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Security Sector Reform and Media in BiH - The Way Ahead to Security Sector Good Governance
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Security Sector Reform and Media in BiH - The Way Ahead to Security Sector Good Governance

Author(s): Mariangela Fittipaldi / Language(s): English

The Security Sector Reform (SSR) in BiH is proving to be a major step forward in the institutional building process. Although an ongoing development, it has recently been characterized by some important improvements, especially as far as the adoption of the new Defence Law is concerned. In order to foster changes towards security sector good governance, the role played by the main civil society sections in monitoring the reform is crucial. Thus, the forthcoming years will be particularly important with regard to the extent to which media, representatives of civil society, centres of research, and NGOs will be able to participate in the process and constantly monitor the changes in the security landscape of the country. In particular, media play a vital role in providing an essential link between civil society and government. This is even more necessary with regard to security, the supply of this public good being an essential pre-condition to economic and political development. When media are independent, regulated and developed, the effectiveness of the cited role is more likely to come into force. Consequently, the absence of these conditions would seriously impair the possibility for media to function like a «watchdog» with regard to decision-making and policies adopted. On the other hand, the model of good governance of the security sector assumes a wider participation of civil society in the evolution of the security sector. This implies that several efforts have to be undertaken in order to keep the public informed on security issues. Therefore, a full participation of media in the SSR process would contribute to make the international and local institutions in charge of defence and security matters accountable and transparent toward the public. This report analyses media's coverage of security issues in BiH. Through an assessment of the complex relationship between media and the security sector in the country, the openness of the security sector itself will be taken into account. The ultimate aim of this study is to evaluate the pace to a good governance of the security sector for BiH. The report will use two important guidelines for enquiries. On the one hand, the extent to which the security institutions in BiH are accountable, open and responsible to media will be evaluated. The issue will be considered of primary concern since a substantial part of the relation at stake depends on the structure of the security sector. The research will further focus on the extent to which media are open to security institutions and specialized in dealing with security issues, the obstacles to quality journalism and capacity to report on security-related issues being one of the central aspects of media relation to security. Finally, the report will be partly based on the theoretical model of security governance, which assumes an increasing interaction between media and the state. Although many changes have taken place in the organisation of the security sectors of the most advanced democracies, a full media involvement is far from being reached since the extent of participation is dependent on both structural and contingent limits entailing the model itself.

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Reforma sigurnosnog sektora i mediji u BiH - Put ka uspješnom upravljanju sigurnosnim sektorom
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Reforma sigurnosnog sektora i mediji u BiH - Put ka uspješnom upravljanju sigurnosnim sektorom

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bosnian

Reforma sigurnosnog sektora (RSS) predstavlja veliki korak naprijed u procesu institucionalne izgradnje. Trenutni razvoj okarakterisan je poboljšanjima, barem kada je riječ o usvajanju novog Zakona o odbrani. S ciljem usvajanja promjena koje se tiču dobrog upravljanja sigurnosnim sektorom, uloga koju ima civilno društvo u praćenju reformi je od krucijalnog značaja. Osim toga, godine koje slijede biće izuzetno značajne s obzirom na stupanj u kojem će mediji, predstavnici civilnog društva, istraživački centri i NVO-e biti u biti u mogućnosti da učestvuju i konstantno prate promjene u procesu koji se tiče sigurnosnih pitanja u zemlji. Poseban značaj u osiguravanju veze između civilnog društva i vlade imaju mediji. Njihova je uloga još značajnija kad je riječ o sigurnosti, jer obezbjeđivanje tog opšteg dobra jeste osnovni preduslov za ekonomski i politički razvoj. Kada su mediji nezavisni, regulisani i razvijeni, efektivost navedene uloge tada je potpuna. U protivnom, nedostatak ovih uslova može ozbiljno ugroziti mogućnost medija da funkcioniraju kao «nadzornici» u pogledu donošenja i usvajanja odluka. Sa druge strane, model dobrog upravljanja sigurnosnim sektorom podrazumijeva veće učešće civilnog društva u nastajanju sigurnosnog sektora. Ovo ukazuje na potrebu poduzimanja određenih koraka da bi se osigurala informisanost javnosti u pogledu sigurnosnih pitanja. Prema tome, potpuno učešće medija u procesu reforme sigurnosnog sektora doprinjet će stvaranju međunarodnih i lokalnih institucija zaduženih za pitanja odbrane i sigurnosti, a koje bi bile transparentne i dostupne javnosti. Ovaj izvještaj analizira medijsku pokrivenost sigurnosnih pitanja u BiH. Kroz uspostavljanje složene veze između medija i sigurnosnog sektora u zemlji, bila bi uzeta u obzir otvorenost sigurnosnog sektora kao takvog. Glavni cilj ove studije je evaluacija napretka dobrog upravljanja sigurnosnim sektorom u BiH. U izvještaju su korištene dvije važne vodilje za istraživanje. Sa jedne strane, biće evaluiran stepen zastupljenosti sigurnosnih institucija u BiH, odnosno koliko su otvorene i odgovorne prema medijima. Ovo pitanje se razmatra kao primarno s obzirom na stvarno učešće u relaciji i strukturi sigurnosnog sektora. Izvještaj će se nadalje fokusirati na stepen otvorenosti medija za sigurnosne institucije i stručnost medija kada su u pitanju sigurnosne teme, te na ograničenja kvalitetnog novinarstva i mogućnost izvještavanja o temama u vezi sa sigurnosti, kao jednog od glavnih aspekata odnosa medija prema sigurnosti. Na kraju, izvještaj će biti djelomično baziran na teoretskom modelu sigurnosnog upravljanja, koji podrazumijeva pojačanu saradnju između medija i države. Premda su se desile mnoge promjene u organizacijama sigurnosnog sektora u najnaprednijim demokratijama, potpuno učešće medija još nije postignuto, s obzirom da stepen učešća zavisi i o strukturalnim i o mogućim ograničenjima.

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The Office of the High Representative and Security Sector Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina
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The Office of the High Representative and Security Sector Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Denis Hadžović / Language(s): English

In the after-math of conflict, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) made significant progress in the development and sustainment of a peaceful environment; a progress that can be indicated, amongst others, with the establishment of state-level institutions in the field of security. Their inception represents, firstly, a conflict-prevention element and secondly a vital instrument that can be utilised towards Euro-Atlantic integrations. To that end, immeasurable support has been provided by the international community, primarily through the Office of the High Representative (OHR) in BiH, an ad hoc institutions that were established to overlook the implementation of the civil component of the Dayton Peace Accords. With the efforts of the OHR and international community, BiH has executed one of the most successful reforms of the judicial system in the region. It has also seen the establishment of a unified armed force and intelligence-security agency, a state protection and a investigation agency, state border police, customs control and the state court. All of these institutions were established either following a direct legislative instruction or indirect pressure from the OHR operating under a quest to reach a compromise between the ruling political actors in Bosnia and Herzegovina. With these accomplishments in mind, the intention of the author was to offer practitioners and academics who deal with peacebuilding a modest contribution in view of supporting the further development of these processes, and present an insight into the OHR experience gained during the implementing period of these reforms and peacebuilding in BiH, with particular focus on security sector reform. I would like to use this opportunity to express my gratitude to the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF) on their financial support of this research, as well as to the staff of the Centre for Security Studies, Mr. Armin Krzalic, Mr. Jasmin Ramovic, Ms. Sanja Mihajlovic, Ms. Lana Tancica and Ms. Andrea Tefterdarija, who worked in the capacity of a junior professional during the period of the research, on their invaluable contributions. Our gratitude is also extended to everyone who directly or indirectly contributed to the implementation of the research, either through interviews or literature that was used for the needs of the research, and library of PSOTC – Peace Support Operations Training Centre Sarajevo. We sincerely hope this research, which also encompassing a local perspective, will serve as a contribution to discussions regarding peacebuilding and security sector reform in post-conflict societies.

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Kako se kreira politika Bosne i Hercegovine - Odgovornost ili alibi
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Kako se kreira politika Bosne i Hercegovine - Odgovornost ili alibi

Author(s): Denis Hadžović / Language(s): Bosnian

Nedavno otvaranje dijaloga na visokom nivou u Briselu, između predstavnika izvršne vlasti i političkih partija Bosne i Hercegovine i zvaničnika Evropske unije, treba pomoći BiH u napretku u procesu pridruživanja EU. Prema najavi Štefena Filea, evropskog komesara za proširenje, EU se namjerava više angažovati u BiH i uključiti u dijalog koji će dovesti do novog pristupnog procesa na Zapadnom Balkanu. U zajedničkim zaključcima sa sastanka iz Brisela, naglašeno je da su sudionici postigli dogovor o Mapi puta, koja bi ako se blagovremeno i uspješno provede mogla omogućiti Bosni i Hercegovini da podnese vjerodostojan zahtjev za članstvo u EU do kraja tekuće godine.

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(NE)SVRSISHODNOST JAVNIH NABAVKI ZA POLICIJU
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(NE)SVRSISHODNOST JAVNIH NABAVKI ZA POLICIJU

Author(s): Vladimir Erceg / Language(s): Serbian

The Ministry of Internal Affairs in Serbia plans to spend 8% of the budget (about six billion dinars) for the procurement of much-needed equipment, uniforms, and technology and to invest in the development of police capacities. Purposeful spending of these funds will significantly improve the work of the police and improve the safety of citizens. That is why it is important to wisely plan and spend every dinar. Improving the expediency of public procurement implies improving efficiency, effectiveness and economy in tenders.

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Parliamentary Oversight of Implementation of Special Investigative Measures in Serbia
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Parliamentary Oversight of Implementation of Special Investigative Measures in Serbia

Author(s): Katarina Đokić / Language(s): English

Special investigative measures (SIM) are measures covertly applied by state institutions (foremost security institutions), which inherently constrict the degree to which citizens enjoy their constitutionally guaranteed rights. These fundamental traits of SIM mean that uncontrolled implementation may lead to undue violation of human rights, abuse of power, and it may unnecessarily cost taxpayers significant amounts of money. These risks are not purely “theoretical”. In recent years, there were several scandals in Serbia involving the use of SIM. In 2012 and 2013 the public was shaken by media reports of phone tapping of high state officials. In early 2014, former deputy head of the Police unit responsible for SIM implementation was arrested for having leaked information to an organised criminal group on measures implemented against its members. Apart from these scandals, there are also indications that SIM are amply implemented by institutions. For instance, one mobile operator reported that public institutions made 270,000 accesses to retained electronic data of its customers within one year.1 All of this suggests there is a need for strengthening external oversight, which is essential for increasing the accountability of state actors implementing SIM. Strengthening external oversight is also in the best interest of security institutions, as it helps demystify their work and enhance public trust towards these institutions.

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URGENT POLICE DEPOLITICISATION IN THE WESTERN BALKANS
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URGENT POLICE DEPOLITICISATION IN THE WESTERN BALKANS

Author(s): Sofija Mandić / Language(s): English

One of the biggest problems faced by the police in the Western Balkans is politicisation and lack of operational independence from political leaders and structures. This is confrmed by the legal framework on policing which introduces a wide scope of competencies of Ministers of Interior and other politically elected figures, and by the citizens’ perception that the police serve the political parties’ interests. The Bosnia and Herzegovina (BIH) Law on Internal Affairs of 2014 allows direct and indirect influence of political parties and officials on the autonomy of the police. Most important shortcomings are related to the Federal Minister of Interior who is allowed to make decisions regarding concrete police actions, influence human resources micro-management, and decide on the use of police finances and detention treatment and rules. The Law only declaratively stipulates that the police are subjected to civilian and democratic control. However, more than 80 percent of the citizens of BIH believe that the influence of politics on operative work of the police is quite high. In Kosovo, before the Prime Minister takes a decision on the appointment of Police Director General, the Minister of Internal Affairs interferes in the process by establishing and regulating the work of the Commission whose task is to nominate the candidates. The 2012 Law on Police in Kosovo allows direct influence of the Minister of Internal Affairs on the internal organisation of the police and the establishment of special police units. The Minister can compromise the operational independence of the police regardless of the fact that the Law on Police stipulates otherwise. More than 70 percent of the citizens perceive police as politicised and fully, or to some extent, under political control. The Montenegrin Law on Internal Affairs of 2012 allows the Minister of Interior to influence the Police Director’s appointment by proposing the candidate to the Government, and to influence the work of the Police Directorate by appointing Police Director’s deputies. The Minister is allowed to define the exceptions concerning the duties that are deemed incompatible with police work, but he also has discretionary powers to allow police officers to conduct some activities that are in contravention to the rules if he estimates that this will not harm the professional work of the Ministry. The Minister can decide in disciplinary proceedings and develop its rules. The public image of the police as an authority serving the citizens is better, to the extent that the legal framework is more progressive – one third of the citizens believe that the police is working in their interest. The Serbian Law on Police of 2016 does not create sufficient and necessary conditions for depoliticisation of the police. The text of the law mentions “respect for the operational independence of the police” but fails to specify what that actually means. The Minister of Interior is allowed to prescribe the mode of performance of internal affairs tasks, request reports, data and other documents relating to the work of the police and the Ministry, and provide the Internal Affairs Sector with binding instructions for work, as well as with orders to perform certain tasks and undertake certain measures. The Minister is given the power to assign and dismiss the highest ranking heads of the Police Directorate. More than 80% of the citizens see the police as an institution serving others’ interests instead of theirs. There are various legal shortcomings influencing the operational independence of the police in the Western Balkans. It is therefore necessary that the international community – the European Union (EU) in particular – advocate the development of legal instruments and institutional mechanisms which will prevent the political leaders and structures from crossing the forbidden line and becoming involved in the operational work of the police.

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THE ROLE OF PARLIAMENTARY OVERSIGHT IN BUILDING POLICE INTEGRITY IN SERBIA
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THE ROLE OF PARLIAMENTARY OVERSIGHT IN BUILDING POLICE INTEGRITY IN SERBIA

Author(s): Katarina Đokić / Language(s): English

Parsimonious legal framework and parliamentarians’ reluctance to utilise their powers have impeded parliamentary oversight of police work. Hence, the parliament does not have a significant role in building police integrity in Serbia.

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Monitoring of Implementation of the Agreement Concluded between Kosovo and Serbia in the Field of Free Movement of People and Goods
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Monitoring of Implementation of the Agreement Concluded between Kosovo and Serbia in the Field of Free Movement of People and Goods

Author(s): Predrag Bjelić,Bisera Seceragić,A. Besnik Krasniqi,Addhe Krasniqi,Vladimir Petronijević,Miroslava Jelačić,Doruntina Vinca / Language(s): English

On top of all respect for previously concluded and future talks and agreements, the agreement on freedom of movement of people is one of the fundamental agreements, and evaluation of overall relations between Belgrade and Pristina shall depend on its implementation. Can normalization be discussed if people cannot move and communicate freely? Are obstacles to free movement of people still present and what can be done to remove those obstacles? Freedom of movement is one of the fundamental freedoms upon which EU stands and substantial progress of Belgrade and Pristina on the way toward the EU depends on readiness to respect and guarantee that freedom. Agreement on freedom of movement was concluded in July 2011 and implementation of the agreement began on December 26th 2011. This agreement provided free movement for citizens of Kosovo and Serbia within territories of Kosovo and Serbia. This was made possible with identification documents (personal ID cards). Freedom of movement also includes traveling by vehicles, on condition of paying mandatory border (administrative) insurance. Agreement on integrated management of border/administrative line was concluded by teams of negotiators during the technical dialog in December 2011, but the implementation did not begin until December 2012, one year after the dialog, immediately upon the beginning of political negotiations between the Premiers of Serbia and Kosovo.

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Finansiranje političkih partija - Između norme i prakse
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Finansiranje političkih partija - Između norme i prakse

Author(s): Miodrag Milosavljević,Đorđe Vuković,Zoran Stojiljković,Srećko Mihajlović,Ana Stojiljković,Ivo Čolović,Nemanja Cocić / Language(s): Serbian

The models of political party financing that can be found in the literature are based on answers to five questions: "Are there limits on the amount of funds that parties have the right to collect and spend?", "Are there limits on the sources from which funds can be collected and the services and goods on which they can be spent?", "To which body should the control of political party financing be entrusted?" and "Should parties be financed from public sources and to what extent?" After monitoring the implementation of the Law on Financing Political Parties and a series of ten held round tables and consultations with experts, representatives of political parties, international organizations, media and non-governmental organizations, the team of the Open Society Fund and the Center for Free Elections and Democracy (CeSID) tried to consolidate recommendations for improving the system of financing political parties in Serbia. The recommendations are based on research, data and opinions presented in the public hearing process and attempt to answer the questions raised.

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EFIKASAN OPŠTINSKI MENADŽER
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EFIKASAN OPŠTINSKI MENADŽER

Author(s): Mirjana Simić,Katarina Simić,Miloš Mojsilović,Vukašin Sarajlić,Miloš Hrnjaz / Language(s): Serbian

The brochure in front of you is the result of the Center for Free Elections and Democracy project »Efficient municipal manager and active and informed citizens - a step forward towards more developed municipalities«. The main goal of the mentioned project is, on the one hand, to improve the role of the municipal manager, and on the other hand, to raise the awareness of citizens about the importance of issues such as, for example, local economic development and efficient management of local self-government units.

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Dijalog o unapređenju izbornih uslova
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Dijalog o unapređenju izbornih uslova

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Serbian

During the summer of 2019, the Foundation for Open Society and the Faculty of Political Sciences launched a dialogue between the government and the opposition in the form of a series of round tables on electoral conditions in preparation for the elections that Serbia welcomes in the atmosphere of the announced boycott of the opposition, with a lack of communication between the most important political actors and deep polarization in society.

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Republic of Serbia - Belgrade Local Election, 2018
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Republic of Serbia - Belgrade Local Election, 2018

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

This report aims to present adetailed set of unbiased and impartial findings arrived at by CeSID during its monitoring of the 2018 election for the Belgrade City Legislature. The report is structured so as to comprise all key segments of the election: its political background and legal framework, activities of the electoral administration, analysis of the campaign, and polling day observation. CeSID also observed the operations of the City Electoral Commission (CEC) and monitored 300 polling stations on election day. The assessment of this aspect of the poll was based on direct observations made by the monitoring mission.

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ISTRAŽIVANJE JAVNOG MNENJA - POLITIČKI AKTIVIZAM GRAĐANA SRBIJE
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ISTRAŽIVANJE JAVNOG MNENJA - POLITIČKI AKTIVIZAM GRAĐANA SRBIJE

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Serbian

PROJECT: "Strengthening the responsibility of elected representatives of citizens."in Serbia (People first)"PROJECT: "Strengthening the responsibility of elected representatives of citizens in Serbia (People first)"

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Republika Srbija - Predsednički izbori 2017
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Republika Srbija - Predsednički izbori 2017

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Serbian

The report in front of you aims to provide a detailed, neutral and unbiased insight into the most important findings of the CeSID observing the presidential elections in 2017. The report is structured to cover all the most important segments of the election: the political background and legal framework of the election, the work of the election administration, analysis of voter lists, campaign analysis and election day observation.

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Kako osloboditi zarobljenu državu u Srbiji? Ka bezbednosnim institucijama i spoljnoj politici u službi građana
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Kako osloboditi zarobljenu državu u Srbiji? Ka bezbednosnim institucijama i spoljnoj politici u službi građana

Author(s): Jelena Pejić Nikić,Predrag Petrović / Language(s): Serbian

Numerous findings of domestic and foreign research organizations unequivocally indicate that Serbia is a captive state with a hybrid political regime. Security institutions play a major role in the capture of the state and the collapse of democracy in Serbia, as well as in preserving this state of affairs. The Belgrade Center for Security Policy (BCBP) was among the first organizations in Serbia to notice this negative trend, and during 2019 and 2020 it investigated and documented in detail the role of the security intelligence services, the police, the army and private security companies in state capture, as well as the impotence of supervisory and control authorities.

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Akumulator zelene tranzicije ili kolonijalno jalovište: Politički diskurs o projektu „Jadar”
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Akumulator zelene tranzicije ili kolonijalno jalovište: Politički diskurs o projektu „Jadar”

Author(s): Luka Šterić / Language(s): Serbian

The aim of this study is to analyze the political debate regarding the "Jadar" project. The study presents the development of the debate, key actors and dominant discourses that formulated it. The first part of the work is dedicated to understanding the wider context and importance of the project in Serbia and globally. In the second part, the three phases of the development of the discourse on the project "Jadar" will be presented. Then the actors and narratives that guided the political debate will be analyzed in more detail. Finally, in the last part, we will look at how the debate affected the political arena in Serbia, as well as the possible future of the discourse on this project and environmental topics in general.

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Digitalni nadzor u Srbiji
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Digitalni nadzor u Srbiji

Author(s): Andrijana Ristić / Language(s): Serbian

The increasing reliance of citizens on digital technologies and devices has influenced the fact that states and private actors increasingly reach for various systems and tools for digital surveillance of citizens. Thus, high-resolution cameras, artificial intelligence and programs for biometric recognition, and tools for automatic data collection from the Internet as well as intrusive software for monitoring mobile phones have become the everyday reality of citizens around the world.

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The (un)desirable partner – analysis of the narrative on civil society as a tool to capture the state
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The (un)desirable partner – analysis of the narrative on civil society as a tool to capture the state

Author(s): Srđan Hercigonja / Language(s): English

As stakeholders with corrective function in a state which holds itself democratic, civil society organizations and activists indicate the threats borne by captured state. Precisely for this, the way of the government’s and public institutions’ way of communicating towards the civil society has been identified as an important element to analyse – on the one hand, due to the government’s need for legitimacy on the international scale, there are so-called “positive narratives” about civil society as a guarantor of the rule of law and democracy in the country, and, on the other hand, “negative narratives” about civil society articulated through attacks and pressure exerted on the civil society, demonstrated by unfounded statements in form of discreditation of any criticism. Both “positive” and “negative” narratives have a direct impact on the relations between the civil society and institutions in Serbia, and the indirect consequences of the relations thus fashioned on the state capturing process could also be analysed.

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Covidocracy – An Analysis of Narratives About the Pandemic in the Function of Capturing the State
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Covidocracy – An Analysis of Narratives About the Pandemic in the Function of Capturing the State

Author(s): Jelena Pejić Nikić,Srđan Hercigonja / Language(s): English

Although the analysis covers the entire year 2020 and the beginning of 2021, the greatest attention was given to the state of emergency in the spring of 2020. The construction of the narrative was facilitated in the conditions of excessive presence of government representatives in the media, at almost daily press conferences, addresses to the nation, and numerous appearances of the President of the Republic, the Prime Minister, doctors from the government’s Crisis Response Team and several ministers on television. In addition, access to authentic information on the consequences of the pandemic was largely denied to the public. In that narrative, the holders of power, the President of the Republic in particular, were presented as skillful and dedicated saviors of the citizens from the plague. The elderly population, the functionality of the healthcare system and the economy took turns as priorities (victims) that needed to be protected.

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