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St Teresa of Avila’s project, founding contemplative communities of women in Castile and Andalusia, was unequivocally apostolic in its intention. The structure of her Way of Perfection, and the starting point of the Foundations prove this. The article argues that st Teresa deliberately chose the contemplative lifestyle, as the way to reach deeper into humanity’s wounds and achieve a more radical healing.
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The article yields the study of the attitude of mercy in the sacrament of penance and reconciliation. This attitude is based on the example of Jesus, especially on his life and teaching. Not only confessor but also penitent must be guided by the attitude of mercy.
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The article begins with a quick look at the historical context, while the presentation of St Teresa’s path of mental prayer follows the stages of her biography: Beginning of mental prayer (1), Confirmation (2), Finding own method of prayer (3), Crises (4), Consequences (5), Practice of mental prayer (6), Fruit of prayer (7).
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The entire text is divided into four chapters, two of which are published in the present issue of Itinera Spiritualia. In Chapter One, historical in its character, all participants of the debate on friendship voice their opinion: firstly, we pose the problem of the condition of friendship in the contemporary culture; secondly, Plato and Aristotle shed light on our problem from the point of view of Greek antiquity and their own philosophies; finally, St Teresa, creating a link between our times and Greek antiquity, provides original and significant input into the understanding of friendship.In Chapter Two, of metaphysical character, only two participants of the friendship debate speak: Plato and St. Teresa. Plato the Philosopher employs a strictly speculative method, but he does not lack mystical experience; Teresa the Mystic shares her personal friendship stories, but not without a substantial and rational metaphysical basis.
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The Evangelical Counsels, if understood properly, lead a Christian to a dynamic engagement in the practice of love, and through that, towards deeper commitment to his neighbors. Service to others requires of him a personal maturity manifested, on the natural level, in harmony of spirit, and on the supernatural level, in the mystical union with God.
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In Christianity, the goals of the spiritual life, namely sanctity and perfection, can also be considered from a male and female perspective. The female perspective would mean, most of all, the reality of belonging to God, a close relationship in which we welcome the gratuitous gift leading to divinization. The male perspective is more mission-oriented and moral in its character; it focuses on an obligation, a concrete response to the gift of love. We can say that the perspective based on a relationship is more feminine, and the one which evokes moral ability rather masculine. The spiritual life, as such, should include a specific balance between these two factors.
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The present book review describes the monumental germen Edition of all Works of St Teresa of Avila (1515-1582), published by Herder in two volumes (2015) and edited by U. Dobhan and E. Peeters. Each from the seventeens Works of St Teresa proceds a hight quality introduction. The glossary, maps and some facsimiles of St Teresa's Handwriting makes the Reading easier and pleasant. The first time in the history in one Edition are published both Versions of the Way of Perfection.
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The author begins his discussion of the problems associated with Marcus Antonius’s exercise of the office of a tribune of the plebs in 49 BC by indicating the peculiar features of his tribunate. For it turned out that Antonius had to hold his plebeian office in a time when the Roman Republic saw events which would determine its future fate. Antonius actively participated in these events and played a decisive role in them due to his political associations. The consequence of his engagement was a delay of many months in his activity associated with this tenure and active participation in the civil war. Antonius resumed his duties as the tribune of the plebs as late as at the end of his term i.e. shortly before 9 December, 49. Then the author describes the problems associated with Antonius’s appointment to the college of tribunes of the plebs for the year 49, especially the support that was expressed to him at that time by C. Scribonius Curio, a former-year tribune of the plebs who was his friend, and by a protector and at the same time the principal of both men — C. Iulius Caesar. Due to this fact a great deal of attention was devoted to the analysis of source information associated with these issues, especially the ones contained in the Eighth Book of the "Bellum Gallicum" by Aulus Hirtius. The author begins his discussion of the activities initiated by Antonius after he assumed the office on 10 December, 50 by presenting his expression of support for the defence of Caesar and the activities directed against Pompeius that were realised until the end of this month. Then the author concentrates his attention on the presentation of the most important and best known manoeuvres of Antonius that he realised in the senate forum during 1—7 January, 49, during the sessions devoted to Pompeius’s conflict with Caesar. The author devoted due attention to the events that happened in the senate room on the first and last day of the sessions. The activity of Antonius away from Rome during the Italic campaign was mentioned only briefly as it is not directly associated with the problem stated in the title of the article. The author’s considerations are concluded by a discussion of Antonius’s resumption of the duty of a tribune of the plebs in the final period of his tenure and an evaluation of his tribunate.
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A persistent pursuit of the Brandendburg policy toward Moscow during the Second Northern War was to maintain peaceful relations — for the sake of the security of Ducal Prussia located near the theatre of war. This ambition was supposed to be also served by Peter Hoffmann’s legation to the commander of the Moscow army in Livonia, Afanasy Lavrentievich Ordin-Nashchokin, in January 1660. An additional task of the legate was to receive a promise of protection of the private estates of the governor of Ducal Prussia, Bogusław Radziwiłł, located in the theatre of war of the imperial armies. Hoffmann fulfilled his task, and Radziwiłł, in order to maintain peaceful relations with Moscow, committed himself to stop the divisions of colonel Georg von Schönaich which supported him in his fight against the Swedes, from engagement in the Lithuanian-Moscovian conflict.
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The question of further financing the war or of making peace with the sultan prompted the king to call a parliament session in late 1693 in Warsaw. During the pre-session campaign the court managed to gain the support of many regional parliaments of the Crown (sejmiki koronne). However, in Lithuania the majority of the sessions of regional parliaments were conducted under the influence of the opposition directed by the representatives of the Sapieha family. Moreover, in the Grand Duchy a conflict broke out between Kazimierz Sapieha, the Wilno voivode and the great Lithuanian hetman, and the supporter of the court — Konstanty Brzostowski, a Wilno bishop. Because the vast majority of the Lithuanians supported Sapieha, whom the bishop intended to bring to trial before the parliamentary court, this situation spelt trouble for the future parliament. The latter’s inauguration was supposed to take place on 22 December but the king, who was staying in Żółkiew, fell seriously ill. Following the advice of a number of senators who were present at the court, he decided to issue a universal proclamation on the strength of which the parliament session would be postponed without the necessity of calling further sessions of regional parliaments. The universal proclamation was supposed to be issued on the first day of the session by primate Michał Radziejowski. The latter, however, angered by the king, failed to reach Warsaw under the pretext of an illness. The remaining senators made a declaration about the universal proclamation before the legates who were assembled in a church but the members of the parliament from Lithuania disallowed the delivery of the proclamation. They also prevented the inauguration of the session in the parliamentary room. The Lithuanians drew up a universal proclamation and an instruction during a separate session and chose the legates who were supposed to go to the sick king. They were obligated to protest against negotiations about the separatist peace and to side with hetman Sapieha in the latter’s contention with bishop Brzostowski. In early January many legates and senators were still present in Warsaw, hoping that the parliamentary session would start after all. The negotiations associated with this issue with the leader of the Lithuanian opposition, Benedykt Sapieha, a Lithuanian undertreasurer, were conducted by Stanisław Szczuka, who was the king’s trusted man. However, the expedition of the legates and the steadfast attitude of Benedykt Sapieha meant that the parliamentary session could not be saved. Although the king received the legates with utmost reserve, the Lithuanians did not hesitate to send further legates to him, this time from among the ones who participated in the February 1694 sessions of regional Candlemas parliaments. After the session of the parliament, the relational regional parliaments were not called. Instead, the king decided to notify the citizens of the Republic about the events in Warsaw by means of special universal proclamations issued to all districts. The parliamentary session of 22 December 1693 became the symbol of the internal decay of the country and of the decline of the ruler whose health continued to deteriorate.
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The article discusses the functioning of the self-government of nobles in the Kiev Voivodeship in the years 1783—1785. The problem was presented against the background of the political situation which arose as a result of the entry in 1783 of the Russian army to the Polish areas of Ukraine. This was associated with Petersburg’s activities whose purpose was to annex Crimea. The article also discusses the influence of the changes in the organisation of the royalist supporters in the years 1783—1784 in the south-western areas of the Polish Republic, which were supposed to be directed by Marshal Michał Mniszech, the Ruthenian voivode Stanisław Szczęsny Potocki and the Kievian castellan Józef Stempkowski (who went on to become a voivode himself). The article concerns the course of the regional sessions of assemblies (sejmiki) and their bills in Żytomierz — the electoral assembly in July 1783, the parliamentary assembly in August 1784, and especially the economic assembly in July 1785. The laudum of the Kiev voivodeship of 16 July 1785 is notable due to the rich amount of problems associated with self-government which are contained in it. In this area it was a second current of regional assembly life, manifesting itself apart from political and personal rivalry which was a marked feature of the parliamentary, deputational and electoral regional assemblies. The nobility that participated in the sessions in Żytomierz was superior in its activity to the Mazovian voivodeship, not to mention the remaining voivodeships of the Wielkopolska province, where sometimes the economic assemblies were not held at all.
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Father Józef Nierostek descended from the Polish worker family from Zaolzie. Since 1926 until the outbreak of World War II he worked as a priest in the Evangelical Augsburg parish in Cieszyn, first by perfoming the function of a curate and then of an auxiliary parish priest. He performed his activities among the Evangelical young people and among the scouts. He took part in charitable activities. In the 1930s he was the editor of the periodicals “Głos Młodzieży Ewangelickiej” [“The Voice of the Evangelical Youth”] (Wisła—Cieszyn) and “Poseł Ewangelicki” [“The Evangelical Legate”] (Cieszyn). He wrote anti-Hitler articles in these periodicals. In 1937 he published a school textbook devoted to the history of the Church which he wrote. Pastor Nierostek died in 1943 as a prisoner of the Majdanek concentration camp in Majdanek.
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The main aim of the article is a theoretical and empirical analysis of the impact of the European Union on the democratization process in the countries of Eastern Europe. In its foreign policy the European Union, regarded as a normative power, has a strategic interest in stabilizing neighbouring countries through the export of democratic values in order to ensure its own security. It is claimed, however, that the European Union’s ability to influence the outside world is limited. The effectiveness of the EU’s conditionality policy is mainly related to the perceived benefits by third countries – in case of Eastern European countries a membership offer as the main incentive is not yet taken into account. Of great importance there is also a lack of common EU position towards Russia, which regards a European export of democratic values to countries of the post-Soviet area as a challenge to its position on the international arena. A European-Russian rivalry on the post-Soviet area can be then described using realist theory of international relations. The article ends with recommendations for the European Union.
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The paper aims at outlining the EU policy – including Poland’s role in its development – towards the Union’s eastern neighbours encompassed by the European Neighbourhood Policy and Eastern Partnership. The situation of the EU’s eastern neighbours has become considerably complicated in the last two years (2014-2015). The Euromaidan revolution and war in the Donbas have led the EU Member States to direct their efforts towards stabilising the situation in Ukraine. As a consequence, discussions of future prospects and the EU policy towards Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus have been set aside. In addition, wars and conflicts occurring in the south of Europe along with the immigrants flooding southern EU Member States have led to the eastern neighbours and their problems being neglected (despite the fact that Ukraine is engulfed in war).
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The article is an attempt to explain why there arise doubts as to the use of the term “theory of translation” and as to the coherence of its object of study. It has been concluded that the ambiguity of the term stems from the two meanings of the word “teoria” (theory). Using the term “theory of translation” in the sense of “translation studies” is incorrect as such use disregards the fact that translation studies encompasses not only theoretical considerations but also other aspects of dealing with its object. The second cause of the term’s ambiguity is the existence of marked differences between various types of translation. The author believes that the very presence of the word “przekład” (translation) in the Polish language proves that the object it desribes is perceived as an integral phenomenon despite its internal differentiation. Claiming that each type of translation requires a separate theory is contradictory to the meaning of the term “theory”, which – by definition – deals with the highest level of abstraction.
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The article seeks to explore factors behind the diversification and contradictory nature of existing approaches to translation. We also attempt to establish a research perspective which would be instrumental in unravelling some universal mechanisms underlying the development of theories of translation and would help to look through the multifaceted spectrum of translation theories in order to find traits that they all seem to share. As an interpretive instrument we used the dialectics, with her typical “duality of orientation: towards unity and towards division”. Such a point of reference for our explorations is a result of fact, that the answers of the fundamental questions that theories of translation (or particular tendencies therein) ask are contradictory. From our point of view this situation is connected with the dialectic nature of translation itself and with the oppositions between elements of translation chain and between such factors as langue and culture. We discussed several dialectical moments and oppositions.
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