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Dynamic social processes of the beginning of the 3rd millennium are linked with a myriad of fundamental changes in the behavior of human entities. The concept of linear causal perception of social relations is not considered to be sufficient any more. The need for complexity in the perception of evolutionary intricacy of current processes is associated with the need to understand the functional interdependence of autonomous and heterogeneous aspects of sociopolitical values. By recognizing layering of autonomous processes in time-space levels we are approaching the concept of fractal organization of society.
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This article explores the cross-disciplinary nexus between the fields of Human Services and Sociology at The George Washington University, USA. The authors discuss programmatic changes recently implemented in the curriculum of the Human Services Program in an effort to align it more closely with the disciplinary focus of Sociology while maintaining the Program’s distinctive strengths. Using engaged scholarship as its pedagogical cornerstone, the Human Services Program seeks to deepen the knowledge and skills of its undergraduate majors by linking service learning and community- based research. The authors reflect upon both the successes and challenges of this effort.
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The article discusses the considerations and the role of organizations of national and ethnic minorities in politics. According to the author’s political objectives organizationsare focused on broadening control over the terms of preserving their own identity by the group and widen opportunities for legal-institutional public activity.
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The referendum on United Kingdom’s membership in the European Union took place on June 23, 2016. With a turnout of 72.2%, 51.9% of those participating supported Brexit, while 48.1% voted against. The 2016 referendum was the second one on the British membership in the European project. The first one held in 1975 ended negatively for those supporting Brexit. The main objective of this paper is to analyze the British referendums of 1975 and of 2016, with a special focus on answering the question about the results of British votes and prospects of using the referendum in the process of deciding on matters of integration. An important task in this paper is to answer the question about the possible consequences of 2016 vote - both: for the United Kingdom and for the European Union.
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The author has concentrated on the idea of a socio-cultural regionalism, which is depicted in terms of historical-axiological reminiscences. He has emphasised the enormous cultural potential of this idea, which is not sufficiently used in the practice of local governments. He presented the approach of regionalism as an important value in the modern state, which forces the search for consensus and tolerance between people of different values living together in a pluralistic and democratic state, which is also a kind of community of values.
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Participatory democracy is one of the potential directions of development of the system of social organization. The search of opportunities to improve the current system results from the incompatibility of the present solutions to the times we live in. A significant impact on the devaluation of the system of representative democracy is the development of technology, which results in a faster flow of ideas (the Internet, elimination of barriers to communication). Thus, for several years now there have been made attempts to create different types of communication platforms on the axis citizens-the authority. Solutions of this type progressively enter the democratic practice. Therefore, most probably in the near future, there will dominate the expectation of varied platforms of public consultations, especially “public consultations on the Internet”. This will include all administrative levels – from the national (referenda via the Internet), ministerial level (specific consultations within ministries) to the local government.
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The main purpose of this article is to look at local politics from political sciences perspective and topropose the understanding of local politics as, quite opposite to the dominating political narratives,a field of ideological character. We divide the text into two main parts: in the first one we focusmainly the theoretical side of the whole issue with its specifics and the issues of the political and ideological character of this level of political scene. In the second part it is our intention to closelyexamine the current political practices in this matter – basing, most of all, on the phenomenon ofpolish „urban movements”, and draw conclusions on the actual essence of (non)political characterof Polish local politics.
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The purpose of this article, is to introduce – awakening a growing concern of demographers and policy-makers – phenomenon of the deficiency of women in the populations of many countries in Asia, with a particular focus – leading in an escalation of this phenomenon – China and India. The thesis of the present paper is that the phenomenon will have in the future a very negative social, economic and political consequences to the two countries, which, despite many years of efforts, can not or are no longer able to reverse the negative demographic trends. The article discusses: the specificity and scale of the phenomenon, its spatial location, direct – physical and indirect – cultural, religious and moral reasons for the negative trend, but also presents attempts to counter negative trends and their current and potential impact on the society.
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The paper is a case study of two housing estates in Krakow, which were built in 80’ in 20th century. Currently they are widely changing in spatial and functional way. The authors valuate the spatial planning procedures to measure the level of society engagement usefulness in this process.
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The Millennial Memorial, erected in 1896 to celebrate one thousand years of Hungary’s statehood, was the embodiment of what many a contemporary would have sworn was impossible: welding the various conflicting interpretations of power and the legitimacy of power advanced by Hungary’s fiercely competitive political parties into the semblance of a balanced and unified whole. The completed work, at any rate, has a force and serenity suggestive of ideological unity.
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The review of: Nemzet és egyéniség. Drámairodalmunk az 1810-es években: a hazafiság drámái (Nation and Individual. Hungarian Drama in the 1810s: Patriotic Dramas) by Imre Nagy; Budapest: Argumentum Kiadó, 1993, 242 pp.
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The review of: A centralizáció csapdája (The Trap of Centralization) by László Bruszt; Szombathely: Savaria University Press, 1995, 293 pp.
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Bosna i Hercegovina treba izraditi i usvojiti višegodišnji Nacionalni akcioni plan/program za zaštitu i promociju ljudskih prava. Kroz interresornu grupu (sa predstavnicima/ama parlamenata i vlada sa državnog i entitetskog nivoa, ali i organizacija civilnog društva) i intenzivne javne konsultacije treba odrediti prioritete za narednih nekoliko godina, koji će se provoditi na različitim nivoima vlasti. Među prioritetnim oblastima svakako se moraju naći pitanja ravnopravnosti spolova, suzbijanja diskriminacije i suzbijanje krivičnih djela počinjenih iz mržnje. Zaštita i promocija ljudskih prava ne smije trpjeti zbog etnopolitičkih i stranačkih blokada, nego se treba osigurati široka podrška reformama koje imaju za cilj da unaprijede prava manjina i deprivilegovanih grupa i pojedinaca/ki. Naročito u predstojećim reformama, u okviru EU Reformske agende, bosanskohercegovačke elite trebaju pažljivo razmatrati i pitanja ljudskih prava. Političke stranke trebaju izraditi i usvojiti unutrašnje politike/programe za zaštitu i promociju ljudskih prava, prepoznajući značaj ovog pitanja te predlažući konkretna rješenja, zakone i politike. Ostvarivanje ljudskih prava velikim dijelom ovisi od pristupa pravdi. Sistem besplatne pravne pomoći potrebno je urediti sistemski, principijelno i okvirno kroz državni zakon o besplatnoj pravnoj pomoći, a službe za besplatnu pravnu pomoć treba učiniti dostupnim u svim opštinama i gradovima u BiH.
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Social and economic changes on the turn of 19th and 20th century caused some unprofitable changes in the existence of polish families, so that we can say about new categories – pictures of childhood, for example: “childhood of subjective and objective” categories, “television childhood”, ”computer childhood”, “childhood in net”, ”childhood of worse chances”. All these refer to sick, disable children and also these, who are from multiply families, village families, children living in the street. Valorization of present, social care system should take into consideration some rules to have it the features of civic character. Social work is a new formula of protective society. Specific the present social care expresses in fact, that care, in a great degree has out of institutional features. Care and social work, specific for previous system isn’t sufficient area for practice activities, because it’s character refers to narrow group children and youth: sick, disable, who need care activity, in spite of social work, which has wider context and refers to practice activity, forming new models and work conceptions in local environment. In social work professional activities has been mainly taken by social workers. So that social care should have community character (family centered practices). These conceptions of social care are propitious by community ideas, as also ideas of civic nation. These type of activities should include, gradually, European standards about children care, describing in concrete documents, based on autonomy family, primacy family in children education, what describe the rules of organization the social care institutions. Actually social care should take into consideration, a part of concentration idea, reintegration rule (searching for new alternatives for institutional care, creating small family institutions and make easy contact orphans with their families. The idea of civic society should also develop, in a wilder scale, activities based on respect in family living the solidarity and auxiliary rules. Such a role might act voluntary work, which tradition is known from XII century. The map of social needs, described by dangers of families lives is a kind of challenge for developing new form of help and care, especially out of institutions, thanks to them “childhood of worse chance” might be less painfully experienced.
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Pred vama se nalazi drugi Alternativni izvještaj o napretku Bosne i Hercegovine na putu ka članstvu u Evropskoj uniji. Izvještaj predstavlja zajednički napor više desetina osoba i organizacija, čiji je zajednički cilj bio da se iz ugla organizacija civilnog društva predstavi aktuelno stanje integracija Bosne i Hercegovine. Imajući na umu da je zvanični Izvještaj o napretku politički izvještaj Evropske komisije, mišljenja smo da kroz objavljivanje Alternativnog izvještaja možemo uticati na njegov sadržaj. Upravo zbog toga, Alternativni izvještaj objavljujemo skoro tri mjeseca pred objavljivanje zvaničnog Izvještaja, u nadi da će to imati uticaja na formuliranje zvaničnog Izvještaja. Izvještaj se u potpunosti fokusira na tzv. političke kriterije, sa fokusom na pitanja: - stepena demokratičnosti i funkcionisanja države, - vladavine prava i korupcije, - ljudskih prava, naročito prava manjinskih i ranjivih grupa, i - tranzicione pravde. Svjedoci smo da tokom 2013. i 2014. godine nije postignut nikakav relevantan napredak. Proces provedbe odluke Sejdić i Finci protiv Bosne i Hercegovine je u potpunosti izmješten iz Parlamenta. Demokratske performanse parlamenata i vlada na državnom, entitetskom i kantonalnom nivou su izrazito slabe. Rad institucija odlikuje nestabilnost, netransparentnost i neefikasnost. Odluke ustavnih sudova se i dalje ne provode. Nikakve značajne i sistematske politike za borbu protiv kršenja ljudskih prava nisu usvojene. Reforme pravosuđa su zaustavljene, a Strukturirani dijalog za pravosuđe između BiH i EU ne pokazuje napredak. Ni jedan značajan slučaj borbe protiv korupcije nije procesuiran. Manjinske i ranjive grupe žive i dalje u teškim uslovima. Diskriminacija i nasilje su sveprisutni, a sam Zakon o zabrani diskriminacije nije pokazao očekivane rezultate, imajući na umu da su pet godina od donošenja Zakona donesene samo dvije pravosnažne presude. Sveobuhvatne anti-diskriminacijske politike za socijalnu integraciju ili ne postoje ili ukoliko postoje, onda se skoro pa ne provode. Poplave su još dodatno pogodile one najranjivije u društvu. Procesuiranje ratnih zločina i suočavanje sa prošlošću, kao preduslovi za kreiranje zdravog okruženja i gradnju zajedničke države, predstavljaju dodatni problem. Politička podrška ratnim zločincima od strane lidera političkih stranaka samo dalje dijeli već izrazito fragmentirano društvo. Nadamo se da će opšti izbori u oktobru 2014. godine (iako se održavaju po diskriminirajućim pravilima) donijeti stabilnije političke strukture, spremne da se suoče sa različitim problemima. Inicijativa za monitoring evropskih integracija BiH će svakako zagovarati promjene kada je u pitanju usvajanje novih zakona i politika, ali i provedba istih. Nadamo se također da će bh. vlasti ali i EU institucije podržati jaču poziciju civilnog društva unutar različitih foruma u okviru EU integracija BiH. Civilno društvo mora postati treći akter ovog procesa (pored države i EU institucija).
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Pred vama se nalazi treći Alternativni izvještaj o napretku Bosne i Hercegovine na putu ka članstvu u Evropsku uniju. Izvještaj predstavlja zajednički napor više desetina osoba i organizacija, čiji je zajednički cilj bio da se iz ugla organizacija civilnog društva predstavi aktuelno stanje integracija Bosne i Hercegovine. Imajući na umu da je zvanični Izvještaj o napretku politički izvještaj Evropske komisije, mišljenja smo da kroz objavljivanje Alternativnog izvještaja možemo uticati na njegov sadržaj. Upravo zbog toga, Alternativni izvještaj objavljujemo skoro tri mjeseca pred objavljivanje zvaničnog Izvještaja, u nadi da će to imati uticaja na formulisanje zvaničnog Izvještaja. Izvještaj se u potpunosti fokusira na tzv. političke kriterije, s naglaskom na pitanja: - stepena demokratičnosti i funkcionisanja države, - vladavine prava i korupcije, - ljudskih prava, naročito prava manjinskih i ranjivih grupa, i - tranzicione pravde. Svjedoci smo da od ljeta 2014. do ljeta 2015. godine, što je period koji pokriva ovaj izvještaj, u ovim oblastima nije postignut nikakav relevantan napredak. Proces provedbe odluka ECHR u slučajevima “Sejdić i Finci” i “Zornić protiv Bosne i Hercegovine” je u potpunosti marginaliziran i više ne predstavlja predmet rasprave. Demokratske performanse parlamenata i vlada na državnom, entitetskom i kantonalnom nivou su izrazito slabe. Rad institucija i dalje odlikuje i nestabilnost, netransparentnost i neefikasnost. Odluke ustavnih sudova ne samo da se ne provode, već se i sama pozicija Ustavnog suda BiH dovodi u pitanje. Nikakve značajne i sistematske politike za borbu protiv kršenja ljudskih prava nisu usvojene. Očekivanja da će Opšti izbori u oktobru 2014. godine donijeti stabilnije političke strukture, spremne da se suoče sa različitim problemima, nisu ispunjena. Od izbora do danas, Bosna i Hercegovina se nalazi u stanju konstantne političke krize. Reforme pravosuđa su zaustavljene, a Strukturirani dijalog za pravosuđe između BiH i EU ne pokazuje napredak. Nijedan značajan slučaj borbe protiv korupcije nije procesuiran. Manjinske i ranjive grupe i dalje žive u teškim uslovima. Diskriminacija i nasilje su sveprisutni, a sam Zakon o zabrani diskriminacije nije pokazao očekivane rezultate, imajući na umu da je u šest godina od donošenja Zakona doneseno svega nekoliko pravosnažnih presuda. Sveobuhvatne antidiskriminacijske politike ne postoje. Poplave koje su pogodile državu u maju 2014. dodatno su pogoršale položaj ekonomski i socijalno ugroženih grupa. Procesuiranje ratnih zločina i suočavanje s prošlošću, kao preduslovi za kreiranje zdravog okruženja i gradnju zajedničke države, predstavljaju dodatni problem. Politička podrška ratnim zločincima od strane lidera političkih stranaka nastavlja da dijeli već izrazito fragmentirano društvo. Inicijativa za monitoring evropskih integracija BiH će svakako zagovarati promjene u sferi usvajanja novih zakona i politika, ali i provedbe istih. Nadamo se, takođe, da će i bh. vlasti i EU institucije podržati jaču poziciju civilnog društva unutar različitih foruma u okviru EU integracija BiH. Civilno društvo mora postati treći akter ovog procesa (pored države i EU institucija).
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The Sonderdienst (Special Service) was an enforcement agency developed by German SS and Police authorities, specifically in the Lublin District of the so called Government General (central and southeastern German-occupied Poland) to assist in enforcing German occupation ordinances in the cities and particularly in the countryside, where lack of police personnel, ignorance of local conditions, and perceived fear of partisan attack discouraged a direct German police presence. After February 1941, the SS and Police relinquished control over the Sonderdienst to the German civilian occupation authorities. Under civilian authority, the Sonderdienst was deployed at the Kreis level, under command of the so-called German Stadt- and Kreishauptmänner in detachments of approximately 30 men to carry out administrative enforcement activities when the civilian authorities were unable to count or SS and police support. This article examines how the Sonderdienst highlights the dependence of German administration in the Government General on locally recruited auxiliaries, particularly in the countryside. The Sonderdienst was conceived, developed, expanded, and deployed within the context of a bitter battle between German civilian authorities and the SS/police apparatus over control of local executive police power. This is hardly new; yet the Government General is unusual in that the German civilian authorities were able to fight the SS to a draw on this issue. Since its formation followed the recruitment of the “ethnic” and ideological “cream” of the ethnic German population of occupied Poland into agencies such as the Selbstschutz, and the Waffen SS, the Sonderdienst represents an early effort of the National Socialist authorities to fashion an ethnically conscious and ideologically committed corps from young men of questionable, even dubious, German ancestry and heritage. Finally, this study reveals not only the complicity of the civilian authorities in Nazi crimes, but the link in German-occupied Poland between “routine” administrative duties, such as collecting fines for ordinance violations, and the brutal persecution and annihilation of groups targeted as enemies of the German Reich, such as the Polish Jews. Civilian administrators and SS and police authorities shared the “National Socialist consensus” in occupied Poland. They wanted to annihilate the Jews and the Polish intelligentsia, to exploit the labor potential of the Polish masses, and to turn the Government General into a region of German settlement. As a part of this vision, the Sonderdienst was to serve not only as a police executive, but as a political and cultural steppingstone to full acceptance into the German “racial community.” There is no question that, even in “routine” duties, the Sonderdienst participated, more or less willingly, in the implementation of the most evil racist policies of the National Socialist regime.
More...Overview of the Situation and Guidelines for Future Action of Institutions and Civil Society Organisations in the Areas of Gender Equality, Fight Against Discrimination and Hate Crimes in Bosnia and Herzegovina
Bosnia and Herzegovina differs from most neighbouring and European countries on its approach to the issues of human rights and the rule of law. Although the most important international human rights protection and promotion documents, including the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, are included in the BiH Constitution, the situation in the field is far from ideal.
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