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The Rise of Populist Electoral Authoritarianism in Turkey: a Case of Culturally Rooted Recidivism

The Rise of Populist Electoral Authoritarianism in Turkey: a Case of Culturally Rooted Recidivism

Author(s): İlter Turan / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2017

The trend in Turkey’s politics toward “electoral authoritarianism” is rooted in the long history of modernization. Tensions between traditional society and modernizing elites (with strong links to the military) resulted in the series of military coups in the 20th century and weak civilian regimes. The originality of the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) since its coming to power in 2002 is that it has been able to consolidate the support of less privileged strata and to establish full control over the state. How durable is this system remains an open question.

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New and Old Authoritarianism in a Comparative Perspective

New and Old Authoritarianism in a Comparative Perspective

Author(s): Jerzy J. Wiatr / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2017

The third wave of democratization, unlike the first and the second, has not been followed by the reverse wave. However, in several countries (Russia, Belarus, Turkey, Hungary, Poland) democratically elected leaders interpret democracy narrowly, as the rule of majority only. Other conditions for democratic government (the rule of law, protecting human rights) are ignored. Such system of government differs from the authoritarian model (as defined by Juan J. Linz) and can best be called “new authoritarianism”. Poland is a special case because, while after the presidential and parliamentary elections of 2015 authoritarian practices became common, the hold on power by the ruling party (“Law and Justice”) is relatively weak. Future development of Polish politics depends mostly on the next parliamentary (2019) and presidential (2020) elections.

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Re-imaging nationhood: consolidating nativist and immigrant social bonding

Re-imaging nationhood: consolidating nativist and immigrant social bonding

Author(s): Raymond Taras / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2019

States are today defined less by the nation(s) in them and more by nationhood – a term that subsumes complex and diverse societies characteristic of an age of global migration. Nationhood involves a process in which otherwise different people share some combination of a language, set of values, faith, culture, identity and ideals. When managed successfully, immigration offers an opportunity to give a state the opportunity to expand the nation beyond utilitarian considerations such as labour needs and demographic decline. It begins with immigrant inclusion in the receiving society and the social cohesion that follows. Failed social integration policy results in unachieved, fragmented nationhood leading to different social pathologies. Derived largely from the French Republican tradition, nationhood emphasizes social bonding of a cross-cultural kind. Eurocentric bias focusing primarily on the origins of the nation is examined, non-Western critiques are assayed, and nation branding as a substitute for nationhood is questioned. When nationhood allows locals and immigrants to develop partnership, it is on the basis of an equilibrium established between minority and majority rights regimes.

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Konkurencja, zagrożenie czy ratunek dla gospodarki?
Postawy Polaków wobec imigrantów

Konkurencja, zagrożenie czy ratunek dla gospodarki? Postawy Polaków wobec imigrantów

Author(s): Joanna Konieczna-Sałamatin / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2019

This article presents the attitudes of Poles towards immigrants and analyses the factors that co-exist with these attitudes. Data come mainly from the European Values Study (2017). The analyses have shown a clear impact of media discourse on the social perception of immigrants, which leads to a split image of the immigrants: „real” ones, whom Poles meet in various public places or at work and who are generally accepted, and „imagined” immigrants - „aliens”, more often causing a sense of threat. Attitudes towards real immigrants are not connected with political views and are to a small extent related to opinions on the European Union. The assessment of the „imagined” immigrants’ impact on the development of Poland is an element of a broader set of axiological orientations, the essential element of which is trying to order the social reality in the framework of traditionally understood roles and hierarchy and which are associated with a negative relationship with the European Union and even with scepticism towards democracy as a form of government and civil liberties.

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Individual-Level Evidence on the Relationship between Trust in Political Institutions and Generalized Trust: An Analysis in the Case of Vietnam

Individual-Level Evidence on the Relationship between Trust in Political Institutions and Generalized Trust: An Analysis in the Case of Vietnam

Author(s): An Nguyen Huu / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2019

The relationship between political and generalized trust has been placed in the centre of academic debate for several decades. Recent studies have found a positive link between the two constructs in democratic countries and Asian nondemocratic settings,but no correlation among them in post-communist countries. This paper extends the understanding of the link in nondemocratic settings by taking Vietnam as a case to investigate conditions behind the relationship. Using data of Vietnam from the fourth wave of Asian Barometer Survey, results of logistic regressions reveal that different types of trust in political institutions differently affect generalized trust. Trust in partisan institutions is positively associated with generalized trust, while there is no relationship between trust in checking institutions and generalized trust. Furthermore, partisanship and voluntary associational membership are demonstrated as two prominent conditions under which the variation of the link between trust in political institutions and generalized trust can be observed.

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THE INFORMATIVE COMPONENT OF THE MACEDONIAN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AS AN IMMANENT PART OF THE EURO-INTEGRATIVE PROCESS

THE INFORMATIVE COMPONENT OF THE MACEDONIAN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AS AN IMMANENT PART OF THE EURO-INTEGRATIVE PROCESS

Author(s): Mladen Karadjoski,Goran Ilik,Artur Adamczyk / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2019

This article analyzes the informative component of the Macedonian public administration as an imminent part of the accession process towards the European Union. The interaction of the public administration with the citizens, NGO's, media and other relevant "stakeholders" in the Macedonian society is an additional impetus for the acceleration and improvement of the integrative process. The main research methods which will be used in this paper are a descriptive method, content analysis method, and comparative method.

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THE SOFT BALANCING OF THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA: BETWEEN THE EU’S NORMATIVE POWER AND EURASIAN ECONOMIC UNION’S EXPANSION IN 
THE EASTERN EUROPE

THE SOFT BALANCING OF THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA: BETWEEN THE EU’S NORMATIVE POWER AND EURASIAN ECONOMIC UNION’S EXPANSION IN THE EASTERN EUROPE

Author(s): George Mihai Constantinescu / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2020

Having the 2014-2017 timeframe, we aim to observe the long distance duel between the EU and the EEU, the interests of the two organizations being the most visible in the Republic of Moldova, a state with a soft balancing attitude which is at the same time an observer-member of the Eurasian Economic Union, and also a signatory-member of the Association Agreement with the EU. In order of capturing as faithfully as possible this remote match, we want to analyze the European normative power in relation to the Republic of Moldova by analyzing the main changes that Moldova's trade relations with Brussels and Moscow have suffered following the signing of the Association Agreement in 2014 and the institutional crystallization of the EEU in 2015, using data provided by the Moldavian National Bureau of Statistics and analyzing the official documents which laid the foundations for the recent relationship between the Republic of Moldova and the two organizations.

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THE PROSPECT OF JOINING THE EU AND CIVIL SERVICE REFORM IN THE REPUBLIC OF NORTH MACEDONIA

THE PROSPECT OF JOINING THE EU AND CIVIL SERVICE REFORM IN THE REPUBLIC OF NORTH MACEDONIA

Author(s): Albana Rexha,Blerim Reka / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2020

The Republic of North Macedonia, a candidate country in the EU, is continuously subject to conditionality in relation to establishing a professional and effective public administration from the EU institutions and from the civil society. This paper employs the qualitative methodology of process tracing to find out whether the EU conditionality has managed to establish a merit-based civil service. The data are gathered and analyzed for a period of ten years while analyzing the legal and institutional structure of the civil service. The findings identify the factors that hampered or prolonged the implementation of reforms and they offer insights on the conditions necessary for the civil service reforms to take place.

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CRIME OF AGGRESSION IN INTERNATIONAL LAW AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

CRIME OF AGGRESSION IN INTERNATIONAL LAW AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Author(s): Goran Bandov,Dorotea Ogorec / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

The paper focuses on the analysis of the problem of defining the crime of aggression in the international law and international relations, focusing primarily on the historical development of the term from its initial directed efforts, all the way to its modern outcomes. Observing in a historical manner, the establishment of the definition of the crime of aggression, as well as its aligning under criminal offences has encountered several obstacles which resulted in a continuous delay of clear defining what exactly would the crime of aggression encompass. In order to fully understand the matter, the importance of several international documents is undeniable, especially the Charter of the United Nations as well as the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.

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Selected national approaches for achieving global standards in public administration

Selected national approaches for achieving global standards in public administration

Author(s): Polya Katsamunska / Language(s): English Issue: 02/2020

The new reality of modern world places greater pressure on governments to put in place effective programs for education and training of public administrators. Indeed, this is the way to achieve greater excellence in public administration education and training, which has a main purpose to provide public administrators with the competencies and capacities to contribute to the improvement of the quality of life. This context outlines the focus of the article to examines and provide interesting insights into various national approaches for the delivery of public administration education and training from selected countries in the Americas and Europe. These countries have been chosen basically for two reasons; first, they represent traditional practice in their regions and second, they have excellent programs in public administration education and training for which they have had no major difficulties in seeking to reach the international standards of excellence in public administration education and training.

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Can Self-organized Criticality Theory help identify Political Mobilization on Social Media?

Can Self-organized Criticality Theory help identify Political Mobilization on Social Media?

Author(s): Natalia Barabash,Dmitry ZHUKOV / Language(s): English Issue: 25 (1)/2020

One of the challenges of monitoring political mobilization on social media is the setting of formalized mobilization criteria to identify early symptoms of political mobilization across different groups. We propose and test a tool for identifying groups that display a high level of political mobilization. This tool is based on the hypothesis that strong engagement of users in group activities and discussions is common to groups in a state of self-organized criticality (SOC). An attribute of SOC, known as pink noise, can be observed in time series. To test this hypothesis, we sourced data on activity in 200 Facebook groups in France and Germany.

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Център и периферия на европеизираните публични сфери

Център и периферия на европеизираните публични сфери

Author(s): Ralitsa Kovacheva,Ralitsa Kovacheva / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3/2018

The text presented is dealing with the current transformations of the Europeanised public spheres. The author argues that depending on the level of presence of the current European debates in the national public sphere, we can highlight centre and periphery and in parallel with the process of Europeanisation, the opposite process is also taking place – a process of peripheralization. Besides the theoretical arguments, the book presents the results of a comparative analysis of 2014 European elections` media coverage in the most popular newspaper websites in Bulgaria and the UK (February-June 2014). 3356 publications from 8 media outlets (The Daily Telegraph, The Guardian, The Independent, Daily Mail, 24chasa.bg, Dnevnik.bg, Trud.bg and Segabg.com) have been coded and analyzed.

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SOFT POWER CONTEXT OF CHINESE INVESTMENTS TO THE EUROPEAN UNION: CHALLENGES VS. OPPORTUNITIES

SOFT POWER CONTEXT OF CHINESE INVESTMENTS TO THE EUROPEAN UNION: CHALLENGES VS. OPPORTUNITIES

Author(s): Daniela Cvetanovska / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

This paper presents a constructivist take on soft power, by analyzing the contextual factors which influence Chinese investments (COFDI) to the EU as a relevant soft power resource. The contextual analysis shows which constraining and stimulating (internal and external) factors condition COFDI in leveraging soft power for China. Additionally, the article provides solutions for soft power optimization, since soft power resources aim to entice and foster cooperative relations toward a ‘win-win’ behavior. The issues presented here have profound implications for future studies on soft power and the political economy of Chinese investments in the EU.

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THE PROBLEM OF THE ‘OLD’ WORKING CLASS DEPRESSION ESPECIALLY THROUGH THE PRISM OF THE USA PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN 2016 AND 2020

THE PROBLEM OF THE ‘OLD’ WORKING CLASS DEPRESSION ESPECIALLY THROUGH THE PRISM OF THE USA PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN 2016 AND 2020

Author(s): Slavejko Sasajkovski / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

Digital economic and overall social transformation does not shape the future in an economic-sociological/socio-economic direction and with content that contributes as an important factor for raising the level of social integration and cohesion that is social capital. In reality, the economic-sociological/socio-economic problem of the ‘old’ working class, a working class that is not optimally involved in the structures of digital technology, economy and society, is imposed as a key problem. The most provocative expression of the significance of this class, in particular the American white working class, that ‘old’ white working class, is its impact on the outcome of the presidential election in the US in November 2016. The decisive factor for Trump's victory was the acquisition of an economically-sociologically/socially-economically disadvantaged or even depressed American white working class concentrated in several major states in the US West and the Midwest, which carry a large number of electors in the electoral college. Therefore, the primary goal of potential democratic presidential candidates is to take, that is, to restore this American white working class as its electorate. То this end, ideological and political variants of the concepts of democratic socialism (exclusively Bernie Sanders) and democratic capitalism (practically all other Democratic presidential candidates) are being created.

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THE ALBANIAN QUESTION AT THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE DURING 1919-1920

THE ALBANIAN QUESTION AT THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE DURING 1919-1920

Author(s): Erjon Dervishi / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

This paper aims to bring to the public one of the most important moments in the history of modern times of Albania. After the Albanian independence on 28 November 1912 and international recognition of Albanian state on 29 July 1913, in 1919-1920, many national and international events unraveled which initially posed a real danger for Albania to become an independent state. The Paris Peace Conference, organized after the First World War by the Great Powers which win the war, and in which 27 winning states took part, became the real world center of that time. The Albanian point of view was headed directly at this Conference, with the hope to gain its independence and to win the right of self determination for its people. The main issues of the Conference were: border correction, especially in the southern part of Albania, relations between the Balkan states regarding Albania, the position of Italy, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and the position of Greece over Albania, and the real threat of secret pact during the First World War and the new role of American President, Woodrow Wilson. This paper also aims to bring the attitude of the Albanian delegation at the Paris Peace Conference and the position of Italy, France, Great Britain and Greece.

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Историческите изследвания от периода 1984 – 2011 г. за електоралните регулации и изборния процес в докомунистическа България: тенденции и проблеми
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Историческите изследвания от периода 1984 – 2011 г. за електоралните регулации и изборния процес в докомунистическа България: тенденции и проблеми

Author(s): Svetoslav Zhivkov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 4/2020

The article analyzes the historical surveys concerning the elеctoral regulations and the competition between the parties at the parliamentary elections in Bulgaria from the Liberation (1878) to the WW2. The reasons of the lack of scientific interest in the years of the communist rule are pointed out. The revival of the competitive elections since 1990 brought about for the growth of the surveys concerning the Bulgarian electoral past. There are some gaps, however. Yet many issues are unresearched. The article analyzes the historical surveys concerning the electoral regulations and the competition between the parties at the parliamentary elections in Bulgaria from the Liberation (1878) to the WW2. The reasons of the lack of scientific interest in the years of the communist rule are pointed out. The revival of the competitive elections since 1990 brought about for the growth of the surveys concerning the Bulgarian electoral past. There are some gaps, however. Yet many issues are unresearched.

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National identification in a democratic society. A view from the psychosocial perspective

National identification in a democratic society. A view from the psychosocial perspective

Author(s): Piotr Radkiewicz / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

As some researchers note, national identity is probably the only form of identity forwhich people are ready to give their own lives. Deprived of the experience of personalcontact, the strong sense of belonging to the national group must consist of imagining oneself as entwined with crowds of anonymous compatriots in an invisible, butrealistically experienced bond. Though, the concepts of national identity and national identification are often treated interchangeably. they are not equivalent. Group identitymeans the fact of belonging to a specific group, combined with having its cognitive representation. Identification refers to the individual-group personal relationship, and describes the strength of the emotional bond felt with other members and the importance of a given group identity. This paper presents psychological origins of national identification, linking them to the deepest and most basic epistemic, motivational and existential human needs. Awareness of identification with the national group determines the whole range of psychological phenomena from various levels of analysis. From relatively simple manifestations of affect to complex ideological orientations – they all have specific relationships with how people understand democracy and what type of democracy they prefer. The empirical evidence cited in this text proves that the strengthening of the liberal democracy and its cultural values is accompanied by the devaluation of national/patriotic identification in the utilitarian (as a socially dysfunctional phenomenon) as well as in moral sense (as a source of hostility and intolerance). However, other empirical results show national identification as a necessary component of social bonds, and a basis of social mobilization around important collective goals.

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Tranzycja demokratyczna z „fałszywej demokracji”. Czy nowy paradygmat tranzycyjny?.

Tranzycja demokratyczna z „fałszywej demokracji”. Czy nowy paradygmat tranzycyjny?.

Author(s): Bartłomiej Nowotarski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2020

„The third wave” of democratization had a real challenge: to disarm brutal dictatorships and enable the process of building the institutions of the liberal democracy. Political scientists scrutinized the process of democratization and created its transitional paradigm. Unfortunately, as the paradigm and the democratization process failed (the so called „fake democracies” emerged), the proponents of the liberal democracy faced a new challenge: to turn back the trends of democratic erosions and to build a more sustainable,post-liberal democracy in the future. The important question remains: what kind of a new paradigm would best encompass contemporary challenges? This essay aims at drawing such a new paradigm referring to likely transitional strategies that may end up in new kind of democratic settings (also in a form of „fake democracies”). To come up with new schemes failed transitions and new trends are discussed.

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Długi marsz przez instytucje kultury. Polityka Zjednoczonej Prawicy a wymiana elit w nowym ładzie kulturalnym państwa po roku 2015

Długi marsz przez instytucje kultury. Polityka Zjednoczonej Prawicy a wymiana elit w nowym ładzie kulturalnym państwa po roku 2015

Author(s): Piotr Kulas,Paweł Śpiewak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2020

This text aims to analyse the project of elite change implemented by the United Right in Poland in the field of cultural production. The authors argue that culture is recognized by right-wing politicians and intellectuals as a particularly important way of legitimizing its domination also in other fields. The special role of culture can be interpreted by the nature of the public sphere in Poland and the importance of the intelligentsia, who converted cultural capital into other types of capital (the political, the social, and especially the symbolic capital). The authors argue that the replacement of cultural elites serves the revision of history and assertion of power. Although, the elite change project is conducted not only within the cultural field, however, the latter is seen as a particularly important for the right-wing intelligentsia. We argue, that this exchange is based on the long-formulated announcements and is justified by the right-wing intellectuals and politicians who argue for a traditional, Polish model of culture. However, it also conceals political goals. The main goals of the replacement are to change the old elites with people favouring new order and, in the long run, to form right-wing elites, who, referring to the one-dimensional model of culture, will play a hegemonic role in the social life.

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Как медиите виждат света около нас

Как медиите виждат света около нас

Author(s): Vjara Angelova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 7/2020

Ralitsa Kovachevs’s new book on international journalism continues the story of how Bulgarian media cover world topics and problems. The author focuses on the opportunities for “getting to know the spatially distant, which is actually very close in time”, provided by professional journalism.

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