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Evaluating the Multilateral Framework of the Eastern Partnership

Author(s): Petr Kratochvíl / Language(s): English

While the Eastern Partnership (EaP) only deepens the bilateral relations of the EU with its Eastern neighbors, its main contribution is the new multilateral framework designed exclusively for the ENP´s Eastern dimension. • It is the EU who has been enthusiastic about the multilateral approach. The partner countries are more restrained, citing two factors for their skepticism: (1) the fear that the EaP might gradually become an alternative arrangement to full membership and (2) the worry that multilateralism could decrease the so far prevalent country‐specific differentiation and thus slow down the quickest reformers. • The EaP´s multilateral framework has several major strengths: (1) the relatively simple and flexible “operational structure”, (2) the focus on regulatory reforms, (3) the introduction of the so‐called flagship initiatives, and (4) the increased involvement of civil society. • Among the potential problems, the most important are: (1) the launch of the EaP amidst growing political and economic instability across Eastern Europe, and (2) the financial resources which will not be sufficient in the long term given the ambitious work programme. • Regarding the four thematic platforms, they cover most issues on the agenda. But while some topics discussed are truly multilateral (e.g. energy cooperation), others are predominantly bilateral and their inclusion in the multilateral framework is largely artificial (e.g. judiciary and public administration reforms). • Some of the platforms with a strong agenda (such as energy security) are growing softer, hence limiting their relevance for both member and partner countries. • The flagship initiatives, although generally sound and beneficial, are not of equal standing in terms of their importance (cf. the integrated border management and the support for small enterprises on the one hand, and the underfinanced reponsiveness to disasters on the other). In addition, one important originally proposed initiative – the Southern Corridor – entirely disappeared from the agenda. • Two additional unresolved questions pertain respectively to the EaP´s relation to the other regional initiatives (BSS) and the participation of third countries. • The EaP has been doing well so far. Its long term success will be, however, dependent on four factors: (1) the continuous high‐level political support for the project in both the EU and the partner countries, (2) whether there will be an unwavering focus on regulatory reforms that will prevent the EaP´s multilateral framework from turning into an irrelevant talking club, (3) achievement of some visible successes in areas like energy security, border management or institution building (CIB), (4) the increase in funding available for the EaP after 2013.

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The End of a Long Transition? Macedonia’s Readiness for EU Candidacy

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Mixed record of the EU following the failure of ratification of its first ever drafted constitution, on the one hand, and recent commitment shown to the enlargement, particularly in the cases of Turkey and Croatia, on the eve of 2006, the EU is faced with the big question whether to continue to demonstrate the commitment for the EU enlargement this time to the heart of the western Balkans region, towards Macedonia, success of which enlargement conditions the credibility of the EU’s foreign policy. Wider European and Balkan debate circles on EU enlargement currently have their ears in Brussels awaiting the avis of the Commission, which is to deliver whether Macedonia fulfils the conditions for candidacy and for negotiations for full Membership. The overall process of the European integration of Macedonia successfully started with the filling in the EC Questionnaire. However, as the date for the avis and for decision approaches, the calculations made for the rationale and benefits of enlargement to Macedonia, another western Balkan potential candidate after Croatia poses difficulty to EU officials and its member country representatives.

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Scanning Macedonia’s performance under the European Commission’s progress report’s chapter 21: A race with obstacles? – Part I

Author(s): Ana Stojilovska / Language(s): English

This policy report tends to present and clarify Macedonia’s performance under chapter 21 from 2006 till 2010 by inspecting the quality and the sustainability of the progress achieved; to focus on the accomplishments and setbacks reflected in the progress report for the year 2010 with the aim of defining the future challenges; to assess the work of the institutions in Macedonia relevant for the implementation of chapter 21; and to offer clear and research based recommendations for better performance under the chapter. The purpose of this policy report is by presenting recommendations and solutions to the relevant institutions to contribute to achieving better progress under chapter 21 in the following years with the overall aim of assisting Macedonia’s integration in the EU. With the purpose of observing the report’s length, this policy paper will cover only the first part of the whole report on chapter 21, i.e. the transport networks part (TEN-T).

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Emergence of Regional Leader in the Western Balkans - The case of Serbia and the implications for Macedonia

Author(s): Sonja Zuber / Language(s): English

Serbia has always been an interesting case for analysis when dealing with the Western Balkans’ political, economical and cultural relations. Serbia’s central location in the Balkan Peninsula and its big territory (slightly bigger than Bulgaria), give her a significant importance in the geo-politics of Europe and wider. In addition the key corridor 10, which is the bloodstream of the region, passes throughout the whole country. These geo-political characteristics however, are not the only reason that makes Serbia important for the region and the EU itself. Serbia has a so called “institutional memory”, relatively long tradition of established bureaucracy reflected on functional administration and institutions which directly effects EU integration processes and makes cooperation feasible (as it is a highly bureaucratic process in nutshell). Comparatively Serbia’s statehood dates back much earlier than most of the other Western Balkan (WB) countries.

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Follow up – Macedonia and IPA Funds – guidelines for Civil Society Organizations & expectations for the future

Author(s): Sonja Zuber / Language(s): English

In 2009, Analytica published the report Macedonia’s lagging behind in efficient usage of EU funds (IPA, Framework Programmes). In 2009 the country was still just getting to know all the complex procedures and labyrinths that the EU funding represents. The conclusion was that: “…the overall feeling is that compared to Croatia and Turkey, Macedonia is lagging behind in terms of IPA usage. Institutional capacity has been a persistent problem and there have not been sufficient trainings of the private sector in the past years either, which adds to the situation Macedonia is in.” It can be said that several important occurrences happened since the IPA funding was established in 2007. Even though Macedonia’s integration is in a limbo at the moment due to the Greek veto over the name dispute, the funds flow each year towards the capacity building of the county and the state, private and civil sectors. The process of the reforms does not stop and the better the country is prepared for the negotiation process the smoother it will run once it starts. Therefore the country should strive to full usage of the numerous EU funds that are open for the Macedonia’s institutions, private and civil sector.

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The Challenge of Achieving Sustainable Renewable Energy Policy in Macedonia

Author(s): Ana Stojilovska / Language(s): English

Macedonia’s commitment for becoming an EU member state brought many reforms in the country. The energy sector, previously with no strategic vision of its development and no sustainability, has begun to transform to comply with the market economy model. Macedonia made efforts to fulfill the commitments coming from the EU candidate status including reforming the energy sector and prioritizing the renewable sources of energy (RES) policy. However, the general perception is that the invested efforts have not brought the desired results. Although the strategies are put in place, their implementation is progressing slowly hampered by a set of barriers which discourage potential investors. In addition, the undertaken efforts were partial and insufficient since the energy sector reforms are tied to other system reforms. Last but not least, there is an absence of a coherent and horizontal policy in promoting RES and a lack of inter-sector cooperation in the area. These challenges question the long-term sustainability of the RES policy in Macedonia. Having limited investments in RES sector; furthermore a set of policy, financial, legal, administrative and information obstacles which add to the existing investment uncertainty and low environmental awareness, it is of utmost importance, the RES policy to be thoroughly researched. The RES policy is important for Macedonia not only because it is an obligation steaming from the respective international agreements, but because Macedonia has underused RES potential. By investing in RES, the county would secure its future in light of its increasing energy demand, the high import dependency as well as the exhaustibility of the fossil fuels.

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How far is Macedonia in fulfilling the requirements under Chapter 27 - Environment of the acquis

Author(s): Sonja Zuber / Language(s): English

Macedonia’s progress under Chapter 27 of the EU Acquis – Environment and climate change has been one of the slowest since the EC started reporting about the reform processes in the potential candidates and candidates’ member states. The issues in the environmental sector have not been high on the Macedonian government’s agenda due to many other problems taking time and money such as public administration and judicial reforms, police reform, human rights, non-majority communities’ rights etc., which usually take priority over the environment. Although as a candidate for membership Macedonia is obliged to work on reforms in every chapter including this one. Some progress has been made in certain areas such as transposing the acquis into national legislation, in particular on waste management or chemicals. However there is much left to be done, and the general observation is that, the most painful and expensive reforms are yet to be implemented. As it was stated in the last progress report from 2012: considerable efforts are required on awareness-raising, setting a more strategic approach for the country, aligning with and implanting EU climate acquis… Administrative capacity at both central and local levels needs to be strengthened. Investments need to be increased, especially in the waste and water sectors. Overall, preparations in the field of the environment are moderately advanced while in the field of climate change remain at an early stage.

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Comparative Analysis of Regional Practices for Parliamentary Financial Oversight of Intelligence Services

Author(s): Magdalena Lembovska / Language(s): English

This paper will give an account of the mechanisms available to the Macedonian Parliament to conduct parliamentary oversight of the intelligence services, particularly those within the jurisdiction of the specialized parliamentary committees. It will then examine cases from other states in the region and look for practices and legal solutions that they have established in order to encourage financial accountability of their intelligence services. As former Yugoslav republics, during the last two decades these states were facing the challenges of transition and building democratic, transparent and accountable institutions. However, not all of them have progressed at the same pace. The best practices are elaborated in two case-studies – Slovenia and Croatia, both members of the European Union. Furthermore, their oversight systems differ at many levels, having been created and developed according to each country’s specific processes and needs. They should serve as examples to better understand the role of parliaments in ensuring the accountability of intelligence services in the implementation of programs and projects financed with state money. Thereby, the case-study sections provide a brief overview of the formal intelligence services and authorized bodies for their oversight. The focus is put on the role of the parliament (directly or indirectly through parliamentary committees) throughout the four phases of the budgetary cycle: planning, adoption, implementation and audit.

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Energy and Security Sector Governance in Macedonia: How to Improve its Efficiency?

Author(s): Magdalena Lembovska,Ana Stojilovska / Language(s): English

The Republic of Macedonia, due to its EU and NATO integration endeavors is experiencing many policy reforms. Especially the country’s energy and security sectors are both characterized with low transparency and limited openness for cooperation – the first due to its capital intensity and the second due to the communist system’s legacy, both also important for national security. As a result, they have been exposed but reluctant to the reform processes and have many deficiencies in their governance. Some of the identified issues include insufficient capacities, lack of financial means, delays in adopting the respective legislation and in implementing projects, all of which indicate low efficiency in these sectors’ performance. On the other hand, the Slovak Republic, also a former communist country and an EU and NATO member state showcases good examples of capacity building and institutional efficiency in the respective sectors. Its ten year-long Euro-Atlantic integration enabled gaining good experience with the reform processes in the two sectors. Additionally, according to the Worldwide Governance Indicators the Slovak Republic has better governance scores than Macedonia. Thus, the Slovak Republic can be considered as a valuable resource for applying its learnt lessons in the Macedonian case.

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Bulgarian Organised Crime Threat Assessment 2020

Author(s): Atanas Rusev,Tihomir Bezlov,Mois Faion,Mariyan Sabev,Stefan Ralchev / Language(s): English

The 2020 Bulgarian Organised Crime Threat Assessment is the third in a series of studies which, on an annual basis, canvasses the state, volume and structure of the major criminal markets. The report also captures the trends related to organised crime over the period 2017–2019.

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What does a second Obama term mean for Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Balkan region?

Author(s): Heidi Hullinger / Language(s): English

The 2012 US presidential elections had Europe on its toes, hoping that US citizens chose a candidate that would surely win if the rest of the world had a vote. But Bosnians had little to go on, they’ve only known Obama to be the hands off sort, leaving the region to the expertise of Biden and Clinton and their deputies. It is hard for Bosnians to know what the election results would mean if Romney were elected. The European Union was largely absent from presidential discussions, so why would the Balkan region and enlargement countries be a topic of discussion? Regional policy has been an exercise in cooperation with the European Union, taking a backseat to the Accession process and contributing with aid and missions that focus on assisting Bosnia and Herzegovina in fulfilling NATO accession conditions. As a result, the US gets to play good cop, while the EU works, so far fruitlessly, to tackle corruption, constitutional reform and other hot button topics that cast the EU as bad cop. The appointment of the next US Secretary of State is the latest topic of conversation making headlines in the US. However, US-Bosnian relations and their engagement in the region is unlikely to see any major changes. Either way, the US may decide that it better serve Bosnians and its constituents at home by losing the good cop act and put tangible pressure on politicians.

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Assessment of Police Integrity in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Hamza Višća,Alma Kovačević / Language(s): English

A question of police integrity in BiH is quite difficult to consider due to the complexity of the police system. The police sector in BiH consists of 16 police agencies at all levels of government and 6 institutions which provide them support or carry out similar activities. This fact makes any research difficult because each police agency could be considered as an individual entity and particular research could be committed for each of them. Generally, findings of the report indicate that neither the legal framework, nor the practice is satisfying to ensure police integrity. In addition to that, the citizens assess police work as very weak and its efforts insufficient in fighting corruption. A very high influence of politicians on the police work still exists; police transparency is not satisfying when it comes to investigation of serious cases of corruption; human resources management and financing require serious reforms to be more functional in the fight against corruption; while both internal and external controls need serious changes to be more independent and functional. This report could help to consider police integrity from important points of view, including legal framework and citizens’ perspective. The report can help make a comprehensive study and a deeper analysis of each chapter.

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Economy Against COVID-19

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

Comparative overview of economic measures introduced to support the economy and retain jobs by mitigating the consequences caused by the coronavirus.

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Ciała obce. Samozwańcze republiki na wschodzie Ukrainy

Author(s): Krzysztof Nieczypor / Language(s): Polish

Trwający od pięciu lat konflikt na wschodzie państwa ukraińskiego doprowadził do poważnego kryzysu gospodarczego i humanitarnego na Ukrainie, w tym na terytoriach tzw. Donieckiej Republiki Ludowej i Ługańskiej Republiki Ludowej (DRL i ŁRL). Trudną sytuację pogłębia trwająca od 2017 r. ukraińska blokada handlowa skutkująca społeczną, polityczną i gospodarczą izolacją niekontrolowanej przez Kijów części Donbasu. W efekcie na terytorium opanowanym przez prorosyjskich separatystów wykształcił się specyficzny model gospodarki centralnie sterowanej oparty na bezprawnie zawłaszczonym przemyśle i nielegalnych transakcjach handlowych przeprowadzanych przez przedsiębiorstwa nadzorowane przez Kreml. Istnienie i funkcjonowanie samozwańczych republik jest całkowicie zależne od wsparcia militarnego i finansowego ze strony Rosji, a stojący na czele tych parapaństw przywódcy są w pełni podporządkowani Moskwie. Pogłębiająca się z każdym rokiem izolacja terytoriów pozostających pod kontrolą separatystów od reszty kraju negatywnie wpływa na perspektywę ich reintegracji. Znaczącą rolę w tym procesie odgrywa konsekwentna polityka informacyjno-propagandowa i kulturalna, prowadzona przez Kreml i władze samozwańczych republik, mająca na celu wzmocnienie nastrojów prorosyjskich i utrwalenie wśród mieszkańcach wschodniej Ukrainy negatywnego obrazu państwa ukraińskiego. Sprzyja temu postawa władz w Kijowie, które pomimo deklarowanej determinacji do rozwiązania problemów humanitarnych oraz utrzymania powiązań społecznych i politycznych z resztą kraju nie podjęły rzeczywistych działań w tym zakresie. Widać natomiast bezczynność, która pogłębia proces wyobcowania mieszkańców wschodnich regionów od pozostałej części społeczeństwa ukraińskiego. W konsekwencji reintegracja Donbasu, po ewentualnym ponownym przejęciu kontroli nad okupowanymi terytoriami, może okazać się zadaniem niezwykle trudnym do zrealizowania.

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(NE)SVRSISHODNOST JAVNIH NABAVKI ZA POLICIJU

Author(s): Vladimir Erceg / Language(s): Serbian

The Ministry of Internal Affairs in Serbia plans to spend 8% of the budget (about six billion dinars) for the procurement of much-needed equipment, uniforms, and technology and to invest in the development of police capacities. Purposeful spending of these funds will significantly improve the work of the police and improve the safety of citizens. That is why it is important to wisely plan and spend every dinar. Improving the expediency of public procurement implies improving efficiency, effectiveness and economy in tenders.

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Rosja u progu 2021 roku - Sytuacja polityczna, społeczna i gospodarcza

Author(s): Marek Menkiszak,Maria Domańska,Iwona Wiśniewska,Jadwiga Rogoża / Language(s): Polish

W minionym roku w Rosji rozpoczęto realizację kolejnego etapu konsolidacji i zaostrzania systemu autorytarnego. Kluczowe decyzje polityczne były podporządkowane strategicznym celom, jakim są utrzymanie obecnego reżimu i odpowiednio wczesne przygotowanie płynnej sukcesji władzy. Nerwowość elity rządzącej podsyciły szczególnie protesty na Białorusi, zwłaszcza w obliczu zaplanowanych na 2021 r. wyborów parlamentarnych w Rosji. W sferze politycznej działania Kremla koncentrowały się na dwóch celach: poszerzeniu pola manewru odnośnie do wyboru scenariusza politycznego na najbliższe lata, czemu służyła nowelizacja konstytucji, oraz utrzymaniu kontroli nad społeczeństwem poprzez działania mające pogłębić w nim bierność, paternalizm, lęk przed władzą oraz poczucie braku alternatywy. W tym celu przyjęto szereg ustaw mających zapobiec oddolnej mobilizacji obywateli. Pandemia COVID-19 stosunkowo łagodnie dotknęła rosyjską gospodarkę. W tym zakresie priorytetem Kremla pozostawała nie tyle pomoc dla społeczeństwa i biznesu, ile zapewnienie stabilności finansów publicznych i ochrona rezerw finansowych. W rezultacie doszło do wzmocnienia dotychczasowego, nieefektywnego modelu ekonomicznego.

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GENDER ADVISORS IN THE SERBIAN SECURITY SECTOR

Author(s): Gorana Odanović / Language(s): English

Mechanisms for introducing a gender equality policy into security sector governance, aimed at bringing about gender-sensitive treatment of women beneficiaries of the security system, are still lacking in Serbia. One way to ensure that gender equality issues are continuously addressed is to create a specific position for an individual whose job would be to advise top management about measures for improving gender equality. The National Action Plan (NAP) for the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 in Serbia envisages the introduction of a gender advisor to the minister/director at the Ministry of Defence, the Ministry of Interior, the Customs Administration, the Security-Information Agency, and the Administration for Enforcement of Penal Sanctions. The advisor’s task would be to advise managers during the process of developing and implementing policies, with the goal of facilitating respect for the rights of women and men, both those employed in the security sector and those who use the services provided by security sector institutions. The same document envisages the inclusion of gender advisors in the composition of Serbian contingents in multinational operations. The intention of this text is to provide a position description, a method for selecting the gender advisor, and the ideal profile of a gender advisor. Conclusions and recommendations are made, based on the experience of other countries and on guidelines provided by participants in a specific round table on gender advisors, organised by the BCSP with the support of DCAF, and in workshops on gender advisors, organised by the BFPE in cooperation with BCSP with the financial support of the OSCE Mission in Serbia, within the framework of the training programme “Introduction of a Gender Perspective into Security Sector Reform”.

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ELECTORAL JUSTICE: HERE, NOW, TOMORROW [THE CASE OF SERBIA]

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Resolving electoral disputes is one of the most sensitive aspects of the electoral process and has a decisive bearing on the integrity of elections. Nevertheless, this issue has rarely commanded the attention of the broadest Serbian public due to both its opacity as a narrowly technical field and the (perhaps excessive) emphasis on other topics, primarily the role of the media and events on Election Day. Electoral justice has thus often been confined to a limited circle of lawyers or those with close knowledge of the electoral process. The topic has gained in importance given the context in which Serbian elections take place: firstly, Serbia is yet to develop and build stable electoral procedures and institutions (the country has seen a basically normalized electoral process only in the past 20 years, even though it displays traits of a deepseated traditional political culture nurtured in socialist Yugoslavia during the time of political monism), and, secondly, electoral law remains deeply influenced by political parties and organisations (with the electoral administration particularly strongly affected), which makes it difficult to promote public trust in elections and the electoral process as a whole.

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IZBORNA PRAVDA: ovde, sada, sutra [SLUČAJ SRBIJA]

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Resolving electoral disputes is one of the most sensitive aspects of the electoral process and has a decisive bearing on the integrity of elections. Nevertheless, this issue has rarely commanded the attention of the broadest Serbian public due to both its opacity as a narrowly technical field and the (perhaps excessive) emphasis on other topics, primarily the role of the media and events on Election Day. Electoral justice has thus often been confined to a limited circle of lawyers or those with close knowledge of the electoral process. The topic has gained in importance given the context in which Serbian elections take place: firstly, Serbia is yet to develop and build stable electoral procedures and institutions (the country has seen a basically normalized electoral process only in the past 20 years, even though it displays traits of a deepseated traditional political culture nurtured in socialist Yugoslavia during the time of political monism), and, secondly, electoral law remains deeply influenced by political parties and organisations (with the electoral administration particularly strongly affected), which makes it difficult to promote public trust in elections and the electoral process as a whole.

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