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After the Berlin Congress the organized national liberation movement in Macedonia and the Adrianople region was led by the Internal Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization.
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The present research centers on a Bulgarian dialect that has not been described so far by any author — the Vrabnik dialect in the extreme South-West of the Bulgarian language territory (which is now within the borders of Albania).
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The purpose of the article is to present the Iran Hostage Crisis from the perspective of the Polish authorities. On the basis of a rich array of literature on the subject, comparison of Polish and American archival materials and research into the Polish contemporary press, the study presents a little-known Polish-American-Iranian picture of events occurring in relation with the American Embassy in Tehran, called by the authorities in Iran the “nest of spies” or “espionage den”.
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The seizure of Vilnius Region by Gen. Lucjan Żeligowski, development of the structures of Central Lithuania, elections to the Vilnius Parliament and a resolution of Vilnius Region to join the Polish Republic created a new quality in the bilateral Polish-Lithuanian relations. The seizure of Vilnius Region was a success of Warsaw. The Lithuanian state consequently avoided the establishment of diplomatic relations with Poland, while the geopolitical position of the Second Polish Republic made it necessary for Poland to have Lithuania as an ally supporting Polish efforts to form a common front against threats in the region.
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Under article 256 of the Treaty of Versailles, the states to which German territory was ceded, acquired all property and possessions situated therein belonging to the German Empire or to the German States. The technical part of this resolution for the former Prussian partition was regulated mainly by the Polish-German Agreement ceding the civilian administration signed in Berlin on 25 November 1919. The taking over of the state customs properties, initiated in Poznań province in January 1920, was concluded by the end of January of the following year.
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Functions performed by Polish consular posts in 1945–1949 (apart from standard administrative and official ones) were conditioned by the post-war situation, staff shortage, and by goals of foreign policy set by the leaders of the communist party. In the analysed period they consisted in caring for Polish citizens, repatriation and re-emigration operations, registration of war damages, and actions aiming at gaining the Polonia (often with the use of propaganda against the Polish governments in London). It is worthy of notice that, despite obvious influence of the communist authorities on the structures and forms of work of Polish consular offices at that time, there were also some positive aspects of their operations, such as, undoubtedly, their help to thousands of Poles in coming back to Poland, in getting old-age or disability pensions, compensations, inheritances, or their actions on behalf of searching people who went missing during the war. The initial years of the analysed period of post-war operations of Polish consular offices were characterised also by a strong commitment to the problems of assistance for Polish citizens in socialist countries, but with the lapse of time this function of consulates was becoming less and less important. This, together with some limitations of economic and commercial functions of the consul, resulted from the introduction of Soviet models into the structure of Polish foreign services after the World War Second.
More...Југославија и питање европске безбедности крајем 60-их и почетком 70-их година ХХ века
During the 1960s, a part of European countries accepted with reserve the nonaligned politics of Yugoslavia. The anti-colonial politics espoused by Yugoslavia faced resistance and disapproval of the then European colonial powers. Belgrade’s anti-bloc politics caused mistrust among the members of the Western and Eastern military alliances. By opposing the proliferation of atomic weapons in Europe, the Mediterranean and the Balkans, the Yugoslav state establishment confronted the nuclear powers and their ambitious plans. The support to the non-developed countries of the Third World triggered a revolt of the wealthy countries. For these reasons, the painstaking development of quality relations with the neighbouring countries and European states entailed time, a pragmatic stance and considerable effort. In the early 1960s, Yugoslavia was not putting forward its own initiatives and proposals relating to the enhancement of security in Europe, but supported all endeavours leading to the appeasement of hostilities, establishment of trust and promotion of cooperation. Forced to pursue realpolitik, the Yugoslav state leaders understood at a very early stage that this also meant “more adequate adjustment” to the existing situation in Europe. In the mid-1960s, Yugoslavia’s political and diplomatic engagement to preserve European security became more concrete and, in time, more intensive. In the conditions of a pronounced internal crisis, foreign political stability was the key interest of the Yugoslav state. In the second half of the 1960s and the early 1970s, the Yugoslav diplomacy espoused the view that the “political moves and shifts among the powers” in Europe required the need to find a “possible and realistic approach” to solving the issues of security and cooperation. In such circumstances, the “European area” and the “direction of its development” were becoming all the more important for Yugoslavia, which belonged to it itself. Consistent with this, efforts were made to broaden cooperation and ensure a rapprochement and provision of mutual assistance among the states with different social organisation. The Yugoslav view of Europe rested on the conviction, obtained through experience, that any conflict between the great powers on the European soil jeopardised world peace in the most direct way, whereas the easing of tensions in the continent contributed to the strengthening of peace in the world. Therefore, Belgrade believed that the “favourable evolution of circumstances in Europe, particularly in terms of relations between the East and the West”, anticipated the period of true progress “along the lines of peaceful international cooperation”. As assessed by Belgrade, the stability achieved did not result from the nuclear powers’ interest in preventing confrontation, but arose from more independent activity, an enhanced role and concrete national interests of European countries to mutually cooperate, develop rapidly and ensure security in Europe. Such development of events was considered favourable for new political initiatives and a conscious action, so as to ensure that the identified historical process would progress rapidly towards the desired direction. More intensive Yugoslav political and diplomatic engagement in European politics (the so-called Yugoslav “return to Europe”) served this purpose.
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With respect to their mutual geographical position and the role they played in the system of international relations in the late 19th and early 20th century, the Kingdom of Serbia and the Kingdom of Sweden did not have much common points of interest and therefore not a great need for the establishment of direct diplomatic relations. Instead direct, the two countries have maintained bilateral relations over the missions in a third country and by occasionally sending delegations to the diplomatic missions of special character. Later on, the Kingdom of Serbia has opened two honorary consulates in this Scandinavian country whose work was mainly focused on the establishment and improvement of trading links and relations between the two countries. The first Serbian consulate in Sweden was opened in April 1900 in Stockholm. The duty of consul was entrusted to Ernst Hedin, director of the Swedish branch of the American insurance company “Gresham”. However, first traces of trade between the two countries were found in 1905, which means five years after Hedin came into his office. Given the small balance of trade with Serbia, the Swedish Government launched the initiative in March 1907 for concluding trade contracts on the basis of the highest favored. The contract was signed in early April and became effective at the end of October of the same year. Around the same time, in the industrial city of Norrkoping another Serbian Honorary Consulate in Sweden was opened. On that occasion, the duty of the consul was entrusted to engineer Arthur Hultkvist, director of the local electric and tram company. Shortly thereafter, at the end of March 1908, Hedin was denied trust and, at the end of August, Carl Adam Carlson, director of the Workers’ Bank (Arbetareringens bank) in Stockholm, was appointed to his position. Unlike its predecessor, Karlson worked much better on the establishment of trade exchange between the two countries. Therefore, at the end of 1910, he was promoted to the position of honorary consul general. On the other hand, in August 1911, the Kingdom of Sweden opened its general honorary consulate in Serbia led by a reputable parliamentary deputy and Belgrade merchant, David L. Simić. In the period after the conclusion of the trade agreement, although it was not a large-scale, trade between the two countries ranged upward. Serbia has placed on the Swedish market only one of its export product, prunes, while the Swedes mostly exported to Serbia nails for shoeing horses and agricultural machines. After the Balkan wars, Sweden has made visible efforts to increase its trade exchange with Serbia. Thus, in April 1914, the Chamber of Commerce (Kommerskollegium) awarded one of their special “export scholarship” to Erik Neuman, a Swedish engineer who has been permanently residing in Serbia since June 1909. After the Balkan wars, the Swedish Government decided to establish its direct diplomatic relations with Serbia on a non-residential basis. However the outbreak of war in the summer of 1914 prevented the full implementation of that intent.
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The paper outlines the events of the last year of the longest lasting Bulgaro-Byzantine war (967 – 1018). At the time, part of the Bulgarian aristocracy defended the independence of the Bulgarian Tsardom until the very end. Many leaders of the Bulgarian people died in battle with the Romaioi. Such was the fate of the Bulgarian Tsar John-Vladislav, the commanders Ivats and Sermon, etc. Others preferred to save themselves and retain their privileges. Among them were the Bulgarian Tsaritsa Maria, the ruler of the Inner region Bogdan, the Patriarch John, and the Governors of Pernik – Krakra, of Strumitsa – Dragomazh, of Skopje – Nikolitsa, etc. Left without its last ruler who had until then personified the independence of the Tsardom, some members of the Bulgarian aristocracy accepted their fate to be driven out of Bulgaria, but to keep their economic privileges. In their place, Romaioi from Asia Minor, Armenia and other provinces of the Empire were appointed administrative and military heads in the conquered Bulgarian lands.
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In the 16th century, the Balkan peoples live within the borders of the Ottoman Empire. The present paper outlines briefly the history of the town of Kratovo from Antiquity until the period of the Ottoman invasion. Special emphasis is put on Kratovo of the 16th century – the mining, the settlement pattern, the crafts, the population, Christianity and Islam. The life and deeds of St. George the New of Sofia, born in Kratovo and murdered in Sofia in 1515, and the distribution of his cult in the Bulgarian lands are also taken into account.
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Despite the fact that the Middle East has been exposed to war and invasion for many years due to its wealthy underground resources, namely the exploitation of oil and natural gas, and although continuous political games have been played over the last century in this region, it is still very important because of its geopolitical position. Today, from the pirates to the terrorists, from its leaders to diplomats, from scientists to politicians, the eyes of the imperialist (expansionist) rulers of many countries are still firmly set upon the Middle East. The Middle East does not deserve to experience this unrest and chaos. On 2 November 1917, British Empire Foreign Minister Arthur James Balfour sent a letter to Baron Walter Rothschild, one of the Zionist movement leaders of the time, to form one of the most important events in the history of Palestine. The letter in question reveals itself as an official statement confirming that the Jews, who led fragmented lives in various parts of Europe, could establish a state in Palestine. This letter, in the name of the Balfour Declaration, was the cornerstone of the establishment of the State of Israel on the Palestinian territories after World War II. It would be difficult to describe the relationship between Turkey and the Palestinian Administration as one built on mutual respect and affection during the last century. However, regardless of the right-wing, the left-wing, the faithful and the faithless, Turkey and the Turkish people have always responded to the plight of the Palestinian people with endless sympathy and strong emotional support. Unfortunately, the Palestinian Administration have demonstrated an imbalanced and uncaring attitude towards Turkey and Turks in this regard. This article has been prepared to investigate and examine this unbalanced affection and solidarity between the Turkish people and Palestinian administrations, who are religious brothers and have a historical unity of nearly four centuries.
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The Eastern question originated, developed and was gradually resolved when the Europeans resisted and managed to keep the Ottoman Empire away. Rivalry between the European powers delayed the end of the Ottoman Empire until the point when they could reach an agreement on how to divide the great Ottoman inheritance in Europe.
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Despot S. Badžović (1850–1932) was one of the Serbs in Macedonia who after his schooling in Serbia became teacher in kruševo, whereas in 1875 he had to quit this job and go back to Belgrade. In Belgrade, he was one of the most prominent national operatives (Sava Dečanac, kosta A. Šumenković, etc.) who advocated during the Congress of Berlin the annexation of Macedonia to Serbia. for that purpose, he wrote a document called “To which Slavic Branch do Slavs in Upper Albania and Macedonia Belong” (Kojoj slavenskoj grani pripada ju Sloveni u gornjoj Albaniji i Makedoniji) (1878). As a member of “Brotherhood between Serbo-Macedonians and old- Serbs” he wrote a document called “Honest Wording of Serbo–Macedonians” (Iskrena reč Srbo-Makedonaca) (1885)and “Macedonian issue” (Makedonsko pi tanje) (1893). These two documents were dealing with historical and ethnographic circumstances in Macedonia.
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There was a multi-year combat led in the beginning of the twentieth century with regard to a large, wealthy and strategically important village of Nikodim amongst Serbian and Bulgarian armed troops. The village was situated in the tripoint amongst the Veles, Prilep and Tikves cantons. Historical background related to these battles has been shown thoroughly in the paper in line with archive and memoir documentation unknown until present times. The said documentation relates primarily to Serbo-Bulgarian relations generally in Macedonia, but also to the general circumstances in which yonder locals lived as well as to the Ottoman administration of that time. The cause and general consequences lay in the fact that all 136 local households abandoned the Exarchate and joined the Patriarchate with the request according to which locals should be officially acknowl edged the status of “patriarchate-Serbian citizens” as of that date – 10 June 1903. It was not only the Exarchate that reacted strongly against this attitude of “Serbomen” but it was also the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (known as VMRO) from Veles and Prilep, which led to bloody events that were supposed to make the village and villagers abandon their “Serbomen” commitment. However, this attempt did not yield fruit. Described situation lasted until the breakout of young Turk revolution in the beginning of summer 1908 when Turks over powered “Bulgarian” committee armed troops and regained order in the entire surroundings of Nikodim.
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Apart form the Piłsudki-ites, the Polish government along with underground organizations in the Nazi German-occupied country (the former Second Polish Republic), voiced their criticism regarding the partition of Czechoslovakia previously performed by the Sanation government side by side with the Germans in 1938, resulting in the Polish seizure of Zaolzie. Nonetheless, there was no single political faction in Poland, including the communists, that would have conceded to returning Zaolzie unconditionally to Czechoslovakia after the war. Even though in this very case the Polish government was open to some concessions, those did not include re-establishing the pre-September 1938 state of affairs. Polish authorities declared readiness to negotiate bilaterally or proceed with a form of arbitration. Political groups in the country tended towards reaching an agreement with Czechoslovakia based on exchanging Zaolzie for Lower Silesia along with Lusatia. They also put forward a mutually-agreed equilibrium between Polish ethnicity and Czechoslovakian economic interest in Zaolzie. Had the Polish-Czechoslovakian agreement not been attained, they should have opted for a plebiscite.
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Aleksander Prystor’s resignation from the post of prime minister in 1933 was related to the fact that he lost Marshal Piłsudski’s trust. Historians associated this with the Marshal’s old age. An analysis of available source material, however, sheds new light on the inside story of this resignation. It turns out that Prystor made a number of important decisions, combining various ministries together and appointing new ministers, without consultation with Piłsudski. This led to a conflict between the two politicians.
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The sudden and unexpected death of Stephen Bathory, king of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, on 12 December 1586 provoked many hypotheses. Since the king was generally regarded as a healthy man in his prime, historians and physicians have for centuries tried to solve the mystery of his sudden death. One of the primary sources to this question is a text attributed to one of the royal physicians – Jakub Gosławski. The document, entitled The Death of His Majesty Stephen King of Poland at Grodno on 12 December Anno Domini 1586, better known as The Real Truth about the Illness and Death of Late King Stephen Bathory of Poland, was written soon after the king’s death. Its original version has not been found, while two copies have been preserved in the Central Archives of Historical Records in Warsaw and in the Princes Czartoryski Library in Krakow.The source contains information extremely valuable for historians and historians of medicine about the last days of King Stephen, symptoms of his illness, and treatments meted out to him by his physicians. A valuable supplement is made by a post-mortem report describing the appearance and state of his internal organs. Gosławski’s text has already been published in the past, but either it was done without due care, with many mistakes and omissions, or on the basis of some other manuscript, unknown to us. The present edition juxtaposes the two known copies, with a substantial body of editorial commentary and that pertaining to the content. This makes it possible to see the differences between the two copies, in the first place. There is also the first edition of the text included, issued in 1830 by Edward Raczyński, which in the most important fragments is quite different to that of the texts kept in the Central Archives of Historical Records and in the Princes Czartoryski Library.The edition of this source is even more pertinent given the fact that, in recent years, there is a number of specialists questioning the widespread and preserved diagnosis that the king’s death was caused by uraemia. The well-edited source text, with a commentary pertaining to the content, can help researchers in thoroughly analysing the symptoms of Bathory’s illness and shed new light on the causes of his death.
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