slowakischer Staatsbürger war auch stark politisch gefärbt, insbesondere als Ferdinand Ďurčanský 1939 – 1940 die Posten des Außen- und Innenministers innehatte. Ihre politische Implikationen verlor sie späterhin auch nicht, als die slowakische Seite, insbesondere nach Übergehen Italiens ins Lager der Alliierten im Herbst 1943 sowie den verheerenden Niederlagen der Wehrmacht an der Ostfront im Frühjahr und Sommer 1944 versuchte, ihre Vertragsverpflichtungen gegenüber dem „Schutzherrn“ dilatorisch zu behandeln. Man muss sagen, dass es nur bei den Versuchen blieb und die Deutschen besaßen noch immer viele wirksame Schalthebel, um zu erreichen, was ursprünglich vereinbart wurde. Nach dem Ausbruch des Aufstandes wurde die Anwerbung bzw. die zwangsläufige Rekrutierung der Arbeitskräfte zum puren Politikum. Den höchsten Regimevertretern sowie den Staatsbehörden ist trotz Interventionen, die nur in vereinzelten Fällen zum Erfolg führten, nichts übriggeblieben, als ohnmächtig ansehen zu müssen, wie die nationalsozialistischen Militär- und Polizeidienststellen eigenmächtig die arbeitsfähige Bevölkerung manipulierten und ganze Gruppen von Bürgern außerhalb des Staatsgebiets abtransportierten. Die Slowakische Republik war weder einziger, noch ausschließlicher Lieferant billiger Arbeitskräfte in das NS-Deutschland. Die zuständigen Behörden des Dritten Reiches mussten sich mit diesem Problem schon seit 1936 auseinandersetzten, als sich der Mangel an Arbeitskräften praktisch in allen Wirtschaftszweigen, insbesondere in Landwirtschaft und Schwerindustrie, zeigte. Den Ausgang aus der unerfreulichen Lage bot die Rückkehr zu einem schon bewährten Instrument: zu den bilateralen Staatsverträgen, die bis zum Beginn der Wirtschaftskrise Anfang der 1930-er Jahre auch selbst von Deutschland abgeschlossen wurden. Wiederaufgenommene Anwerbung in der Tschechoslowakei und in Polen (1935, 1937) sowie die Vereinbarungen mit Italien (1937), mit der Tschecho-Slowakei, mit Bulgarien und Jugoslawien (1939) konnten die aufgerissenen Lücken auf dem Arbeitsmarkt nicht schließen. Eine Wende in dieser Hinsicht trat nach der Besetzung der „Rest-Tschechei“ im März 1939 bzw. nach dem Beginn des Zweiten Weltkrieges ein. Das Phänomen der Zwangsarbeit wurde einer der symptomatischen Züge der deutschen Okkupationspolitik. Sie wurde durch eine gewaltsame Verschleppung aus der Heimat, Deportation ins Deutsche Reich und unfreiwilligen Arbeitseinsatz unter schlechten, sogar menschenunwürdigen Arbeits- und Lebensbedingungen (Polen, sog. „Ostarbeiter“ und seit Herbst 1943 italienische Militärinternierte) charakterisiert. Von den insgesamt 13,5 Millionen der angeworbenen, inhaftierten und verschleppten ausländischen Zivilarbeiter, Kriegsgefangenen sowie KZ-Häftlingen kann 80-90 % als zwangsläufig eingesetzt betrachtet werden. Obwohl das NS-Deutschland einen faktisch uneingeschränkten Zugang zum Arbeitskräftereservoir der besetzten Gebiete hatte (zuständige Behörden konnten jedoch die vakant gewordenen Arbeitsplätze nicht füllen und seit Ende 1941 kämpfte die Verwaltung mit einem brennenden Defizit an Arbeitskräfte), nutze es weiter die Ressourcen seiner Verbündeten und Satelliten. Je stärker das Land politisch und wirtschaftlich mit dem Reich verbunden wurde, desto leichter war es für Berlin, von seinen Vertretern die Zugeständnisse im Sinne der eigenen Interesse zu erzwingen. Als ein exemplarisches Beispiel dafür dienen die Slowakei und Kroatien – die Staaten, die als Nebenprodukte der expansiven deutschen Außenpolitik entstanden sind. Der Slowakischen Republik, wenn wir die Zahl der Bevölkerung insgesamt in Erwägung ziehen, gehörte in der Lieferung von Arbeitskräften nach Deutschland unter dessen Verbündeten aus Südosteuropa (Ungarn, Rumänien, Bulgarien, Kroatien) bis in die Hälfte 1944 der erste Rang. Dies wurde nicht nur durch den oben erwähnten diplomatischen Druck, sondern auch durch andere Umstände hervorgerufen: durch die anfänglich hohe Arbeitslosigkeit, unvergleichbar bessere Lohnverhältnisse, Bevorzugung der deutschen Minderheit bei der Anwerbungsaktionen und nicht zuletzt durch die Bereitschaft des Regimes, mit der „Schutzmacht“ zu kollaborieren. Man kann auch die Tendenzen des Regimes nicht außer Acht lassen, die eigene Bevölkerung dazu zu zwingen, sich „freiwillig“ anwerben zu lassen. Jene Neigungen wurden erst später spürbar, als unter dem Eindruck des Luftkrieges über Deutschland, der eine rapide Verschärfung der Arbeitsund Lebensbedingungen zur Folge hatte und der Großteil der Arbeiter die Rückkehr nach Deutschland ablehnte. Die angeführten Aspekte machen aus der Anwerbung slowakischer Arbeitskräfte ein, historisch gesehen, einziehendes Thema, wenn auch die vorgelegte Quellenedition nicht alle angeschnittenen Fragen beantworten kann. Im Gegensatz zur slowakischen Geschichtsschreibung ist die Problematik der Heranziehung ausländischer Arbeitskräfte (in erster Reihe die Problematik der Zwangsarbeit) in das NSDeutschland international, insbesondere in der deutschen Geschichtsschreibung viel stärker reflektiert. Das Ergebnis dieses Interesses ist eine große Anzahl von Monographien und Sammelbänden, die sich mit (gewaltsamer) Einschaltung der Ausländer in den Arbeitsprozess, nicht nur aus einer Gesamtperspektive, sondern auch in den einzelnen, vom Reich kontrollierten Regionen oder Betrieben befassen. Die Slowakei taucht in diesen Werken nur selten, überwiegend mit faktografischen Ungenauigkeiten auf. Dennoch ist es notwendig, sich mit den neuen methodologischen Trends vertraut zu machen, sich von ihnen inspirieren zu lassen und versuchen, die eingewurzelten Stereotype in der westeuropäischen Historiographie durch die Projizierung des Themas in einem breiteren Zusammenhang, womöglich auf internationales Forum, abzuschaffen. Die von uns vorgelegte Edition kann dieses Versäumnis nicht nachholen, sondern nur zum Teil kompensieren. Einer der Gründe, warum die Anwerbung slowakischer Arbeitskräfte nach Deutschland in der ausländischen Fachliteratur kaum beachtet wird, ist das Fehlen von bedeutsamen Angaben in den primären Quellen der Zentralstellen, die für den »Arbeitseinsatz« ausschlaggebend zuständig waren (Reichsarbeitsministerium, der Generalbevollmächtigte für den Arbeitseinsatz – GBA, Deutsche Arbeitsfront – DAF, Reichssicherheitshauptamt – RSHA). Die zahlenmäßigen Daten sind zwar in den mehrmals im Jahr erscheinenden statistischen Zusammenstellungen Arbeitseinsatz für das Großdeutsche Reich vorhanden, auf die Umstände der Anwerbung von Slowaken stößt man in den Akten der oben erwähnten Behörden nur selten auf. Außer der bilateralen Vereinbarungen aus den Jahren 1939, 1941, 1943 und der Abmachung über die Gastmitgliedschaft slowakischer Staatsangehöriger in der DAF, tritt die Slowakei in Dokumenten größter Relevanz nicht in Erscheinung. Das RSHA hat z. B. keine speziellen Richtlinien über die Behandlung slowakischer Arbeitskräfte ausgearbeitet. Fritz Sauckel als Generalbevollmächtigter für den Arbeitseinsatz (die Dienststelle begann ihre Tätigkeit im April 1942) hat in den Besprechungen mit den zuständigen Stellen dieses Problem nicht explizit behandelt und betrachtete es als einen Bestandteil des umfassenden Programms der Ausländeranwerbung. Die Slowakei fiel meist unter die Rubrik „sonstige europäische Länder“, man sprach über sie nur allgemein im Zusammenhang mit verstärkter „Mobilisierung von Arbeitskräften in den besetzten Gebieten und in den befreundeten Staaten“ und mit der Rekrutierung „in den Ländern, in denen keine Kampfhandlungen stattfinden… (Dänemark, Protektorat, Ungarn, Slowakei)“. Interne Korrespondenz des Auswärtigen Amtes und das Schriftgut der Dienststelle des Beauftragten des Reichsarbeitsministers, seit 1942 des GBA in Bratislava wurden kaum berücksichtigt. Gerade die nicht komplexe Bearbeitung der Formen der Anwerbung in den verbündeten Ländern Südosteuropas seitens der westeuropäischen Geschichtsschreibung kann man als einen weiteren Grund der Nichtwahrnehmung der Slowakei in diesem Zusammenhang nennen. Dies gilt sowohl für die westeuropäische Geschichtsschreibung als auch für die Historiographie in der betreffenden Region. Der dritte, nicht weniger wichtige Grund, ist das geringe Interesse der slowakischen Historiographie an der Problematik. Obwohl die Anwerbung einen nicht unerheblichen Teil der produktiven Population der damaligen Slowakischen Republik betraf, sind, wie bereits erwähnt , bislang nur zwei relevante Werke geschrieben worden, die im Ausland keinen Niederschlag gefunden haben. Darüber hinaus wurde das Thema von keinem einzigen slowakischen Historiker auf der internationalen Bühne bekannt gemacht, und so konnte es kaum ins Bewusstsein ausländischer Wissenschaftler gelingen. Die vorgelegte Quellenedition enthält 152 Dokumente zur Problematik der Anwerbung slowakischer Arbeitskräfte nach Deutschland zwischen den Jahren 1939 und 1945. Weitere, deren Relevanz wir nicht für so überragend hielten bzw. die mit den Grunddokumenten direkt zusammenhängen, wurden im Rahmen des Fußnotenapparats komplett oder auszugsweise publiziert. Alle Dokumente sind amtlicher Provenienz. Ein Großteil von ihnen ist als Schriftgut der deutschen zentralen Staats- und Parteibehörden sowie der in der Slowakei tätigen Dienststellen überliefert worden. Es handelt sich vor allem um die Berichte des Beauftragten des Reichsarbeitsministeriums, seit Frühjahr 1942 des Generalbevollmächtigten für den Arbeitseinsatz in Bratislava, ergänzt durch interne Korrespondenz des Auswärtigen Amtes (Berichte und Telegramme der deutschen Gesandtschaft in Bratislava und der Berliner Zentrale in Wilhelmstraße 74-76). Einige Dokumente stammen vom RSHA, von der Dienststelle des Sonderbeauftragten des Reichsführers-SS und Chefs der deutschen Polizei bei der deutschen diplomatischen Mission in der Slowakei, vom SD-Leitabschnitt in Wien, von dem Berater für soziale Fragen bei slowakischer Regierung, Albert Smagon, von der Einsatzgruppe H der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD und vom Befehlshaber der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD in der Slowakei. Den zweiten Teil bilden die Akten slowakischer Behörden, in erster Reihe des Innenministeriums – Zentralarbeitsamt, des Außenministeriums (Zentrale, Berliner Gesandtschaft und Wiener Generalkonsulat), des Regierungspräsidiums, des Generalsekretariates der Slowakischen Volkspartei Hlinkas u. a. Die dritte, am wenigsten vertretene Gruppe der Quellen stellen die Dokumente tschecho-slowakischer/ tschechoslowakischer Provenienz der Jahre 1938 – 1939 bzw. der Nachkriegszeit dar. Vom thematischen Blickpunkt aus gesehen, beschäftigt sich der Großteil der publizierten Quellen mit dem Verlauf der Rekrutierung slowakischer Arbeitskräfte nach Deutschland. Von weiteren Problembereichen können Lohntransfer, Arbeits- und Lebensbedingungen angeworbener Arbeiter genannt werden. Als eine besondere Gruppe sind die Dokumente, welche die Zwangsanwerbung nach dem Ausbruch des Slowakischen Nationalaufstandes bzw. nach der Erklärung eines Teils der Slowakei zum Operationsgebiet der Wehrmacht beleuchten, anzugeben. Dieses Thema wurde bisher von der slowakischen Historiographie noch nicht thematisiert. Dasselbe gilt auch für die Kompensierung für die nicht bezahlten Löhne, welche das Nachkriegsregime der gesteuerten Demokratie sowie nach dem Februarumsturz 1948 die Kommunisten lösen mussten. Wir haben in die Edition auch einige Dokumente allgemeiner Natur eingereiht. Sie weisen nicht nur auf eine differenzierte Behandlung der »fremdvölkischen« Arbeitskräfte durch polizeiliche Behörden, sondern auf das Bemühen des NS-Regimes, die Anwerbung der Arbeiter aus den Ländern Südosteuropas im gemeinsamen „Kampf gegen Bolschewismus“ propagandistisch auszuwerten, hin. Manche partielle Probleme, wie beispielsweise die Frage des Arbeitseinsatzes internierter Angehöriger der sog. ostslowakischen Armee, die Frage der Gerichtsbarkeit gegenüber slowakischen Staatsbürgern, Arbeits- und Lebensbedingungen an einzelnen Arbeitsplätzen, die Haltung lokaler staatspolizeilichen Dienststellen gegenüber den Slowaken usw. konnten in die Edition nicht einbezogen werden. Die zugeteilten Geldmittel im Rahmen des Projektes haben einfach nicht dazu gereicht, um überhaupt zu den hier angeschnittenen Fragen Forschung einzuleiten. Die Herausgeber haben bei der Untersuchung zum Thema das Augenmerk auf zentrale Archive in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland gerichtet. Die Recherchen im Politischen Archiv des Auswärtigen Amtes in Berlin konzentrierten sich in erster Reihe auf das überlieferte Schriftgut der Gesandtschaft Preßburg. Zwei Pakete (75 und 208) dieses Archivbestandes umfassen Akten zur Anwerbung slowakischer Arbeitskräfte nach Deutschland. Es handelt sich um die bereits erwähnten Berichte des Beauftragten des Reichsarbeitsministeriums bzw. des GBA sowie der Gesandtschaft. Es ist ein unvollständiges Material (Kopien und Abschriften dieser Dienststelle), welches trotz dieser Tatsache ein tragfähiges Gerüst der Edition bildet. Darüber hinaus wurden weitere Bestände gesichtet: Konsulat Preschau, Handelspolitische Abteilung – Handakten Wiehl, Waldern, Kulturpolitische Abteilung, Referat Partei, Referat Inland II geheim und Rechtsabteilung. Dort wurden keine slowakeibezogene Schriftstücke gefunden. Wir haben auch einige allgemeinen Dokumente zum Thema Arbeitseinsatz der Bevölkerung aus Südosteuropa im Reich in die Edition eingefügt. Im Bundesarchiv in Berlin zeigten sich R 70 Slowakei – Polizeidienststellen in der Slowakei und die Mikrofilmesammlung SS Verschiedener Provenienz als relevante Bestände. Dort sind Berichte verschiedener SD-Dienststellen über die Lage slowakischer Arbeiter in Deutschland, über die Entstehung ausländischer Hlinka-Garde sowie ein Material zur zwangsläufigen Rekrutierung slowakischer Bevölkerung im Herbst 1944 und im Winter 1944/1945 überliefert worden. Nützliche Hinweise zum Thema geben auch die Bestände R 3901 – Reichsarbeitsministerium, R 16 – Reichsnährstand und R 3601 – Reichsministerium für Ernährung und Landwirtschaft. Fehlende Schriftstücke der Dienststelle des Beauftragten des Ministeriums, später des GBA haben wir in der Registratur jedoch nicht gefunden. Als weitere Bestände, aus welchen wir Dokumente schöpften, sind anzuführen: NS 18 – Reichspropagandaleiter der NSDAP, NS 19 – Persönlicher Stab Reichsführer-SS, R 2 – Reichsfinanzministerium, R 59 – Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle, R 901 – Auswärtiges Amt, Handelspolitische Abteilung 1936 – 1945 und R 5101 – Reichsministerium für die kirchlichen Angelegenheiten. Gesichtet wurden sowohl R 3 – Reichsministerium für Rüstung und Kriegsproduktion, R 43 – Reichskanzlei »Neue Reichskanzlei« als auch R 3101 – Reichswirtschaftsministerium. Recherchearbeit in diesen Beständen hat kein nennenswertes Ergebnis gebracht. Infolgedessen haben wir noch einige ergänzende Recherchen im Institut für Zeitgeschichte in München sowie in Wien durchgeführt. Für Forschungsarbeiten in den Landes-, Staats- und Betriebsarchiven in Deutschland sowie in Österreich hatten wir nicht genug Geldmittel zur Verfügung. Slowakische Archive bieten für „unser“ Thema verhältnismäßig große Anzahl des Schriftguts an. Im Vergleich zu den Quellen deutscher Provenienz müssen wir jedoch feststellen, dass es sich vorwiegend um die Dokumente geringer Relevanz handelt. Nur in seltenen Fällen stießen wir auf sich periodisch wiederholende analytische Berichte, tiefgehende Expertisen oder Denkschriften. Darüber hinaus sind die Akten lückenhaft und verstreut in mehreren Archiven sowie Beständen. Die ausführlichste Forschung haben wir selbstverständlich im Slowakischen Nationalarchiv in Bratislava absolviert. Als die wichtigsten Bestände können wir in dieser Hinsicht Úrad predsedníctva vlády (Amt des Regierungspräsidiums) 1938–1945, Ministerstvo zahraničných vecí (Miniterium des Äußern) 1939–1945, Ministerstvo vnútra (Ministerium des Innern) 1938–1945, Ministerstvo financií (Ministerium der Finanzen) 1939-1945 bezeichnen. Dort ist das bedeutendste Material slowakischer Provenienz konzentriert. Die Recherchen beschränkten sich nicht nur auf diese Bestände. Gesammelte Dokumente haben wir durch die Forschung in Registraturen von Ministerstvo hospodárstva (Wirtschaftsministerium) 1938–1945, Povereníctvo financií (Beauftragter für das Finanzwesen)1945–1960, Úrad obžalobcu pri Národnom súde (Amt des Staatsanwaltes beim Nationalgericht) 1945– 1948, Hlinkova garda (604), Ministerstvo pravosúdia (Justizministerium) 1938–1945, Archív kancelárie prezidenta republiky Praha (Archiv der Kanzlei des Präsidenten der Republik Prag) und a Kancelária prezidenta republiky (Kanzlei des Präsidenten der Republik) 1939–1945 ergänzt. Die Akten aus diesen Archivbeständen bilden die Basis des slowakischen Teils der Edition. Die Recherchen im Archiv der Nationalbank der Slowakei, im Nationalarchiv der Tschechischen Republik, im Archiv des Außenministeriums der Tschechischen Republik sowie im Staatsarchiv in Banská Bystrica hatten ausschließlich einen aufklärenden Charakter. Einen Bruchteil der durchgesehenen Materie haben wir in der Edition entweder als Dokumente, oder als Hilfsmaterial in den Fußnoten verwendet. Die Nachforschung in den Registraturen von einzelnen Arbeitsämtern in Staatsarchiven sowie eine eventuelle Umfrage unter den noch lebenden Zeitzeugen wurden wegen Mangels an finanziellen Mittel nicht durchgeführt. Die Publikation stellt ein Endergebnis des dreijährigen Projektes (2009 – 2012) VEGA der Slowakischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (SAW) und des Schulministeriums der Slowakischen Republik Nr. 2/0090/10 Wirtschaftliche Migration in der Slowakei in den Jahren 1939 – 1945, an welchem die wissenschaftlichen Mitarbeiter des Historischen Instituts der SAW und des Lehrstuhls für Geschichte der Fakultät der Geisteswissenschaften in Banská Bystrica zusammenarbeiteten.

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Radikálny socializmus a komunizmus na Slovensku (1918 - 1989). Spoločnosť medzi demokraciou a totalitou
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Radikálny socializmus a komunizmus na Slovensku (1918 - 1989). Spoločnosť medzi demokraciou a totalitou

Author(s): / Language(s): Slovak

The book publication is work collection of Slovak and Czech scholars and pedagogues participating in research project solving related to Scientific Grant Agency of Slovak Academy of Sciences and the Ministry of Education of Slovak Republic (VEGA) named “Radical socialism and communism in Slovakia during 1918 – 1989. Society between democracy and totalism” that was implemented during 2004 – 2006 in Slovakia. It is a follow-up to previous publications published in the framework of scientific project solving and in wider context also a follow-up to the project “KSČ and radical socialism in Czechoslovakia (1918 – 1989)” implemented during 2002 – 2005 in Czech Republic (headed by prof. Z. Kárník). The publication tries to revive the problem that disappeared from Slovak historic literature in last decade. Single authors of the publication offer current view on history of left-wing political extreme that was reduced to Czechoslovak Communistic Party (KSČ) history or history of communistic and workman movement intentionally before 1990. They were also profaned under this title as a whole. Today, the topic finds its authors again who devote to it under democratic conditions independently and systematically and look for adequate methods, stipulate scientific priorities and create a wide publication space. Such effort is also related to submitted publication focusing on more known or less known aspects of examined problem and enriches it in new views, observations and results of scientific research in this way. It deals with whole scale of historic problems and among others refers to: Building of Communistic International in the environment of newly created conditions in Central and Eastern Europe in early 20s of 20th century considering ideological ethos and use of legal and illegal methods related to socialistic movement formation, so called International Bolsevism and its influence on communistic groups in Czechoslovakia included communistic intellectuals´ activities; Activity and functioning of Slovak Communistic Party (KSS) in political system of first Czechoslovak Republic in 20s and 30s of 20th century also in the lights of parliamentary election results; Organization constitution, structure of KSS in first years after 2nd World War – in the period of power fight striving in takeover of power in the country and efforts to establish totalitarian communistic regime and its activity related to liquidation of political opponents on regional level and in the area of popular judicature; Preconditions and ambitions of anti-communistic resistance movement and single groups in postwar period included the activity of anti-Bolsevic armed troops of Ukrainian Insurgent Army (co called Banderovci) coming from abroad and implementing anti-Soviet, anti-socialistic and anti-communistic propaganda in Slovak territory during 1945 – 1946; Position of national minorities (German, Hungarian and Ruthenian/Ukrainian) in totalitarian communistic society (after 1948); Problems related to monetary and social politics (1953) and cultural intellectual groups´ attitudes in post-Stalin period; Political background related to G. Husák´s installation to the function of first secretary of KSČ party in the intent of reintroduction of conservative communistic power in 1969 – at the beginning of “normalization” process in Czechoslovakia. Thus, the publication complements existing knowledge and brings new views to wide-scale problem of political extreme in the form of radical socialism and communism in Czechoslovakia during 1918 – 1989. It tries to start social discussion about historic fragments (often controversial) modern Czechoslovak or Slovak history of 20th century considering historic eye-opener that left-wing (as well as right wing) political extreme cannot be underestimated and it is not possible to know democratic society by the means of exiling extreme movements to spheres out of interest.

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Rok 1968 a Československo. Postoj USA, Západu a OSN
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Rok 1968 a Československo. Postoj USA, Západu a OSN

Author(s): Slavomír Michálek / Language(s): Slovak

The Czechoslovak attempt for reform of Socialism in 1968 has, without any hesitation, become one of the most important events in the history of the common state of Slovaks and Czechs. Its birth, the gradual maturation and hopes for a better future were interrupted by the brutal invasion of five Warsaw Pact armies, and of course subjected to the wings of the Soviet Union in August 1968. Moscow, with help of tanks, regained control over the industrially mostly developed country of its Eastern Bloc. Czechoslovakia would ounce again become the example of an ideal satellite. The Czechoslovak attempt for reform of Socialism started during the time when the great powers, the Soviet Union and the United States of America, were trying to come to an agreement in détente politics. It proved to be unequivocal that this policy preserved the state from the Cold War. One of its main features was the mutual acceptance of the status quo by the great powers, whereas both great powers, Moscow and Washington, avoided interfering in the internal affairs of the Blocs. At first Moscow blessed the effort of the Czechoslovak revival, but as soon as Moscow evaluated this situation as the one that could violate the unity of its empire, it has decided to put an end of this process. Even if it might have initially seemed that Moscow hesitated to use its armed forces, well aware of the idleness and the lack of interest of the United States, Moscow finally did commit its armed forces, airplanes and tanks together with Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria and East Germany. Its one and only task was to change Czechoslovakia to become an obedient foot-soldier and a strong component of the Eastern Bloc. Many books on Czechoslovak - or better to say Dubãek’s “Socialism with a human face” have been written. These books focuses mainly on internal development and attitudes of the Soviet Union and its European satellites. The Slovak, Czech and also foreign historiography have achieved quite amazing results regarding this topic. There are also many documents published in book form. Without any doubt, memories of the participants of that period have appeared in Slovakia and the Czech Republic after the “Velvet Revolution” from the beginning of 1990s. The purpose of this paper was not to provide a revision or summary of up-to-present available literature, but rather provide the attitude from a certain point of view. It is obvious from the title of the book that the main focus of this essay is the attitude of the United States of America, but also those of the West and the United Nations Organization. In reality there has not been such a compiled publication on the market until now. The attitude of the United States towards the Czechoslovak reform and towards its violent termination was influenced by several external factors. The most dominant ones were, for example, the Vietnam War, the effort to achieve the bipolar détente politics, and also the unimportance of a small Socialist country (Czechoslovakia) in the horizon of the American interest. When mentioned factors are taken into consideration, it is no wonder that the American attitude towards Czechoslovakia and its development after the year 1968 was as it was. Simply put, it was passive, unenthusiastic and uninterested. However, the American Administration of President Lyndon B. Johnson verbally accepted the Czechoslovak liberalism; but on the other hand, it did not help it at all. The United States publicly deplored the August invasion and the subsequent occupation of Czechoslovakia, but otherwise it did not interfere within the affairs. The United Sates evaluated the situation as the affair of the Eastern Bloc, which was not focused against the interests of the United States and the Soviet Union. However, the American attitude was well known as early as the invasion had been planned. This was also the reason why the Soviet Union acted as it did. The Soviet Union knew for sure that nobody would interfere in its policy of how to solve its internal problem. A similar reaction came also from the countries of the West. The verbal disagreement with the aggression was perceived more as a “good point” for the evaluation of the events in the future. The attitude of nonintervention is also not surprising, because of the fact that the structures of armed forces arrangement of the Atlantic Pact were only the “extended” hand of the main power, The United States of America. What was the role of the United Nations Organization? Actually, it declared its weakness, “toothlessness” and inability to retrieve injustice of the military conflict. There were no proposed resolutions of the Security Council approved in consequence of the Soviet veto, which should have deplored the invasion of Czechoslovakia at least by declaratory means. Though Czechoslovakia strongly protested via the “mouth” of its Minister of Foreign affairs in the United Nations in New York and asked for immediate troop withdrawal from its territory, Czechoslovakia alone backed out of the public forum very quickly after the strong pressure from Moscow. When investigating this issue, many questions emerge. One of these questions is: Whether Dubãek’s mission of “the human face” could have been successful? When the context of that period, the world politics of the Soviet Union and other external factors are being taken into consideration, the answer is no. Other generations of Slovaks and Czechs would later pay for that.

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Rok 1968 a ekonomická realita Slovenska
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Rok 1968 a ekonomická realita Slovenska

Author(s): Miroslav Londák / Language(s): Slovak

The purpose of this work (book) shall not be an insight into the year 1968 in Slovakia by mapping in detail the development in this period in the economic area, as a certain static picture. The author’s attempt was rather to perceive the events in this year as the outcome of a long-term process, which was actually already determined by the results of WWII. Those results decided that the postwar Czechoslovakia shall belong to the Soviet sphere of influence. The events of February 1948 only confirmed this tendency. A change in the essential social spheres followed and it might be called its systematizm. Not only did the political system change, which was formed into a modern totalitarian form. In the economic area, there were substantial ownership changes and the state became the most significant owner of production means. Gradually, a management system was taken over, which copied the Soviet forms, and the social structure of the society changed almost completely. In Slovakia, the socialist industrialization of the country was happening after February in this connection, supported by the investment from national funds. The importance of industry was increasing; economic activity of the population was growing. The economic growth in the monitored decade in Slovakia was actually in such a state that it provided for advancing towards the level achieved in the Czech countries in relative indicators, but on the other hand, in some of the crucial indicators the absolute differences were growing – e.g. created national income per inhabitant. The problems in the economic development were pointed out by the Slovak economists in the long term and their criticism was also gradually adopted by Alexander Dubček. His critical appearance in September 1967 had actually become a prologue to the events which became known as the Czechoslovak Spring 1968. Naturally, the problems of economic development did not only exist in Slovakia, but on the national level as well, and the economic crisis from the first half of the 1960s began the Šik’s reform. This was gradually implemented but it had some negative effects on the Slovak side. In the course of 1968, all these problems were being solved dynamically, not only in the economic area. From the political point of view, there was an attempt to create „socialism with a human face“, but it was the development in 1968 that proved that the socialist system based on the totalitarian ideology was non-reformable. The following year was only a swan-song of the economic reform which was gradually denounced by the new regime representatives. For the following twenty years, the entire Czechoslovak economy was hereby denounced to stagnation and falling behind the developed western countries.

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Rok 1968 a politický vývoj na Slovensku
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Rok 1968 a politický vývoj na Slovensku

Author(s): Stanislav Sikora / Language(s): Slovak

Author’s goal in the presented monograph was to analyze the democratisation process in Czechoslovakia of that era, by taking into acount the development in Slovak part of Republic, which in that time had merely a status of a province. He could, however, not ignore the crutial tendencies, that were inherent in the whole Czechoslovak Republic or within the Soviet bloc, since the development in Slovakia was fundamentally infl uenced by these tendencies. In the presented book author is focusing on political evolution only, since separate publications dealing with the economic and cultural aspects in Slovakia of that period are synchronously prepared by other Slovak historians. The book is divided into fi ve chapters. First of them is dealing with the cautious and moderate liberalization in Slovakia during the so-called „pre-spring“ (1963–1967), since the revival process of 1968 had its evolution and did not came out from nowhere. In 1968, the democratic tendencies, that started some years before, were solely intensifi ed. The second chapter is analyzing the political development in Slovakia and the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic during the fi rst months of 1968, when the promoters of reforms were strenghtening their power possitions and preparing the programme of reforms: the known Action Programme of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. A detailed analysis of this documment is an integral part of the second chapter. In the third chapter titled „Reformers and Conservativists“, the author’s ambition was to give an account of the complicated development taking place in the leadership of the Communist Party of Slovakia, which resulted from the polarization between the adherents of reforms on the one hand and their adversaries in the other hand. The reformers understood the necessity of modernisation of the Soviet-type socialism by perceiving and adopting global development trends in the world, especially the so-called third wave (scientifi c-technical revolution). They knew as well, that it is impossible to undertake such a step without democratization of not only the economic, but also the political system. The conservativists, concentrated mostly in the bureaucratic aparate of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia – the strongest part of the whole socialist political system, were deeply concerned about such a possibility. They were aware, that the democratization tendencies implemented in the economics and politics create a strong pressure on bureaucratic structures of the party-leadership and that their own political existence is strongly questionable by this fact. The fourth chapter is focused on the main question, that is: what is the reason for the fact, that the democratization process (actually processes) in the Czech and the Slovak parts of the Republic were going different ways? Both national communities were pursuing non-identical priorities of this movement, such as the revived civic society in both parts of the state acted differently and followed disparate goals. In order to fi nd an answer this question, the mentioned chapter is based on the analysis of the reasons and concrete symptoms of these differences. In this (and partly also in the fi rst) chapter, the author is paying some attention to the national minorities living in Czechoslovakia – the Hungarian, Ruthenian/Ukrainian, and the Roma-minority, and their perceptions of the reformation process. The fi fth (fi nal) chapter called „The end of reform“ is dealing with the culmination of the democratization process in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, with the failed attempt of the consolidation of this process initiated by the leadership of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. This chapter speaks also about the brutal attacks on Czechoslovak reform-attempt comming from the Warsaw-Pact states and about the military invasion of „Five“. The mentioned chapter of the book describes the adoption of the Act concerning the „temporary“ stay of Soviet military troops on the territory of Czechoslovakia in the mid-October 1968 – that means the legalization of occupation of the country.

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Rok 1968 na Slovensku a v Československu. Chronológia udalostí
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Rok 1968 na Slovensku a v Československu. Chronológia udalostí

Author(s): / Language(s): Slovak

Rok 1968 predstavoval v slovenských a v československých dejinách jedinečný pokus nenásilným spôsobom reformovať totalitný spôsob vládnutia uplatňovaný v rámci vtedajšej socialistickej spoločnosti. Pražská – a či presnejšie československá alebo česká a slovenská – jar bola súčasťou politickej konfrontácie, ku ktorej v rozličnej forme opakovane prichádzalo v štátoch sovietskeho bloku takmer od jeho vzniku. Československá jar najpregnantnejšie vyjadrila nesúhlas a odpor verejnosti proti direktívnym metódam vládnutia s ich negatívnymi dôsledkami na život slovenskej a českej spoločnosti, na ich modernizáciu, kultúrno-spoločenské napredovanie i morálny status. Je symptomatické, že k pokusom zmeniť politický systém za existencie sovietskeho bloku prišlo v Poľsku, v Maďarsku, v Nemeckej demokratickej republike a v Československu, ale nič podobné sa neobjavilo v ďalších krajinách socialistického tábora. To malo okrem dobových politických, ekonomických, spoločenských a ďalších príčin špecifický historický dôvod v tom, že menované národy a štáty ležali v stredoeurópskom priestore a v minulosti sa v mnohých smeroch navzájom ovplyvňovali. V Československu bol reformný proces aj prejavom toho, že veľká časť slovenskej i českej verejnosti sa zbavila ilúzií, ktorým podľahla po februári 1948 a ktoré spočiatku chápala azda ako snahu o nastolenie sociálne spravodlivých pomerov. Bolo však charakteristické, že spoločnosť si vytýčila za cieľ reformovať existujúci systém, no narážala na vážne medzinárodné a vnútropolitické prekážky. Snaha o radikálnu zmenu spoločenského života ohrozovala nielen totalitný systém vo vtedajšom Československu, ale bola hrozbou aj pre samotnú existenciu socialistického tábora, t. j. fakticky pre veľmocenské postavenie Sovietskeho zväzu v Európe a vo svete. Pokus Čechov a Slovákov o demokratizáciu spoločnosti a odstránenie totalitného režimu mal svoje korene nielen v nedávnej minulosti oboch národov, ale koreš- pondoval aj s dobovými demokratickými hnutiami vo svete a vyvieral zo snahy posunúť vývin českej a slovenskej spoločnosti na úroveň demokratickej časti sveta. Preto bol tento proces mnohorozmerný, mal svoju osobitú politickú tvár, svoje vlastné ekonomické koncepty a plány, svoje pohľady na verejný život a miestnu správu, kultúrne a národné požiadavky vrátane tých, ktoré sa týkali ľudských práv, náboženskej slobody a rehabilitácie nespravodlivo odsúdených. Vzhľadom na to, že v slovenskom prostredí už od vzniku spoločného štátu Čechov a Slovákov roku 1918 mimoriadne rezonovala často pertraktovaná požiadavka riešenia „slovenskej otázky“, jej nastolenie muselo byť organickou súčasťou reformného procesu. K demokratizácii spoločnosti totiž nemohlo prísť bez zásadnej úpravy postavenia Slovenska v štáte, ale aj česko-slovenských vzťahov a s tým súvisiacich problémov. Rozmach národného povedomia a nárast národ ného sebavedomia, ktorý sa v živote slovenskej spoločnosti razantne a jednoznačne prejavil po roku 1918, sa musel materializovať vo všetkých sférach života a riadenia spoločnosti, musel sa stať organickou súčasťou prebiehajúcich spoločenských zmien. Je príznačné, že z mnohých reforiem, ktoré sa pripravovali a uskutočnili roku 1968, pretrvala – aj keď v značne deformovanej podobe – práve zmena republiky na federatívny štátny útvar. Predkladaná publikácia je jedným z výstupov riešenia projektu APVV Chronológia dejín Slovenska a Slovákov. Vznikla v rámci práce na aktuálnych výskumných projektoch vrátane významu „osmičiek“ v slovenských národných dejinách, resp. v dejinách bývalej Československej republiky a jej ambíciou je poskytnúť čitateľom ucelenú sumu faktov o roku 1968. Autori publikácie zvolili pri jej príprave chronologický prístup, aby takýmto spôsobom upozornili v primeranom rozsahu na všetky základné stránky udalostí roku 1968 – na ich vnútropolitickú československú (českú a slovenskú) dimenziu vrátane štátoprávnej prestavby republiky, ale aj na medzinárodné súvislosti, reakcie veľmocí, jednotlivých štátov i verejnej mienky vo svete na konkrétne udalosti roku 1968 v Československu, resp. na československý reformný proces ako taký. Z toho je zrejmé, že primárnym cieľom autorov bolo ukázať vývoj na Slovensku v prirodzenej komparácii s dianím v celej Československej socialistickej republike a dianie v Československu v korelácii s jeho odrazom na medzinárodnej scéne, predovšetkým v krajinách vtedajšej Varšavskej zmluvy ovládanej Moskvou. To si vyžadovalo venovať zvýšenú pozornosť aj medzinárodnopolitickým súvislostiam augusta 1968, lebo práve vonkajšie faktory aj vtedy osudovo zasiahli do dejín Československa. Autori veria, že čitateľ nájde v práci informácie o všetkých relevantných udalostiach „československého“ roku 1968 i o faktoroch, ktoré spolurozhodovali o jeho osude. Chronológia udalostí spolu s úvodnou štúdiou, ktorá hovorí o tom, čo predchá- dzalo roku 1968 v Československu, umožňuje vytvoriť si v nadväznosti na iné historické práce plnší obraz o nedávnej minulosti slovenského a českého národa, o roku, ktorý akoby potvrdzoval, že tradičné „osmičky“ mali v našej spoločnej minulosti nielen nádejeplný, ale neraz i tragický rozmer.

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Rok 1968. Eto vaše delo
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Rok 1968. Eto vaše delo

Author(s): / Language(s): Slovak

The book Rok 1968 Eto vaše delo is based on lecture cycle, organised by the Slovak Institute in Prague in cooperation with the Institute of History of the Slovak Academy of Sciences and Institute for Contemporary History of the ASCR. The aim of this lecture cycle was to remember about the 40th anniversary of the reform process in Czechoslovakia in 1968. The lectures presented by Slovak historians, were extended and collected as papers, that are part of this book. The aim of the particular papers is to analyse the main aspects of the reforms, further their ideological roots, as well as their political, social and economic casualties. The authors intended to reflect the immanent development of the autonomous reform process in Czechoslovakia, taking into account both political, constitutional, national-political, socioeconomic, cultural and confessional issues. The opening paper written by Professor Ivan Laluha is an authentic testimony about the gradual maturation process, that was proceeding the reforms in the field of economic theory, which is the main field of interest of the author. The author’s goal was to outline the efforts undertaken in order to achieve a further development of reforms in the constitutional and national-political sphere. Jozef Žatkuliak is analysing the genesis of the ideas proposing a new, federal constitution for Czechoslovakia. The key focus of Slavomír Michálek’s study is based on the American political context of the Czechoslovak attempt for reform of Socialism. There is no doubt, that, during that time, the United States of America and the Soviet Union were trying to reach an agreement and that both sides were conducing a bipolar détente politics. On the one hand, in Washington there was a kind of sympathy for the reform process taking place in Czechoslovakia, but on the other hand, it was perceived as an internal problem of the Soviet Bloc. Two following studies writen by Stanislav Sikora are dealing with the ideological background of the Prague or Bratislava Spring, involving a critical analysis of the term „Socialism with human face”. In his study, Miroslav Londák is explaining the main principles of the economic reform in Czechoslovakia in the 1960s by going to the roots and anatomising the process of industrialisation of Slovakia since 1948. Furthermore, Londák is paying close attention to the efforts of Slovak economists undertaken in order to replant the special economic needs of Slovakia; these efforts were closely connected with the preparations for a federalization of the Czechoslovak state. The study of Jan Pešek is dealing with the process of a limited regeneration, under conditions of the Communist regime, of Churches. Elena Londáková is broaching the issue of reform movement in culture. She emphasised, that it were above all the exponents of cultural life, who acted as the pioneers of the reform movement and, in the same time, as the main critics of the whole social and political system.

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Rok 1968. Novinári na Slovensku
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Rok 1968. Novinári na Slovensku

Author(s): / Language(s): Slovak

The presented monograph is a result of a meeting, where the Slovak journalists and historians came together in order to discuss the events of 1968 and the indispensable role of mass media in the reform process in Czechoslovakia, which is generally known as the „Prague Spring”. While the historians were stressing both the importance and the contribution of Slovak and Czech media for the evolution and the take-off of the reform process in the cultural context of the 1960s and the significance of historical milestones of the year 1968, the journalists-eyewitnesses of these events were remembering their own evaluation of the unforgettable atmosphere of that time. The individual papers published in this book are focusing on the role and significance of mass media, which – after a short hesitation at the beginning – became an accelerator of the whole reform movement. The particular authors are pointing out a generation of silenced journalists’ courage to investigate in a short period of freedom they had never known before. In the conclusion of the presented monograph they look for parallels and connections between this modern tradition of Slovak journalism and the role of mass media in the 1989 events of the Velvet Revolution that aimed to dump the totalitarian communist regime. Furthermore, one of the aims of this book is to put in remembrance the most eminent personalities of journalism, which demonstrated a remarkable portion of civil courage and presented principal standpoints, taking many risks including communist regime’s persecutions.

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Rozpad Uhorska a trianonská mierová zmluva. K politikám pamäti na Slovensku a v Maďarsku
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Rozpad Uhorska a trianonská mierová zmluva. K politikám pamäti na Slovensku a v Maďarsku

Author(s): / Language(s): Slovak

As the title indicates, the team of contributors, consisting of Hungarian and Slovak authors, does not focus primarily on the historical events of 1918-1920 in Central Europe (i.e. the breaking up of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the disintegration of the Hungarian Kingdom, the formation of Czechoslovakia, the peace conference and the making of the Trianon Peace Treaty). Political history in the traditional sense is not the focus here; rather, the authors are interested in the narratives which were told of those events in the subsequent 90 years, their existence and impact in various social contexts. Each chapter observes a different area of the institutionalised social sphere, wherein the discourse on the mentioned historical period was present in one way or another. The authors focus on four domains of social production / reproduction and instrumentation of historical knowledge: professional history writing; official history curriculum; political discourses and the utilisation of history in public discourses, as well as the symbolic/ social representation of the events around ‘Trianon’ in public spaces. Part I. of this book concentrates on professional history writing. László Vörös presents an analysis of the narratives of Hungarian and Slovak national/nationalist historians respectively between 1920 and 2010. He examines the ideological and political influences upon the established scholarly history writing, he follows the creation of historical canons and focuses also on the ‘vocabulary of trauma’, used by both national historiographies to represent the events of 1918 – 1920. There is key difference in the definition of Trianon at the conceptual level in both the public mainstream and the professional scholarly discourses in Hungary and Slovakia. In Hungary, Trianon became a sort of metaphorical key word, a denotation for much more beyond the peace treaty itself that was signed on 4th of June 1920 in the castle called Grand Trianon. The word Trianon in the Hungarian historical discourse is usually used to represent a concept that incorporates the events between October 1918 and July 1920. In other words, when Hungarian historians speak about Trianon, they speak about the previously mentioned one and half years’ long period of dissolution of the Hungarian Kingdom. In the lay public discourses moreover the concept of Trianon has a strong tragic ‘dimension’ since it incorporates into its circle of meaning also the long term consequences of the Hungarian Kingdom’s disintegration, notably the splitting away one third of the ethnic Hungarians beyond the borders of post-1918 Hungary. Slovak historians on the other hand use the word Trianon to refer ‘merely’ to the peace treaty itself. However, in the Slovak lay public discourse the term Trianon is also used as a symbolic reminder of the Hungarian nationalism, the Hungarians’ ‘unjustified’ national trauma and the ‘obsession’ of Hungarians with history. Vörös considers this elemental conceptual incompatibility as being only one of the several reasons why up to the present day there is a strong disagreement between Hungarian and Slovak historians even at the most general levels of interpretations of the events of 1918 – 1920. He concludes that the current initiatives to bridge the opposing national perspectives and promote an ‘appeasement’ between the two national historiographies are politically motivated and unrealistic, since the underlying truth regimes upon which the respective historical narratives are based are nationalistic and thus mutually exclusive. As long as history is conceived and formulated as narratives about the past of ‘nations’, as long as history serves simply as a sophisticated replacement for ‚myths of origin‘ and ‘heroic myths’, this exclusiveness will remain in place and seeking common ground will remain wishful thinking. The second author of this section – Etienne Boisserie – focuses on the Slovak scholarly discourses related to the “Martin Declaration of the Slovak nation” (1918). The meeting of 200 representatives of Slovak nationalist movement (on 30th August 1918) on which the Declaration was conceived and declared, as well as the Declaration itself are considered one of the most important milestone in Slovak national history and the key event and document in the process of the formation of Czechoslovak republic. In contrast to the commonplace view that the Declaration represents a sharp historical breaking point, Boisserie sees the meeting and the document as a moment and product of a transition, a situation, where men of varying social and cultural background – but all of them participants in the Slovak intellectual and political life – were concentrated at one point in time and space. Therefore, the history of the Declaration should be included into the wider political history of the year 1918 in which the elements presenting continuity and discontinuity are integrated. The history of the Declaration – Boisserie claims – should account for the multiplicity of the ‘concurrent rhythm’ of the history and should not be one-sidedly represented as a unique and rigid breaking point closing and starting a historical era in the same time. The political discourse is examined by Ignác Romsics who focuses on the attitudes of the Hungarian governing, political and intellectual elites towards the Trianon treaty and its consequences in the era of Horthy regime, the years after the World War II, during the initial phase of the communist regime in Hungary in the 1950s, and the post1956 Kádárist era. He shows a remarkable evolution of attitudes and conceptions of the Hungarian political elites towards the fact of dissolution of the historical Kingdom of Hungary and the detachment of one third of ethnic Hungarian population. The complete denial of the Trianon peace treaty and a demand for restoration of the Hungarian Kingdom in its former shape was the official political doctrine of Hungarian governments up to the World Warl II. The Hungarian Communists lapsed into the other extreme in the late 1940s when they thoroughly abandoned any revisionist politics and even denied the existence of large ethnic Magyar minorities in Czechoslovakia, Romania, Yugoslavia and Soviet Union. The pragmatically convenient politics of non-intervention started to change only in the late 1970s, when the Hungarian Communist became more receptive toward the growing national sentiment among the Hungarian cultural elite. Romsics stop his analyses in the early 1990s. In a sense Štefan Šutaj the author of the next chapter picks up the thread right where Romsics left it off. Šutaj defines six ways how the Hungarian political elites came to terms with the disintegration of the Kingdom of Hungary and the loss of one third of the ethnic Hungarian population to the neighbouring countries. In the second part of his chapter, he offers the results of his own quantitative research which focused on the attitudes of the Slovak majority and Hungarian minority in Slovakia. He notes that a strong emotional bond exists between the Hungarians in Slovakia and Hungary, however at the same time he concludes that the disintegration of the Hungarian Kingdom in 1918/20 was not, by far, the most traumatic event in the history of this community. Hungarians in Slovakia consider the mass deportation of the Hungarian population to the Czech borderlands and Hungary after the World War II as their greatest traumatising experience. Attila Simon analyses the political strategies of the so called ‘activist’ Hungarian minority political parties in Czechoslovakia between the two world wars. In an effort to achieve a wholesome integration of the Hungarian community into the new state, the activist politicians accepted and promoted the official Czechoslovak interpretation of the ‘true meaning’ of the Trianon treaty and its consequences. Accordingly, the disintegration of the Kingdom of Hungary was seen as a just and historically inevitable event. An undesired effect of adopting the Czechoslovak view for the activists was that they had to remain silent about the existential problems that the Hungarians encountered as an undesired minority within the Czechoslovak Republic. Despite that the Hungarian activist platforms, closely connected to the two major parties in Czechoslovakia (the Agrarian party and the Social democrats), succeeded gaining up to 20 % support from Hungarian voters in the parliamentary elections. Peter Macho’s analysis of press has brought a surprising finding that the topic of Trianon did not resonate at all vividly on the pages of the two leading Slovak autonomist papers. Macho in his study attempts to answer the question to what extent the Slovak publicists utilised the negative image of Count Albert Apponyi (former Minister of Education in the Hungarian Kingdom and the head of the Hungarian delegation during Trianon negotiations) for their propaganda purposes. Upon his promotion to head of delegation to the peace conference, his image in Slovak discourses shifted from that of a ‘magyarizator’: ‘thief’ of the Slovak language, culture and nationality to a potential ‘murderer’ of a free and sovereign Slovakia. Macho also concludes, however, that June the 4th 1920, the day when the Trianon Peace Treaty was signed, is not an important date in the Slovak collective memory and neither is Apponyi’s image connected to this date in any significant way. Up to present time he remains the symbol of the ‘magyarization’ policies of the fallen Hungarian Monarchy. The chapter of Roman Holec is dedicated to a reflection of the topic of a dissolving Hungarian Kingdom in Slovak prose and pulp-fiction. Within this frame, the author also attempts to rehabilitate fiction as a source of historical evidence. Holec proves a similar point to Macho’s conclusions that Trianon treaty and dissolution of Hungarian Kingdom are rather rare among fiction themes, and if they appear, it was very often in connection with the irredentism and enmity of the Hungarians and the centuries’ long ‘oppression’ of Slovaks and ‘magyarisation’. The third part of the book is dedicated to history teaching and curricula. The authors examine mainly the problems concerning the traditional ethnocentric and nationalist approaches to teaching national histories in Slovak and Hungarian schools. In the opening text György Jakab critically reviews the direction taken by the teaching of history in Hungary in a wider historical and conceptual context. He notes the incompatibility of the three basic didactic models: the traditional model, the one focused on practical needs and the one focused on development in general. Jakab’s paper presents primarily an impulse and appeal for further discussion about the character and purpose of history education in civil societies of the 21st century. Viliam Kratochvíl continues in concordance with Jakab when he claims that the purpose of history teaching should be helping the pupils learn to think critically and independently; and not merely mechanically memorise a minimum compulsory amount of stories about the national past, national heroes and so on. He proposes a didactical approach emphasising the need for multiplicity of perspectives in History textbooks, which he considers a vital part of historical literature and not mere a genre lying beyond the borders of history as a scholarly discipline. This section of the book closes with the chapter by Barnabás Vajda who examined the history text-books used in Hungarian minority schools in Slovakia since the 1920s up to present day. The textbooks from the era of the interwar Czechoslovak Republic rather neglected the issue of the dissolution of Hungarian Kingdom and the Trianon treaty. The emphasis was laid on the success story of the creation of the Republic. The theme of the dissolution of the ‘old Hungary’ was incorporated into the curricula in a way which helped spread the idea of a bright future for Hungarians in democratic Czechoslovakia in contrast to their alleged oppression and suffering under the yoke of Hungarian nobility in the past. After the World War II, ideological censorship and adjustment of history books pushed the topic of Trianon into the sphere of complete taboo. Two dominant stories took its place: the rescue of the Czech and Slovak nations from under Habsburg oppression; and the immense importance of the Bolshevik Great October Socialist Revolution in 1917 and its benefi cial consequences for Czechoslovakia. Due to the political changes in 1989, Vajda notes slow but positive progress, which is, however, relative. Although Trianon is no longer tabooed, there is much to be contributed to the way this topic is covered in history text-books. The lasting problem is primarily, according to Vajda, the unchanging Slovak ethno-centric optic of the authors. In the fourth part of the book, the authors have focused primarily on the political instrumentation of narratives about events of 1918 – 1920 and their consequences. Miklós Zeidler analysed the manifestations of the irredentist movement in Hungary between the two world wars. He follows the appropriation of the public space through erecting statues, demonstrations and public meetings and naming of streets and squares. Zeidler offers an iconographic analyses of irredentism related public artefacts, he studies the linguistic and symbolic peculiarities of representations of the ‘greatest national tragedy’ of Hungarians and the specific topoi dominantly present in the public discourses. He concludes irredentism partially served as a ‘therapy’ for a traumatised society, since it helped to process the shock just like a ‘painkiller’ does. Complete therapy could not be achieved, however, since the diagnosis was flawed and irredentism itself gradually became a source of frustration, because the ‘healing’ (the revision of the old borders) simply would not come. The chapter of Balázs Ablonczy deals with a related phenomenon, as he follows how Hungarian refugee associations from different detached territories of the former Kingdom were dedicated to keeping the Hungarian past alive. Ablonczy studies the activities of five associations coming from Spiš region, Banská Štiavnica (central and northern Slovakia), Rijeka and Transylvania and particularly their remembering, the specific ways in which they constructed their memories about Hungary infl uenced by their sentiments towards the region from which they originated. At the same time, we are informed about the close bonds existing between these associations and the political organisations and government in Hungary. These refugee associations are, in the view of the author fi ne examples of the inability to come into terms with Trianon and its consequences. József Demmel and Miroslav Michela analysed the unveiling of the memorial of János Tuba (1855-1921) and his re-burial in Komárno in 1925. They studied the symbolic linkage of local and national interests, which is represented by the text on the memorial of this important local politician – For his home town he lived, for his nation he worked. The emphasis on regionalism in this case was meant to symbolize the relationship with the purely Hungarian environment of the town of Komárno (Komárom) that found itself just outside of the borders of its ‘mother state’. The surviving of the Hungarian national community was understood as the highest moral imperative in the given environment. The memorial and the ceremony functioned also as expression of discontent with the position and situation in which the Hungarian community found itself in Czechoslovakia. The life of Hungarians in the Republic, i.e. life in a position of undesired minority was strongly contrasted against their previous situation of majority in the Hungarian Kingdom. Tuba’s memorial did not, in the end become an important place of memory, as one might have anticipated. The population of Komárno celebrated mainly the more established cult of the Revolution 1848/1849. The last block of the book concentrates on the cultural trauma that is caused by politics of memory on both sides. Éva Kovács examines the recent Trianon discourses (the ‘Trianon talk’) that take place in Hungary. She notes that current governmental elites deliberately represent Trianon as an actual and living all-societal trauma, a compulsory national tragedy for all Hungarians home and abroad. She poses the question why several academics, respected historians, philosophers and social scientific scholars seem so keen to reproduce this naïve nationalistic thesis of a historical trauma that allegedly torments the Hungarian nation for the last 90 years. One of the explanations might be the strongly essentialist and reifying concept of a nation which is notoriously difficult to deconstruct, not only in Hungary, but also in Slovakia and other central European post-socialist countries. Kovács notes that many historians in Hungary holds that speaking freely about Trianon as a national trauma, will help the allegedly much needed process of ‘healing’. Paradoxically, their efforts result in just the opposite effect: not only does the supposed trauma stay unhealed, but by constant reminders thereof, they help to produce a wide social neurosis, caused by growing faith in the existence of the Trianon trauma. The vicious circle should be cut, Kovács claims and the constant reproduction of the trauma discourse and the artificial social neurosis must be stopped. This should occur through the deconstruction of the essentialist/reifying concept of a nation and also through the re-definition of the role history should play in societal life. Kovács’s conclusions have a general validity and they seem to be plausible for the wider European context as well; her conclusions regarding the Hungarian discourse of ‘Trianon trauma’ certainly can be equally applied to Slovak discourses of ‘Magyarization trauma’. The problem is shown in a similar light by Dagmar Kusá and Miroslav Michela, who observe the historical and generational aspect of construing cultural memory about Trianon, as a historic trauma in Hungary and Slovakia alike. The ambition of this text, however, is mainly to offer some theoretical starting points. They emphasise the leading role of governmental and cultural institutions and social actors in maintain the various discourses of historical traumas. They specifically address the responsibility of historians and political elites in creating ethnic tensions. Trianon, in their conception represents a functional metaphor, a complex theme with several well established but mutually exclusive and contradicting interpretations, which have become a ‘raw material’ in the continuing process of construing national identities in both countries.

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Slovensko a svet v 20. storočí. Kapitoly k 70. narodeninám Valeriána Bystrického
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Slovensko a svet v 20. storočí. Kapitoly k 70. narodeninám Valeriána Bystrického

Author(s): / Language(s): Slovak

The chapters of the 20th century history creating this book deal with the important moments from the history of modern Slovakia in the changing world. The authors – friends and disciples of PhDr. Valarián Bystrický, DrSc. – are presenting here the newest results of their research and its critical evaluation. What they all have in common with Valerián Bystrický is the conviction that the 20th century Slovakia kept the same developing rhythm as the rest of the world. They agree with his opinion that the Slovak history of this period has to be studied and interpreted from a global perspective. The detailed knowledge of internal changes in Slovakia following its separation from Hungary, of amalgamating the Czechs and Slovaks in the common Czechoslovak state with all its internal and international problems and with its Central European political, economical and cultural context, enables to understand also the contemporary shape of the Slovak Republic – a sovereign state and a member of the European Union. The 20th century world had been changing as well as the Slovak historiography that reflected those changes. And as it is shown in the first chapter of this book, the scientific achievements of Valerián Bystrický are important and integral part of it. They deal with international affairs between the two world wars, with the interwar problems of the Balkans and in the same time with the history of Slovakia. In not so distant period the regime pressure on a creative individuality was hardly bearable. Not every scientist was able to resist it in the same way even on the ground of one academic institution. But Valerián Bystrický succeeded to preserve the clean shield in clash with this period as an author of historical writings and after 1989 as a manager of science. In 1998 – 2006, being a director of the Institute of History of the SAS, he had helped to create the healthy conditions for a free scientific research, where no methods of one historical school would prevail over the others. He should be respected for that. This book intentionally begins with the chapter on demographic development of Bratislava. In the end of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th centuries, protagonists of the Slovak national movement often regretted that Slovakia did not had a significantly Slovak, city-like national and administrative center. In 1919 it was Vavro Šrobár, the minister for Slovakia, who insisted on the Slovak character of Bratislava. Milan Zemko begins his chapter with the statement that the development of every capital of each state, the progressing of its social and national structure, indicates a lot about the development of the whole country. In the 20th century, Bratislava was officially the capital of an independent state only in 1939 – 1945 and then again from 1993. But already in 1919 it started the career of an informal political administrative, economical and step-by-step also cultural centre of Slovakia – a country with 3 million inhabitants that was part of a newborn Czechoslovak state. This new situation strengthened by internal and external political factors, had caused great changes in “the city upon Danube”, including the changes of its ethnical structure. And Milan Zemko concentrates mainly – using the statistics from the first half of the 20th century – on the transformation of the Bratislava multiethnic character and its gradual “Slovakization”. The following three chapters deal with the history of the Czechoslovak and Slovak political parties in interwar period. Natália Krajčovičová examines the history of the Slovak agrarian political movement – the formation of the Agrarian Party in Slovakia, its unification with the Czechoslovak agrarians and the following development of the party, which significantly influenced the Slovak and the Czechoslovak political scene until the turbulent year 1938. Jaroslava Roguľová focuses on the autonomist program of the Slovak National Party and its significant theoretical ideas and deals also with the standpoints of this party towards reforms of the political administration. The result of her analysis is the characteristic of the four periods of the Slovak National Party autonomist program from 1918 to 1938. In the chapter written by Alena Bartlová the Czechoslovak agrarianism crosses the borders of the republic. In the focus of it is the participation of Dr. Milan Hodža on the international cooperation of agrarian political parties in the Eastern-Central Europe in the 1920s and the first half of the 1930s. The text shows Hodža’s efforts to cooperate with the politicians from Polish and Bulgarian Agrarian Parties and also its limits: the agrarian politicians were not able to consider the broad spectrum of their societies and the crucial specific problems of other classes. After the World War I Europe hoped for everlasting peace, social justice, stability and prosperity. But this optimism of citizens failed. Instead of it there had risen fear of the countries, which were not satisfied by the peace treaties and wanted to revise them. Czechoslovakia tried to face it by building and strengthening its armed forces. Miloslav Čaplovič in his chapter writes about the specific and important theme – organization and activities of the Czechoslovak military intelligence service in 1919 – 1939. In another chapter Bohumila Ferenčuhová focuses on problems of regional and European security from the perspective of diplomacy. She examines the negotiations that had led to the treaty between Romania and France in 1926 and analyzes the role of this treaty in the Versailles peace treaties system. Even in the period of European pacifism, Central and South-Eastern Europe from the Adriatic to the Baltic had to consider interests, positions and the territorial claims of the two for this once returning powers – Germany and the U.S.S.R. Not long ago the objective analysis of the great power policy of Russia and the U.S.S.R. towards Central Europe and the Balkans was a theme that belonged to less frequently researched and almost taboo themes in the Soviet block historiography. Ľubica Harbuľová in her chapter brings a detailed analysis of contemporary results of the Russian historiography dealing with the Czechoslovak history, which are based upon the materials from the former inaccessible archival funds. The Munich of 1938 represents one of the key and dark moments in the Czechoslovak history. The chapter written by Jindřich Dejmek follows less known aspect of this problem. He analyses the permanent and persistent diplomatic activities of Dr. Edvard Beneš that led in 1942 to the declaration of the Munich Agreement for not valid. His success helped to restore the postwar Czechoslovakia in the borders from 1938 (without Sub-Carpathian Ruthenia). The part prepared by Ondrej Podelec deals with the Slovak Republic in 1939 – 1945. It is a thorough analysis of the trials in which the Slovak courts of justice tried in absence the members of political exile and the author examines their legislative background and judgment practices. Due to long lasting procedures of the tribunals some cases were not concluded till the decline of the state in 1945, as it was the trial with Štefan Osuský and co. This analysis also shows, that since autumn 1944 the Slovak judicature was not able to resist political pressure of the regime and the German occupation forces. The chapter written by Slavomír Michálek bridges the war and postwar periods from the perspective of the U. S. – Czechoslovak economic relations. Projects like lend – lease and UNRRA (United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration) were part of a specific U. S. help for the countries that had suffered under the German occupation and expansion. Among them was also Czechoslovakia. Her citizens understood very well that the massive UNRRA activities were an American project. Therefore the Czechoslovak communists played down its importance and trivialized its economic effect, because the help from the capitalist country did not fit to their schemes and political goals. After World War II, the limited parliamentary democracy was restored in Czechoslovakia. But this regime differed from the parliamentary system of the first Czechoslovak Republic. The so-called people’s democracy considered the Czechoslovak citizens (except German and Hungarian minorities) as a special kind of plurality and democracy. But it had not been an idea only of the communists who saw in it a transitional step towards their own regime. The democratic parts of domestic and exile resistance contributed to its birth, too. Michal Barnovský in his text compares Polish and Czechoslovak road to one party regime. The specifics and differences between them had not been so significant for establishing a communist regime, but they played an important role in the following development. The attempts to change the Stalinist regimes in Poland and Hungary in 1956 had many-sided influence on the neighboring countries. Dagmar Čierna-Lantayová in her chapter describes the rise of opposition moods among students and intellectuals in Slovakia. But in contrast to Hungary, the socio-political tension was not eruptive enough for mass protests. This was one of the causes why the support for the events in Hungary had been so minimal. Half-hearted attempts of the press to express other than official opinion, were played down prevented by “watchful” censorship. In December 1956, the Czechoslovak communist party officially condemned “the attempt of counter-revolutionary coup d’état in Hungary”. The communist control over the Slovak society had even deepened. Events in Central Europe in 1956 were overshadowed by a global clash of the great powers. Karol Sorby’s chapter shows that the failure of the British and French “Suez adventure” made it easier for USA to take over the leading role in the region. According to the Eisenhower doctrine “power vacuum” in the Middle East had to be filled in by the United States in order to stop the communist – especially Soviet – infiltration of this part of the world. But in the eyes of Arabic nationalists the Suez crisis destroyed the myth of Soviet threat to the security of the region. They viewed the Soviet Middle East policy as more sensitive towards their interests. Sorby analyzes and compares politics of different Arabic states after the formation of Eisenhower doctrine and evaluates its global consequences. For some independent Slovak intellectuals it was difficult to let themselves tie down by the communist regime. Jozef Leikert in his chapter deals with the case of journalist and writer Ladislav Mňačko, whose emigration to Israel in the late 1960s was an act of opposition to the anti-Israeli politics of Czechoslovakia. Through the interviews of Jozef Leikert with Ladislav Mňačko, various authors of Kultúrny život (journal Cultural Life) and members of the Union of Slovak writers we may be involved not only in the atmosphere of this period, but we will meet oppositionists and conformists among the Slovak intelligentsia, too. So-called normalization in 1970 – 1989 almost returned Slovakia to the stuffy atmosphere of the 1950s. That is why we decided to close this book not with the independent and proud attitude of Ladislav Mňačko, but we return back to the phenomenon typical for the whole period of the communist regime in Czechoslovakia. In the years 1948 – 1989 it was very important for communists to control churches, because they considered them potential opposition in Slovakia. Jan Pešek examines in his text the institutional instruments of this control: legislation, activities of the Slovak Office for Church Affairs as a highest state authority for regulation and control of churches (which actually did not change during the whole 40 years of the communist regime), church policy of the communist Party and the (mal-)practices of the State security towards churches. Despite protests from domestic and foreign Church authorities – especially RomanCatholic – the regime did not modify either the spirit or the letter of the so-called Church Acts from 1949. The fundamental change came only with the “velvet revolution” in 1989: the communist regime collapsed and the apparatus for the control of churches has gone to the history.

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Slovensko na ceste k demokracii
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Slovensko na ceste k demokracii

Author(s): Natália Krajčovičová / Language(s): Slovak

The formation of the Czechoslovak Republic was confirmed officially on October 28 and 30, 1918 by passing two constitutional acts – the Proclamation of the Czechoslovak National Council in Prague and the Declaration of the Slovak Nation in Turčiansky Svätý Martin. The implementation of Czechoslovak independent statehood, however, required another two years of consolidation in the territory of Slovakia, a period which ended by signing the Treaty of Trianon in June 1920. The period between these two milestones – October 1918 and June 1920 – was exceptionally demanding for Slovakia and its leading politicians. The author presents in her work “Slovakia on its Path to Democracy“ the complex problems that emerged immediately after the proclamation of the Czechoslovak Republic and that were closely connected with the process of integration of Slovakia into the new state. The crucial problem was especially the great gap caused by different levels of development of Slovakia and the Czech lands. It was exactly this feature that gave rise to new problems in the process of integration of the two territories. The Office of the Minister Plenipotentiary for the Administration of Slovakia was temporarily in charge of the consolidation of the new political situation. The Minister’s task was made more difficult by the efforts of Hungary to regain the territory of Slovakia or at least a part of it. This “war after the war” complicated the proper functioning of the administration and of the democratisation process in Slovakia, which was lawfully initiated and codified by the Revolutionary National Assembly. Many of its provisions could be implemented in the Czech lands only, as Slovakia had to be put under martial law in March 1919 because of new war events, with a military dictatorship being introduced in June 1919. Supplying the citizens with basic needs became more difficult, which led to an increase of post-war social tensions, disgruntled minorities, and even more complicating consequences on the domestic political scene. The author, besides describing the first steps that were made after the creation of the Czechoslovak Republic and the ideological and programmatic trends of Slovak policy, analyses some key issues that the Ministry Plenipotentiary had to face. These were closely linked to the changes in administration, staffing and funding, and the overall authoritative character of the post-war regime in Slovakia. Along with the national, economic, and social difficulties, they influenced the outcome of the general elections in 1920, which did not favour the Slovak middle-class parties, but made leftist parties victorious. In this context, the author focuses on certain prominent personalities of this era: especially Vavro Šrobár, Milan Hodža, and Juraj Slávik. They were representatives of the new Slovakia not only as government ministers, but also as leading politicians of the Agrarian Party, which played an important ideological, political, and economic role in Czechoslovakia from its beginning to its end. It is obvious that some problems that emerged immediately after the formation of Czechoslovakia (e.g. the struggle for Slovak autonomy and official recognition of Slovak national identity) and were not properly resolved, continued to reproduce themselves. They polarised the Slovak political scene to an unfortunately large degree, reappeared after twenty years in a more radical form, and proved fatal to the Republic as a whole and to Slovakia in 1938.

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Sondy do slovenských dejín v dlhom 19. storočí
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Sondy do slovenských dejín v dlhom 19. storočí

Author(s): / Language(s): Slovak,English

The book presents the results of new research in Slovak history in the field or period called “the long 19th century”, i.e. dating from the rule of Joseph II. in the late 18th century until the First World War. The focus of research was on the themes and domains which were either neglected in the past or needed reconsidering. The book centres on five fields and is composed of five chapters. The first chapter is called “The Nation and the national issue”. It presents new aspects by exploring one of the most principal themes of 19th century. In his study, László Vörös reflects about the modern concept of the nation, which won recognition by the most contemporary historians, ethnologists and sociologists: the nation as an imagined community and an imagined tradition which is connected with the modernisation epoch. Nationalism is specifically an urban phenomenon. In the Slovak historiography, the national movement had been explored mostly in the rural area, in the peasant milieu, because the majority of the Slovak ethnic population was composed of peasants. Eva Kowalská aimed to change this perspective and concentrated on explaining urban aspects of Slovak nationalism. In case of Slovakia, these aspects are more interesting since the Slovaks in the 19th century had no important central city, and only small towns in the countryside (like Turčiansky Sv. Martin), had tried to compensate this lack. In his contribution, Peter Macho summarises how the symbol of the Tatra mountains as well as other Slovak geographic-territorial symbols were present in the Slovak nationalist discourse. Peter Šoltés elaborates on the theme and the activities of the Slovak Evangelical intelligentsia in the first half of the 19th century. The second chapter “The National movement in foreign and domestic politics” deals with the important connection of nationalism and politics. Slovak foreign political thought was traditionally orientated toward the Russian Empire. In his contribution, Dušan Kováč shows the other side of the Slovak foreign orientation: their attitude to the Western powers England and France. Dušan Škvarna attempts at a reconsideration of the role and inspiring function of the Slovak National Council, established during the 1848 revolution. The Swiss political scientist Josette Baer, a specialist in the field of Slavonic and lately mainly of Slovak political thought, presents her analysis of the early political activities of Vavro Šrobár (an important personality of Slovak politics in the 20th century), especially his leading role in the so-called “Hlasist movement”. The third chapter is dedicated to the juridical system and economic issues. Tomáš Gábriš presents a very useful survey of the juridical system in Hungary and its changes in the era of modernization during the 19th century. His paper shows that in Hungary the tendency to modernize was clashing with very difficult obstacles, mainly ideological and political ones. The attempt to create the centralised “nation state” in Hungary restrained the most important liberal-democratic reforms of the juridical system. In her contribution, Eva Ondrušová deals with the traditional studies of economic cameralism and its influence on the economic theory and practise in the 19th century. Ľudovít Hallon and Miroslav Sabol follow the history of the Pittel and Brausewetter architectural company, which was much closely connected with and active in the very broad Pressburg (Bratislava) area. Very new themes are presented in the forth chapter named “Society, social life and environment”. Gabriela Dudeková outlines the system of poor relief in the Habsburg monarchy; her focus is on the mechanisms how the authorities denied social care to specific groups in Hungary. Slovak emigration to America is a very traditional issue in Slovak historiography. Igor Harušťák tries to consider this problem in the broader Central- and East-European context. Prior to 1989, research about the nobility as a social strata was neglected in Slovak historiography. Even after 1989, this theme was intensively researched mainly in the period of middle ages and the early modern times. However, from the social point of view, important and interesting issues are e. g. the nobility’s life style as well as the attempts of these “high society” members to preserve their status in the modern 19th century. Daniel Hupko deals with these issues focussing on the example of Lucia Wilczek. Roman Holec presents a completely new approach in his contribution about the changes in the relationship ‘man – animal’ as manifestation of a new attitude to nature during the 19th century. The last chapter of this volume is dedicated to “The Churches in the social – modernizing processes “.Ingrid Kušniráková analyses the controversial interferences of Joseph II. into the life of the Roman Catholic Church, especially the closing-down of some cloisters. Tomáš Králik focuses on the relations of the Vienna court to the St. Elisabeth convent in Pressburg (Bratislava). The chapters of this collective monograph will serve as a basis for the draft of a new synthetis on Slovak history in the “long 19th century”.

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Spoločnosť - politika - historiografia. Pokrivené (?) zrkadlo dejín slovenskej spoločnosti v dvadsiatom storočí
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Spoločnosť - politika - historiografia. Pokrivené (?) zrkadlo dejín slovenskej spoločnosti v dvadsiatom storočí

Author(s): Ivan Kamenec / Language(s): Slovak

The aim of the presented collection of 29 chapters and essays is to sketch a comprehensive picture of Slovak society, reflecting the interactions between its political and cultural elites, as well as the coherence of historiography and historical consciousness in the 20th century. It might be stressed that these relations weren’t static, although in their frames, some resistant stereotypes arose which are still very popular in some parts of Slovak society. The stereotypes, auto-stereotypes and myths never failed to exist; just the contrary – they were going through a process of specific evolution, influenced by numerous fundamental, state-political and constitutional changes, that attended the life of Slovak society in the past century. These changes, or better, ruptures with global social impact had not only positive, but also – and this seems to be the majority of the cases – negative consequences for the situation of particular generations living in Slovakia. Simultaneously, their determined all spheres of cultural life of Slovak society, much like the Slovak historiography influencing both its internal development and its perception by the public. The presented work is divided into four thematic parts. First of them is dealing with both the direct and the indirect impact of political events and decisions taken by the administration on citizens, i.e. particular parts of society. This is the reason, why the tragic issue of the so-called social engineering and Holocaust is also taken into consideration. The author is supposing, that the discrimination and persecution of certain groups of population defined by their nationality, religious, racial or class identity afflicted not only individual victims, but, taking into account its global impact, it was a tragedy for the whole society. In particular it devastated the moral, cultural and religious values of the society and its constitutional consciousness. Culture also suffered by these socio-political processes. The culture and its prominent representatives enjoyed a specific position within the public life in Slovakia, since they were either substituting the absenting “national policy” or they were an active part of this policy – representing and defending universal ideals of humanity proclaimed by themselves or, in other cases, representing the political elites. This contradicted engagement and existing intellectual disunity were symptomatic especially during the existence of non-democratic, i.e. totalitarian political regimes, which afflicted the most part of the decades of Slovak history in the 20th century. As a logical consequence, it resulted not only in disappointment and frustration of Slovak cultural elites, but also in lost of confidence by the citizens in what they have represented. The situation of the Slovak historiography that, as a professional scientific discipline and in its institutional form was going through a process of intensive development just in the frames of communist regime was some kind similar. Just as the culture, the Slovak historiography was also strongly influenced and eventually deformed by the political reality. Slovak professional historiography was facing two main challenges: on the one hand it had to reflect scientific problems and questions and, on the other hand, there was a necessity of defending its own social status and position within the social hierarchy. This position only partly resulted from the scientific outputs of the Slovak historiography, since the role it had to play was strictly defined by the communist state. During that time, the Slovak historiography was going through a difficult development including hopes, unfulfilled illusions, disappointments, disgraceful moral and professional failures, but also happier stages such as significant achievements or civil resistance against the political regime and its leading figures. From today’s perspective, taking into account these phenomenons, the biggest detriment the Slovak historiography had to suffer seems to be the multiple interruption of natural continuity of its development and the visible lack of confidence on the side of citizens that it is permanently trying to regain. On the other hand it should be pointed out that in spite of unfavorable political and social conditions in the past the Slovak professional historiography achieved remarkable scientific results that allowed, after 1989, to be a part of European scientific community. Fourth thematic part of the presented book is dedicated to chosen historical personalities playing significant role in the modern history of Slovakia. Also reflected are chosen historians, which in their professional career and work were able to harmonize their scientific abilities with their civic attitudes, regardless of the risks.

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Sťahovanie národov (454 - 568). Ostrogóti, Gepidi, Longobardi a Slovania
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Sťahovanie národov (454 - 568). Ostrogóti, Gepidi, Longobardi a Slovania

Author(s): Peter Bystrický / Language(s): Slovak

The author describes the history of tribes residing in the Carpathian basin after expelling Huns. No one of them remained in Central Europe and all of them, victorious and defeated too, completely or partially, left for Italy. He follows the fates of the kings who came after Attila, but most of them remained in his shade, and tribes that defeated Huns or founded their empires in the territory bounded by the Carpathians, the Alps and the Sava river, but except for one they perished before Avars came to the Danube. East Roman Empire´s interest in Central Europe did not fall even after it ceased to be its part and fought for it with Ostrogoths and Franks. However, it was weakened by its wars against Ostrogoths and Persians and Slavic and Bulgarian incursions. The Migration of peoples was a period, in which the Antiquity perished, and the grounds of Middle Ages were laid. Central Europe, including Slovakia did not remain out of these events, it was more than only its part. The events that took place here after Attila´s Empire break-up, affected development in a large part of Europe. It was instable as not only interests of local kingdoms, but also of the Byzantine Empire, Ostrogoths and later also Franks collided here. Only a year after Attila´s death, seven kingdoms arose here, but 20 years later only four of them remained and after next 15 years there were only two of them, the Kingdom of Herules and the Kingdom of Gepids. Later after next 20 years, Heruls were replaced by Langobards who 60 years later destroyed even the last one. Such a turbulent development was not recorded anywhere in Europe. Although all German tribes that in the followed period resided in the Carpathian Basin, at last as a whole or partially left for Italy, a story of each of them is unique. They were led by nobles, commanders and kings, whose names are not unknown even today. Although the period of the Migration of peoples is perceived particularly as the history of kings and tribes, the retinues of kings and tribal leaders were more important than ever before. It was just the retinues transcending a framework of tribes and families that allowed forming mighty tribe unions since the end of the 2nd century. They were an integrating and stabilizing factor, however, in this period the tribes were eroded by them. Later the retinues, formation and spread of the heavy cavalry allowed arising and developing of vassal relations and together with hardening of a hereditary function of the King, an adoption of Christianity and new social relations opened a way to Middle Ages and feudalism.

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Stredoveké mesto ako miesto stretnutí a komunikácie
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Stredoveké mesto ako miesto stretnutí a komunikácie

Author(s): / Language(s): Slovak,Czech

Dejinám stredovekých miest patrí v slovenskej historiografii čestné miesto. Túto pozíciu si mestá vydobyli celkom spontánne svojim zástojom v hospodárskom a kultúrnom vývoji. Pritom sa privilegované mestá v stredoeurópskom priestore objavujú pomerne neskoro, až v samom závere 12. a v priebehu 13. storočia. Na území Slovenska existovali veľmi vhodné podmienky pre ich vznik. Existovalo tu niekoľko miest starého typu a veľké množstvo trhových osád, kam už pred tatárskym vpádom začali prichádzať hostia z cudziny. Vďaka prajnému postoju nového uhorského kráľa Bela IV. udeľovanie privilégií pre budúce mestá začalo už koncom 30. rokov 13. storočia. Počas ničivého tatárskeho vpádu tento proces načas ustrnul a znovu sa rozbehol v 50. a 60. rokoch a plynule pokračoval až do konca 13. storočia. Výsledkom týchto snáh bolo vytvorenie relatívne hustej siete miest v Uhorskom kráľovstve. K najurbanizovanejším regiónom v jeho rámci sa stalo územie dnešného Slovenska a Sedmohradska. Mestá sa už v priebehu 14. storočia stali dominantnými centrami obchodu a remesiel a samozrejme aj vzájomnej komunikácie. Tá veľmi skoro prekročila ľahko prestupné hranice stredovekých štátov. Pre naše územie sú v dôsledku toho mestá omnoho významnejším činiteľom vývoja v porovnaní s ostatným uhorským územím, ktorý podstatne ovplyvnil obraz Slovenska. Pri všetkých formách komunikácie a samotnej existencie miest treba mať na zreteli základný motív ich vzniku a rozvoja, ktorým bol obchodno-ekonomický faktor. Rozsiahly systém privilégií, ktorým panovníci resp. zemepáni vybavili mestá, bol obojstranne výhodný: na jednej strane umožnili intenzívny rozvoj miest po všetkých stránkach, na strane druhej pozdvihli hospodársku a tým v konečnom dôsledku aj politickú silu celej krajiny, posilnili centrálnu úlohu panovníka v jeho „večnom“ súperení s mocou šľachty a významne zvýšili jeho príjmy. V záujme udržania a rozšírenia svojich výsad mestá často vystupovali kolektívne v rámci regionálnych a záujmových združení (napr. sedem stredoslovenských banských miest, Pentapolitana – päť východoslovenských miest a pod.). Pre koordináciu postupu sa konali spoločné zasadania, medzi mestami sa vysielali a križovali takmer každodenné posolstvá a podávali sa správy (horizontálna komunikácia), aby potom mohli spoločne postupovať na jednaniach s kráľovským dvorom či krajinskými hodnostármi (vertikálna komunikácia). V nemalej miere sa mestá na území Slovenska nechávali inšpirovať zahraničnými vzormi, či už pri definovaní základného právneho rámca ich existencie prevzatím systémov mestských výsad (najmä nemeckého pôvodu), alebo aj bežnou praxou fungovania obchodu či mestskej správy. Kontakty našich a zahraničných miest mali formu nielen oficiálnych stretnutí či posolstiev mestských funkcionárov, ale aj bežných obchodných či súkromných vzťahov, pri ktorých sa prirodzenou formou prijímali odovzdávali skúsenosti a vzájomne preberali vzory podľa toho, nakoľko si to konkrétna situácia vyžadovala. O stredovekých mestách sa zvykne konštatovať, že boli cudzorodým prvkom na tele stredovekej spoločnosti. Na ich území neplatila klasická schéma usporiadania spoločenských vzťahov a závislosti. Osobná sloboda, možnosť voľného pohybu a právo disponovať so svojim majetkom umožňovala mešťanom komunikovať a pohybovať sa nielen vo svojom najbližšom okolí, ale aj ďaleko za hranicami vlastnej krajiny. Práve možnostiam komunikácie a stretnutí, ktoré poskytovali stredoveké mestá, je venovaná táto kolektívna monografia. Jej spoluautori z radov slovenských i zahraničných medievistov sa v jednotlivých kapitolách snažili postihnúť rôzne úrovne komunikácie v stredovekých mestách. Či už išlo o stretnutia na najvyššej úrovni s množstvom účastníkov, na ktorých sa rokovalo o dôležitých dynastických a mocenských otázkach, ktoré sprevádzali okázalé sprievodné akcie vzbudzujúce zaslúženú pozornosť domácich mešťanov ale aj zvedavcov zo širokého okolia. Mestá sa však pravidelne stávali miestom aj oveľa prozaickejších stretnutí, ktoré korenili v ich základnej hospodárskej funkcii trhových a obchodných centier. Popri tejto primárnej motivácii sa zhromaždenia väčšieho množstva ľudí využívali aj na vyhlasovanie súdnych rozhodnutí, rôznych kráľovských nariadení a dekrétov a ďalších dôležitých informácií lokálneho významu. Mestá resp. ich predstavitelia samozrejme komunikovali aj medzi sebou. Vyjadrovali si tak vzájomnú solidaritu, informovali sa o dianí v krajine a dohadovali sa na spoločnom postupe v dôležitých hospodárskych i politických otázkach. Predstavitelia miest mali záujem najmä o dianie v centre krajiny na kráľovskom dvore. Vynakladali nemalé finančné prostriedky na posolstvá, ktorých hlavnou úlohou bolo komunikovať s vplyvnými hodnostármi na kráľovskom dvore, sledovať rokovania stavovských snemov a priebežne informovať vlastné mesto o dôležitých udalostiach a rozhodnutiach. Školenými komunikátormi boli najmä cirkevní hodnostári, ktorí pôsobili ako vyslanci panovníkov na susedných dvoroch i pri pápežskej kúrii. Komunikácia prebiehala aj vo vnútri miest, medzi jednotlivými spoločenskými vrstvami či etnickými spoločenstvami. Ak sa prirodzená komunikácia zablokovala, dochádzalo k napätiu, ktoré niekedy vyústilo aj do násilných aktov. Priestor v predkladanej monografii dostali aj kolegovia zaoberajúci sa dejinami (počiatkami) konkrétnych miest, vzťahmi miest a ich zemepánov a kapitola o počiatkoch mestotvorného procesu na Slovensku i v Uhorsku. Významná časť je venovaná ekonomickému aspektu existencie miest, obchodným a podnikateľským aktivitám mešťanov. Nezanedbateľný faktor tvorili majetkové a iné vzťahy s bezprostredným okolím, najmä susediacimi feudálnymi panstvami. Napokon je venovaná pozornosť aj kultúrnym, symbolickým, reprezentatívnym a duchovným aspektom komunikácie v stredovekom kontexte (vzdelanci a univerzity, mestské patrocíniá a cirkevné dejiny miest, mestská heraldika).

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Susedstvo v čase prelomových zmien. Vybrané aspekty československo-poľských vzťahov v rokoch 1943 - 1948
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Susedstvo v čase prelomových zmien. Vybrané aspekty československo-poľských vzťahov v rokoch 1943 - 1948

Author(s): / Language(s): Slovak

Relations and analogies of historical, social and cultural nature between the Poles and Slovaks in the past were intense and reflected in various spheres of our life. Slovak-Polish relations in the 20th century were and still are in the shadow of Polish-Czech relations. Moreover, it could be said that a considerable part of Polish society perceived Czechoslovakia mostly as a Czech state and that its perception of the Slovaks and Slovakia was dominated by this view. a similar optic, although to a lesser extent, is symptomatic for a part of Polish historiography dealing with Polish-Czechoslovak relations. Last but not least, the mainstream of Czech historical production dedicated to the Czechoslovak-Polish relations reflected the Slovak aspect rather marginally. These circumstances result to a great extent from the constitutional model of the centralized Czechoslovak state (Czechoslovak Republic and, after 1960, the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic – ČSSR), although the mentioned Polish perception of Czechoslovakia as a Czech state plays a certain role too. In historiography, this fact is reflected by a relative small number of research works devoted to the Slovak-Polish questions, nay – it affects the degree of knowledge about Slovak-Polish relations in the yesteryear and the way, how the Slovaks and Poles perceive each other. The presented publication titled Neighborhood in the Period of Crucial Changes is dealing with selected aspects of Czechoslovak-Polish relations during 1943 – 1948. Its ambition is to mention some of the specific questions of Slovak-Polish relations in the 1940’s. Although the considerations of the authors of particular articles in this book surveying the period starting with the final phase of the Second World War until 1948 are based on the Czechoslovak context, they are primarily focusing Slovak historical aspects and Slovak-Polish issues in this period. Both the macroand micro-levels of these relations are reflected, such as the Polish-Czech-Slovak political relations in the exile in the final stage of World War 2, the international background and the attitude of the Great Powers towards Czechoslovakia and Poland, further the bilateral relations between both countries immediately after WW2, and finally – the situation in the Czechoslovak-Polish, or more accurately, the Slovak-Polish border regions. Dušan Segeš is focusing on the final period (1943 – 1945) of official diplomatic relations between the Czechoslovak and the Polish government in exile residing in London. These relations were interrupted in January 1945, after the decision taken by Czechoslovak authorities in exile to recognize the Polish Committee of National Liberation headed by the communists and close collaborationists of Stalin’s Soviet Union. Segeš is presenting the details of the diplomatic faux pas caused by the Czechoslovak Ambassador in Moscow Zdeněk Fielinger in 1944, and further, among other Czechoslovak-Polish issues, a unique document written by President Edvard Beneš in April 1944, which is his personal account of the CzechoslovakPolish political relations in the exile. Slavomír Michálek’s study is dealing with the Czechoslovak foreign policy in the immediate after-war period (1945 – 1947), taking into consideration the possibilities of its orientation and the international context and reality of that time. The author is paying attention to the Czechoslovak project of “bridge building” between the East and the West (with the President Edvard Beneš and Foreign Minister Jan Masaryk as its major advocates), giving special examples such as the European Recovery Program (the so-called MarshallPlan) where this Czechoslovak strategy was put through the mill and, in the long run, failed. František Cséfalvay is reflecting the activities of home-resistance and partisan groups operating in the Slovak-Polish border regions in 1944, mostly on the Slovak side of this border. Jan Štaigl deals with the specifics of security situation in the northern region Orava as a consequence of re-allocating of some of the parts of it to the Polish authority. The author is taking into account the development within both the regions incorporated to Poland and the Slovak parts of Orava and Spiš, from the entry of the Red Army to these territories up to the year 1947. This year meant a breakthrough in the bilateral relations between Czechoslovakia and Poland due to the signing of Czechoslovak-Polish treaty on friendship, cooperation and solidarity. Štaigl mainly reflects the activities in the Polish-Slovak border zone of the Polish military group “Błyskawica”, headed by Józef Kuraś “Ogień”. The members of this military formation were involved in persecutions of Slovaks living in Poland after WW2; moreover, they were organized robberies of Slovak villages in Czechoslovakia. Štaigl is focusing on the actions taken by the Czechoslovak Army and Slovak armed forces against the troops of “Ogień” and their cooperation with Polish security forces in order to liquidate these troops. Matej Andráš is paying attention to chosen aspects of the Czechoslovak-Polish relations during 1945 – 1948, in particular focusing on territorial changes alongside the Czechoslovak-/ Slovak-Polish border and the situation of Slovak inhabitants of Upper Orava and the Northern Spiš living in Poland after the Second World War. Andráš’s description of this topic is based on research of materials from historical and diplomatic archives, using also data from his own personal archive that was collected during his active diplomatic career in the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

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The Role of Magic in the Past. Learned and Popular Magic, Popular Beliefs and Diversity of Attitudes
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The Role of Magic in the Past. Learned and Popular Magic, Popular Beliefs and Diversity of Attitudes

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Magic in the past in its various forms, perceptions and definitions has been a popular subject of modern Western scholarship for a long time. In the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, in contrast, the issue of magic is still a rather neglected area of study. Apart from the study of witchcraft and apart from ethnologists or anthropologists, whose research interests usually include present or recent case studies and phenomena, the subject of magic has not yet received due attention from historians and other scholars of the humanities of the region. This can be partly explained by the fact that while communist policy with its stress on the class struggle preferred certain topics, mainly political, economic and social history, it practically brought other fields and research interests to a standstill.

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The Shibboleth login functionality is temporarily unavailable.
We apologize in advance for the inconvenience and thank you for your kind understanding.