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The ENP in practice - the European Union's policy towards Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova one year after the publication of the Strategy Paper

The ENP in practice - the European Union's policy towards Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova one year after the publication of the Strategy Paper

Author(s): Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz / Language(s): English,Polish

1. Clear qualitative changes have taken place in relations between the European Union and its Eastern neighbours over the past year. The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) has been playing a significant part in the context of these changes. In the cases of Moldova and Ukraine, which are the countries interested in enhancing co-operation with the EU, the ENP has provided a formula that allows taking steps to implement this objective. The ENP has also contributed to "outlining an alternative" to Belarus' current self-isolation. However, the ENP has first of all given a clear message to Russia by specifying the EU's interests and objectives concerning Eastern Europe. The ENP has clearly stated that the EU wants to build democracy and a free market in those countries, and has signalled that the European Union intends to discuss the issues concerning the countries directly with them, and not through Moscow's offices.2. The main shortcoming of the ENP appears to be the disproportion between the number of commitments and tasks that the neighbours must make and carry out and the benefits promised by the EU. Currently, the ENP does not offer membership prospects, and other concessions made by the European Union have not been clearly defined (neither in terms of the scope nor the terms and conditions of implementation). This lack of balance between the European Union's great aspirations to influence its neighbours and the limited offer it addresses to those neighbours seems to be a problem of such magnitude that, unless the situation changes, it may paralyse further implementation of the ENP. 3. The mechanisms and objectives of the ENP have been determined in rather general terms, which gives the EU great freedom of action in its policy towards the Eastern partners. On the one hand, the ENP allows for a very reserved approach or even the simulation of real actions; yet on the other, it does not exclude the possibility of very active engagement by the EU (including holding out the prospect of membership for the European neighbours). This shows that the ENP does not definitely determine the nature of the EU engagement. A great deal depends on the political will on the part of both the European Union's structures and its individual member states. The ENP's flexibility seems to be a particularly valuable feature; it gives an opportunity for an evolutional change to this formula which may be inspired by both new experiences and the changing reality.

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Rad sa LGBT+ zajedicom – Vodič za rad sa LGBT+ zajednicom na lokalnom nivou

Rad sa LGBT+ zajedicom – Vodič za rad sa LGBT+ zajednicom na lokalnom nivou

Author(s): Filip Kocevski,Adorjan Kurucz,Isidora Isakov / Language(s): Bosnian

Unapređenje poštovanja prava LGBT+ osoba i kvaliteta njihovog života tema je kojom se bave različite profesije, od pravnica, socijalnih radnika, psihologinja do aktivista i samih LGBT+ osoba. Izazovi sa kojima se LGBT+ osobe suočavaju u svom životu upravo su takvi da je potrebno da se ovako širok dijapazon profesija uključi i doprinese postizanju pozitivnih društvenih promjena. Rad sa LGBT+ zajednicom je vodič koji govori o problemima i izazovima sa kojima se LGBT+ osobe suočavaju u svakodnevnom životu i o tome kako aktivisti i aktivistkinje mogu zajedno sa LGBT+ osobama da kreiraju rješenja za unapređenje kvaliteta života. Vodič je organizovan tako da na praktičan i interaktivan način provede čitaoce_teljke kroz teme poput aktivizma, zajednice, aktivnosti i metodologije u radu sa zajednicom i saveznika u aktivizmu, te da ih podrži u samom osmišljavanju aktivnosti na lokalnom nivou. Vodič Rad sa LGBT+ zajednicom namijenjen je prije svega formalnim i neformalnim grupama, pojedincima i pojedinkama koje žele da se bave temom unapređenja kvaliteta života LGBT+ populacije kroz direktan rad sa LGBT+ osobama, kao i ostalim aktivistima_kinjama u civilnom sektoru zainteresovanim za ovu oblast. [...]

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EAP Think Bridge - № 2017-11 -  Eastern Partnership Summit: compromise for the sake of continuation
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EAP Think Bridge - № 2017-11 - Eastern Partnership Summit: compromise for the sake of continuation

Author(s): Richard Giragosian,Vugar Bayramov,Arseniy Sivitsky,Lasha Tughushi,Natalia Sterkul,Oleksii Krysenko,Vitaliy Martynyuk,Olga Chyzhova / Language(s): English

The Brussels Eastern Partnership summit did not bring neither breakthroughs, nor surprises, putting sustainability and stability of the member countries at the forefront. So far, it seems, the relations with the European Union will be reduced to the lowest common denominator of the six partner states. The European ambitions of the Association Agreements signatories were not support¬ed in the EU. No “carrots” after the visa-free travel and the free trade zone were promised to Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova. No words on the in-depth cooperation with the lead¬ers of the initiative in the “Eastern Partnership Plus” format were mentioned in the final Declaration. Moreover, all attempts to introduce the possible, yet remote aspiration for the EU membership made the opposite effect. Instead, the European partners suggested the neighbors should pay more attention to the fulfillment of the commitments they had already undertaken. Only Armenia was quite satisfied with the summit results as it signed the new Com¬prehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement. Azerbaijan and Belarus negotiate on elaborating the similar basic agreements. What is the future of the Eastern Partnership policy? Is the EU ready to work with its neighbors at “different speeds”? The results of the Brussels summit analyzed by Vitali Martynyuk. More about the summit outcomes significance for each of the EAP states can be found in our monthly reviews. //// CONTENT: ARMENIA: RESTORING & REPAIRING RELATIONS WITH THE EU // AZERBAIJAN: ADJUSTING STATE BUDGET TO OIL PRICES // BELARUS: NEW CHALLENGES IN FOREIGN POLICY // GEORGIA: THRILLER WITH TERRORISTS IN TBILISI // WILL MOLDOVA MEET THE EXPECTATIONS? // UKRAINE: ANTICORRUPTION NOVEMBER // ANALYTICA: EASTERN PARTNERSHIP SUMMIT: COMPROMISE FOR THE SAKE OF CONTINUATION // EAP THINK BRIDGE ROUND TABLE: ECONOMY IN THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP: PARTNERS, COMPETITORS OR BYSTANDERS?

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EAP Think Bridge - № 2017-06 - Bridging divide: forging cooperation and fostering collaboration
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EAP Think Bridge - № 2017-06 - Bridging divide: forging cooperation and fostering collaboration

Author(s): Richard Giragosian,Olga Chyzhova,Vugar Bayramov,Arseniy Sivitsky,Lasha Tughushi,Lina Grau,Sergiy Gerasymchuk / Language(s): English

However the different ways and motives the six East¬ern Partnership countries may have, one way or another they are moving towards strengthening their coopera¬tion with the European Union. The systematic reforms and the ability to defend their national interests while resisting the outside pressure are the two essential components for the further successful development in this direction. It is not unexpected that the countries in the region are in the different stages of EU engage¬ment, with prominent leaders being Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova. That is why it is extremely important not only to establish the dialogue between the civil society and the reformers in each country of the region, but also to have the efficient communication between the countries sharing the best cases. It is exactly the subject matter of Armenian expert Richard Giragosyan’s monthly analytics. In May the relations of the countries in the region with their Western partners were not univocal. Georgia, on the one hand, became a political center, having hosted the NATO Parliamentary Assembly. However, on the other hand, it became involved in an international scandal due to the case of an Azeri opposition journalist kidnaped in Tbilisi. The world leaders reassured Ukraine that the sanctions against Russia will not be lifted. Moreover, Kyiv itself imposed some new sanctions on the aggressor’s business, and social networks “VKontakte” and “Odnoklassniki”, as well as “Yandex” search engine were blocked. In Yerevan the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe of¬fice, the last one in the Southern Caucasus, was closed at the behest of Baku. Yet Armenia and Azerbaijan faced new escalation of the Nagorno- Karabakh conflict – missile attacks. Moldova did not receive the financial aid promised by the EU, due to the issue of its democratic standards, in particular the deteriorating situation with media independence. At the same time Belarus is still seeking balance to counter the Russian influence not only in the West, but also in the East. In the course of the “One Belt, One Road” Forum, taking place in Bejing in May, Minsk signed an agreement with China on the cooperation in economy, as well as in security and military spheres. More details on these and other important events in the region are pro¬vided in our monthly reviews. //// CONTENT: ARMENIA WEATHERS THE STORM // AZERBAIJAN: NEW LOW IN RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA // BELARUS: CHINA’S MOST SPECIAL PARTNER // GEORGIA: ON THE WAY TO NATO // MOLDOVA: AUTHORITIES FORCING A MIXED ELECTORAL SYSTEM // UKRAINE: «AWAY FROM MOSCOW» TO ASSOCIATION WITH EUROPE // ANALYTICA: BRIDGING DIVIDE: FORGING COOPERATION AND FOSTERING COLLABORATION // EAP THINK BRIDGE ROUND TABLE: EASTERN EUROPE AND SOUTH CAUCASUS FACING NEW SECURITY ENVIRONMENT

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EAP Think Bridge - № 2017-01 - Armenia in transition: turning point or tipping point?
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EAP Think Bridge - № 2017-01 - Armenia in transition: turning point or tipping point?

Author(s): Richard Giragosian,Vugar Bayramov,Arseniy Sivitsky,Lasha Tughushi,Victoria Bucătaru,Sergiy Gerasymchuk / Language(s): English

We are building a bridge between the Eastern Partnership countries — the intellectual one. Unified by the Eastern Partnership policy, the countries are mainly focused on the cooperation with European institutions. At the same time, they disregard the substantial potential of the partnership within the region. After all, despite the geographical proximity, shared past, and, to the great extent, similar difficulties, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine extremely differ from each other in terms of their political and social situation. Nevertheless, the neighbours take it slow to learn from each other’s success or failures. And sometimes they just do not get accurate information from neighbouring countries, especially given the widespread influence of Russian propaganda. Bringing together expert communities of the Eastern Partnership, EaP Think Bridge Initiative aims to tackle this problem. This bridge between the leading think tanks of the region is an opportunity to receive the latest first-hand analytics. We are pleased to present the result of this cooperation – the monthly EaP Think Bridge Digest. The first issue opens with the analysis of the situation in Armenia on the threshold of the parliamentary elections in April 2017. Considering the escalation of conflict in Nagorny Karabakh and the uneasy situation in the country, the elections do not seem to be a predictable culmination of the well-ordered and planned transition to a parliamentary form of government anymore. An important part of each digest issue is a short analytical overview of the month in six countries. It is a kind of photograph of the domestic political situation, economy, and foreign policy of the country. No unnecessary information included, only the most important data from local experts, and a clear scheme of analysis that enables to trace the dynamics of events. Let’s start with the overview of 2016, which was the year of upheaval, change, and hardship for the region. Currently, with the support of the F. Ebert Foundation Regional Office “Dialogue Eastern Europe”, our bridge is built between the following analytical centres: Centre for Economic and Social Development (Azerbaijan), Regional Studies Centre (Armenia), Centre for Strategic and Foreign Policy Studies (Belarus), Liberal Academy Tbilisi (Georgia), Foreign Policy Association (Moldova), and Foreign Policy Council “Ukrainian Prism” (Ukraine). But we are open for cooperation, and we are looking forward to your ideas for the “Guest Expertise” section. //// CONTENT: ARMENIA: CHALLENGES, CHANGES AND CHOICE // AZERBAIJAN: BELT-TIGHTENING AND BALANCING FOREIGN POLICY // BELARUS: DIALOGUE WITH THE WEST AND THE NEW COMPONENTS IN THE STATE IDEOLOGY // GEORGIA: PRO-WESTERN POWERS LOSE SUPPORTERS THOUGH EU MEMBERSHIP HAS NO ALTERNATIVE // MOLDOVA: NEW PRESIDENT & OLD ISSUES // UKRAINE: BETWEEN RUSSIAN AGGRESSION AND INTERNAL CHALLENGES // ANALYTICA: ARMENIA IN TRANSITION: TURNING POINT OR TIPPING POINT?

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Sympathy for the Devil
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Sympathy for the Devil

Author(s): Vjekoslav Perica / Language(s): Croatian

Balkanske paralele sa Trumpovom Amerikom. Tko bi rekao da će se najmoćnija i najbogatija zemlja na svijetu pokazati toliko ranjivom da se uspoređuje s nesretnom Jugoslavijom. Trumpovoj Americi svijet se ruga ali i brine da se ne raspadne naglo, tragično poput SFRJ ili uz još veću lomljavu u međunarodnom poretku, onom poput Sovjetskog saveza prije 30 godina. Ako SAD tako skonča bilo bi puno veće štete jer o njemu ovise mnoge zemlje, kao i međunarodne organizacije i međunarodni poredak. I u liberalnu demokraciju kao idealni društveno politički sistem, kojeg je Amerika nudila svijetu kao dio mita o kraju povijesti iz 1989, sve se više sumnja. Pa i Amerikanci tako, kojih je nedavno čak 73 milijuna, ako su znali što čine, glasovalo protiv tog sustava a za diktaturu, autoritarni režim, karizmatski a ne stručni i demokratski autoritet. Najzanimljivije je da tu do jučer svemoćnu Ameriku nisu toliko uzdrmale ni ekonomske recesije koje su došle i prošle u međuvremenu, ni uspon Kine i opravak Rusije kao rivala u borbi za globalno vodstvo. Ni teroristički napadi od 11. rujna 2001, ni apsurdni i skupi ratovi kojima su američke desničarske vlade na to odgovarale.

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Rat u svetu bez uverenja
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Rat u svetu bez uverenja

Author(s): Slavoj Žižek / Language(s): Serbian

Takozvani oligarsi u Rusiji i drugim bivšim komunističkim zemljama, buržoaski su pandan onoga što je Marks zvao lumpenproletarijatom: nemisleća kohorta podložna političkoj manipulaciji jer njeni pripadnici nemaju klasnu svest ni vlastiti revolucionarni potencijal. Međutim, za razliku od proletarijata, lumpen-buržoazija koja se u ovim zemljama javlja krajem 1980-ih, kontroliše kapital – i to mnogo kapitala – zahvaljujući divljoj „privatizaciji“ imovine u državnom vlasništvu.

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Intervju
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Intervju

Author(s): Ivan Yotov Krastev,Lothar Gorris / Language(s): Serbian

Interview with Lothar Gorris by Ivan Krastev.

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Newsletter - 03/2020
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Newsletter - 03/2020

Author(s): Almir Džuvo,Izabela Kisić,Darko Šuković,Edina Bećirević,Sead Turčalo / Language(s): English

1. Interview: Almir Džuvo, former Director of the Intelligence and Security Agency of BiH (OSA), former Head of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s mission to NATO, and current lecturer at the American University in BiH, comments on the Montenegrin elections, Russian influences, and the role of the West in the Western Balkans for the Atlantic Initiative. - The New Government Will Not Be Able to Exert a Significant Influence on the Security Apparatus in Montenegro. 2. Muslims in Montenegro after the Elections, and Fear of the Future. 3. Serbia’s View on the Montenegrin Election Results. 4. New Montenegro: Unstable Version of Republika Srpska.

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Newsletter - 03/2020
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Newsletter - 03/2020

Author(s): Almir Džuvo,Izabela Kisić,Darko Šuković,Edina Bećirević,Sead Turčalo / Language(s): Bosnian,Serbian,Montenegrine

1. Intervju: Almir Džuvo, bivši direktor Obavještajno-sigurnosne agencije Bosne i Hercegovine, bivši šef Misije Bosne i Hercegovine pri NATO-u i predavač na Američkom univerzitetu, za Atlantsku inicijativu komentira izbore u Crnoj Gori, ruskom utjecaju i ulozi Zapada u regionu Zapadnog Balkana. - Nova vlast neće moći značajnije utjecati na sigurnosni aparat u Crnoj Gori. 2. Muslimani u Crnoj Gori nakon izbora i strah od budućnosti. 3. Crna Gora je za Beograd "unutrašnje pitanje", zvanična Srbija nikad nije prihvatila odlazak Crne Gore. 4. Nova Crna Gora: nestabilna verzija Republike Srpske.

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Newsletter - 04/2002
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Newsletter - 04/2002

Author(s): Sead Turčalo,Edward P. Joseph,Selmo Cikotić,Srđan Šušnica,Harun Karčić / Language(s): English

1. Editorial - Time of uncertainty. 2. “We need a fresh start in the US, in the Balkans, in Europe, and in the world, with new leadership”. 3. Managing Migration in Bosnia and Herzegovina. 4. Sarajevo’s Head in a Bear’s Mouth. 5. Nagorno-Karabakh: Melting down the “frozen conflict”.

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Newsletter - 04/2002
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Newsletter - 04/2002

Author(s): Sead Turčalo,Edward P. Joseph,Selmo Cikotić,Srđan Šušnica,Harun Karčić / Language(s): Bosnian

1. Uvodnik - Vrijeme neizvjesnosti. 2. Potreban nam je novi početak, s novim liderstvom u SAD-u, na Balkanu, u Evropi i svijetu. 3. Kako upravljati migracijama u Bosni i Hercegovini. 4. Sarajevo – Moskva: Glava u raljama medvjeda. 5. Nagorno-Karabah: Otapanje "zamrznutog konflikta".

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Skupština Crne Gore: koliko je građane/ke Crne Gore koštao rad njihovih predstavnika/ca u 2012?
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Skupština Crne Gore: koliko je građane/ke Crne Gore koštao rad njihovih predstavnika/ca u 2012?

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Montenegrine

Pilot istraživanje „Skupština Crne Gore: koliko je građane/ke Crne Gore koštao rad njihovih predstavnika/ca u 2012?“ osmišljeno je u okviru potprograma Centra za građansko obrazovanje(CGO) Odgovornost i transparentnost vlasti sa ciljem da doprinese podizanju svijesti o odgovornom trošenju novca iz Budžeta Crne Gore. Specifični cilj istraživanja je utvrđivanje i objavljivanje iznosa koji se iz skupštinskog budžeta isplaćuju poslanicima/ca ma za potrebe izvršavanja njihovih radnih obaveza.

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Skupština Crne Gore: javne nabavke i ugovorene usluge
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Skupština Crne Gore: javne nabavke i ugovorene usluge

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Montenegrine

Projekti «Koliko, što i kome poreski obveznici u Crnoj Gori plaćaju kroz javne nabavke?» i «Sa kim i za koje svrhe se ugovara i plaća novcem poreskih obveznika?» osmišljeni su u okviru potprograma Centra za građansko obrazovanje (CGO) Odgovornost i transparentnost vlasti sa ciljem da doprinesu podizanju svijesti o odgovornom trošenju novca iz Budžeta Crne Gore. Specifični cilj ovih projekata su utvrđivanje iznosa koji se troše na javne nabavke i ugovorene usluge u Crnoj Gori, zakonitosti ili nezakonitosti sprovedenih postupaka, identifikovanje mogućih privilegovanih korisnika ili neracionalnosti u samom trošenju sredstava.

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Where to? Bosnia and Herzegovina at the crossroads
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Where to? Bosnia and Herzegovina at the crossroads

Author(s): Sonja Biserko,Tanja Topic,Dušan Janjić,Almir Džuvo,Hana Sokolović,Faruk Vele,Slobodan Blagovčanin,Eric Folkestad / Language(s): English

Milorad Dodik’s increasingly radical behavior is not accidental. Many analysts see it as an expression of his uncertainty given the presence of a new team of American diplomats in the Balkans. However, one should also keep in mind the international context, the fact that all actors are preoccupied by their own situations. Belgrade is trying, in something of an international political vacuum, to test the possibility of implementing a state project that has never been abandoned, especially in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro.

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How much is invested into the fight against corruption and organized crime and are there visible results in this respect?
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How much is invested into the fight against corruption and organized crime and are there visible results in this respect?

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

The research “How much is invested into the fight against corruption and organized crime and are there visible results in this respect?” was established within the sub-programme of the Centre for Civic Education (CCE) Accountability and Transparency of the Government and it aims to raise awareness on the expenditures from the Budget of Montenegro and European Union funds. The specific objective of the project is to point out the investments in the fight against corruption and organized crime, as one of the key problems of Montenegro on its path towards the EU and the (in) visible results in this direction. CCE has conducted research in the period from 17 January to 6 February 2013, taking into account the funds for project activities in the field of fight against corruption and organized crime invested in Montenegro from 2007 to 2012, through the financial support received through the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance, as well as direct allocations from the Budget of Montenegro into the key bodies responsible for combating corruption and organized crime. Corruption and organized crime have been long lasting challenges in front of the Montenegrin way to the EU, along with an internal democratization of the country. In the fight against corruption and organized crime, it is essential to establish strong, efficient and professional institutions that will conduct this work, so that citizens of Montenegro could have confidence in the entire legal system. Therefore, the construction of these institutions include also their adequate financing, which should be a priority not only of the European Union which has been pointing out their weaknesses for years already, but also investing significantly through its funds in Montenegro for this purpose, but the Budget of Montenegro, which is nothing but a financial expression of its declared political will. Of course, it is necessary from time to time to make an assessment what are these resources, whom are they allocated to, are they corresponding to the visible results, and whether the declared political will is accompanied by track record.

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Europeanization of election manifestos in Montenegro - To which extent political parties acknowledge European policies?
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Europeanization of election manifestos in Montenegro - To which extent political parties acknowledge European policies?

Author(s): Vladimir Vučković / Language(s): English

This study aims to assess the so far track record concerning Europeanization of political parties in Montenegro, aspiring state to European Union (EU) full membership. More precisely, Montenegro is a candidate for membership into EU, and by opening the 24 negotiating chapters, out of which two were temporarily closed, Montenegro positioned itself as leading amongst Western Balkan states in the European integration process. As in the majority of European states, political parties in Montenegro play crucial role in internal political processes, thus affecting the subsequent political shaping of the society. Hence, the focus of this research lies on the reach and outcome of EU’s influence with regards to political parties in Montenegro by observing the “top – down” approach of European integration process to actors of representative democracy, as generators of extensive internal changes, but also by noting the changes between relevant parties, and their acting in terms of the EU’s influence on domestic political agents. Therefore, subject of research focuses on providing the replay to question: whether the interest for the concept of Europeanization increased or decreased amongst Montenegrin political parties during the Parliamentary elections 2016, especially taking into account the progress Montenegro made in the European integration process. Based on the defined methodological framework, study tends to answer to a research inquiry: whether European policies come to fore within the election manifestos of political parties in Montenegro, during the Parliamentary elections 2016? As a result, the contribution of this research will be reflected in the identification of current level of Europeanization of political parties in Montenegro based on the analyses of election manifestos in context of European integration. Furthermore, objective of this research is to encourage the development of academic literature on the Europeanization of candidate states for the membership in EU, and in specific through case study of Montenegro and dynamics of Europeanization of political parties in Montenegro. Parties are crucial and imminent factors of political sphere in every country, including Montenegro, where the creation of state and individual public policy is practically impossible without their full participation. By laying out party’s views, believes and opinions concerning the issue of EU membership, parties in Montenegro affect the opinions of citizens to the great extent. Likewise, they pose one of the important channels of informing the public on the current EU policies and values, and the advantages and deficiencies transposed by the accession process. Henceforth, it is important to determine the level of transformative power of EU within domestic political parties, given that in the upcoming period they will influence the pace and quality of Montenegrin accession negotiations, as well as the rise or decrease of citizens’ support for that process.

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Crna Gora - između lidera i simulatora reformi
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Crna Gora - između lidera i simulatora reformi

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Montenegrine

Šest godina nakon otvaranja pregovora o pristupanju, Crna Gora je i dalje primjer zarobljene države. Kao što godinama i decenijama iscrpljuje demokratsku javnost, tako Vlada Crne Gore strategiju iscrpljivanja majstorski primjenjuje na proces evropskih integracija, pri tom zloupotrebljavajući potrebu Evropske unije za novim integracijskim optimizmom.

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Podržani projekti u okviru poziva za podršku organizacijama civilnog društva (ocd) u oblasti borbe protiv korupcije
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Podržani projekti u okviru poziva za podršku organizacijama civilnog društva (ocd) u oblasti borbe protiv korupcije

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): Montenegrine

Opšti cilj projekta bio je osnaženje ličnog integriteta mladih u Crnoj Gori uzrasta od 14-18 godina u pogledu povećanja njihove spremnosti da prijave koruptivna djela i da se ponašaju u skladu sa zakonom. Specifični cilj projekta bio je unaprijeđenje svijesti mladih o važnosti spriječavanja koruptivnih radnji, putem šest interaktivnih teatarskih radionica kod najmanje 150 crnogorskih srednjoškolaca/ki, utičući na podizanje svijesti najmanje 2,000 učenika/ca. Ostvareni rezultati: 1. Osnažen integritet, smanjena spremnost na korupciju i povećana spremnost da prijave korupciju kod 150 učenika/ca, učesnika/ca teatarskih radionica. 2. Podignuta svjest o korupciji kod 2000 učenika/ca srednjih škola. 3. Unaprijeđena svijest o važnosti podrške mladima u procesu borbe protiv korupcije.

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Equal chances for all media in Montenegro - Report for 2021
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Equal chances for all media in Montenegro - Report for 2021

Author(s): Damir Nikočević / Language(s): English

The media scene in Montenegro, for a long period, reflects a deep social polarization, accompanied by numerous problems that, in different manners, affect the environment in which the media function as well as the quality of media reporting. The problems of hard censorship are particularly emphasized, as reflected in the burden of unsolved cases of attacks on journalists and their property. This is accompanied by the dysfunctionality of self-regulatory bodies and regulators - the Agency for Electronic Media, but also the public service media RTCG that fails to genuinely transform itself, and even takes a few steps backward, which consequently limits the opportunities for citizens to be objectively informed about events in Montenegro.

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