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Nancy Fraser tracks the reconfiguration of the relations of social reproduction under successive regimes of accumulation – “separate spheres”, male breadwinner, dual-income household. Are the exactions of financialized capitalism now serving to undermine its lifeworld?
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The article is focused on the postmodern paradigm and its uses in research on European international relations. It shows how postmodernism is understood in philosophy and how it can be adopted by political science methodology. Although, All aspects – positive and negative – as each paradigm postmodernizm can’t be used to every kind of analysis. As a result of European philosophy and based on the European background, the postmodern paradigm seems to be the most suitable for European state research. That’s why the suggestion included in the text is described in the context of this kind of issue.
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Just before we went into print, the international media outlets popularized the plan for an innovative monetary policy that was already in the making for about a year – the government of China and the central bank launched an emission of a digital currency.
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The paper discusses the question how the coronavirus crisis has influenced different aspects of the debate on democracy. In the beginning, those peculiarities of the crisis are outlined, that have an effect on decision making in governments and on the reception of governmental decisions by society. Next, an answer to the question is sought for, whether authoritarian regimes are more capable of dealing with thissort of crises than democratic. The paper then addresses the debate on how to overcome the health crisis, as well as the ethical basis of the diverging views in this debate. Here the balances between freedom and security, and freedom and equality in contemporary liberal democracies come into consideration together with the impulses to revise those balances as a result of the coronavirus crisis and the attempt to overcome its economic and social ramifications. The last section presents the problems that democracy has to face in relation to the expected slowdown or even reversal of globalization processes and the intensified regionalization coming up.
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At its best education is dangerous because it offers young people and other actors the promise of racial and economic justice, a future in which democracy becomes inclusive and a dream in which all lives matter. In a healthy society universities should be subversive; they should go against the grain, and give voice to the voiceless, the unmentionable and the whispers of truth that haunt the apostles of unchecked power and wealth. Pedagogy should be disruptive and unsettling and push hard against the common sense vocabularies of neoliberalism and its regime of affective management.
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This study focuses on the women policies of the Turkish government and the female humour that is created in response to these policies. A humour magazine is used as the main source since this specific magazine, which is named Bayan Yanı (The Seat Next to a Lady), has the privilege of being the only humour magazine created solely by female caricaturists and writers in Turkey. Six samples of female humour related to intimate matters are selected purposefully from 16 issues of this magazine published between January 2015 and June 2016 and analysed in content, tone, and function. The aim is to develop an understanding on female humour, especially the humour of the intimate, created to lead the public to question the effectiveness of political decisions and practices related to women policies.
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One important consequence of the great Covid pandemic has been a growing concern about the question of fairness in modern society. Such concerns have grown as it has become increasingly evident that our economic and governmental systems have worked in such a fashion as to leave large numbers of individuals far behind others when it comes to having the resources necessary to defend oneself, and one's family, against the ravages of the pandemic. Clearly, if this situation is to be addressed, one critical aspect of any solution is to recognize both the important role and the responsibility of government in addressing such matters. No other institution of society is either so central to, or has the potential capacity required for, effectively addressing the growing economic and resource inequalities that are increasingly characterizing virtually every country of the world.
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Guns are deadly. Most homicides, robberies and other types of criminal activities are mostly committed by guns, therefore many politicians try to regulate them in hope to decrease crime rates and are wildly supported by public. To determine how gun-control laws influence crime rates, regression analysis has been conducted with many control variables, however it hasn’t found any statistically significant relationship between gun ownership and homicide rates. Then the logical question arose: if it is really so, then why do the politicians regulate gun-ownership? To answer that question, an experiment has been conducted to determine public’s attitude towards gun-control. The experiment results showed that people generally see guns in negative light and have less information about their good uses, therefore politicians, influenced by that attitude, try to regulate guns, as it is hard not to do anything when masses are expecting action from you. These findings motivate research on law-making process to determine whether and which laws have intended results.
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The coexistence of the forms of direct and representative exercise of public power is an indisputable sing of the democracy of the modern state and society. The various forms of direct democracy provide an opportunity for real civilian control, strengthen people’s confidence in their ability to determine their own future and contribute to overcoming existing dependencies, as well as to restoring trust in institutions.
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After the collapse of USSR, Central Asia becomes independent but the ethnical non homogeneity as well as the instability are the main factors for the existence of the “European Balkans”. This is the reason for the acquired independence to be balanced between the both regional neighbors – Russia and China. A possible display of the similar “balancing” is compliance with “soft” power plus participation in tree initiatives: Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Eurasian Economic Union and “One Belt, one Road” as well as obedience with the upcoming strategic triangle Russia-Iran-China.
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Global changes associated with world crisis processes, numerous political events in recent years, a change in the technological order and the technological revolution have had a powerful impact on all spheres of life of society and people, from economy to politics, from management to education. All this forces, adapting to new conditions, to change the rules of interaction, laws, which causes the reaction of people associated with adaptation to this constantly changing environment, to think about how fair the existing order of things is. The article is devoted to the study of the phenomenon of justice in the university environment in a broad context: students' understanding of the concept of "justice", the experience of facing injustice in life and in the educational environment, behavioral models and reactions, opinions about the fairness of the structure of society and fair assessment in the learning process. Based on a survey conducted using the author's questionnaire, in which students from the largest university in Russia took part, how “belief in justice” and “sensitivity to justice” affect students' reactions, to various situations of injustice and form behavioral models. The proposals of students regarding a more equitable organization of the educational process are analyzed. The results obtained are in many respects consistent with studies carried out by other authors in recent years on various samples of Russians.
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The present paper aims to present the concept of justice focusing on the theory of John Rawls to cover health and social determinants of health in Greece. The administrative Justice is also analyzed with an emphasis on employees’ perceptions of Organizational Justice, employee performance and organizational justice and finally in the relationship between organizational justice and citizen satisfaction.
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Sudden cardiac arrest (SCA) is a condition in which the cardiovascular system suddenly stops. The probability of this condition increases with age and depends on risk factors and prophylactic factors. Early initiation of cardiopulmonary resuscitation and defibrillation can significantly increase the survivability of victims after cardiac arrest. Earlier defibrillation is observed in places with easy access to the defibrillator (AED). Hourly availability and the number of AED devices in the cities of the West Pomeranian Voivodeship in relation to the risk of SCA occurrence is insufficient. To facilitate the location of defibrillators, mark them in accordance with ILCOR recommendations and allow 24-hour access to devices. Creation and providing a uniform integrated accessibility system for the whole of Poland can have an impact on increasing survivability in health and life threatening situations in Poland.
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Why have our societies become so deeply divided, which is inimical to democracy? How do growing distributional conflicts impact governance structures? Why does fake news take often precedence over truth? What should be done to avert that the rule of law is undermined by the rule of the mob? It may be that the current crises (public health and economic) are harbingers of a new turning point in the evolution of capitalism. This evolution is interlocked with cycles of ideas, of public policies, and institutional change. A mixed economy took shape over time, in which a public sector and a private sector cohabit, based on market dynamism, entrepreneurship, with the shares held by the two sectors shifting in accordance with historical and local conditions. The debate that has started after the outbreak of the last financial crisis is about the path of capitalism, of the mixed economy, of democracy. We need to steer the course of events in the right direction via wise policies. Safeguarding democracy relates to the urgency to deal with climate change as an existential threat.
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The main objectives of the present paper are to elaborate on the EUChina Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI), its provisions, advantages and potential risks, and to detach various standpoints of relevant actors, related to this agreement. The ad referendum CAI, complemented by additional documents by the European Commission, underscores that it goes well beyond the investment protection issues, usually addressed in bilateral investment treaties and it additionally includes rules for: a better market access for the EU companies, a fairer investment environment in China and sustainable development. Despite its support by the European Commission, there has been formulated a strong criticism of the deal from various directions, both European and non-European. Besides, the conclusion of the pact induced not only tensions at the extra-EU level, but also intra-EU. The largest two obstacles to the adoption of the treaty are the conflicting interests of the EU Member States and the opposition of the European Parliament. Therefore a common position is needed inside the EU. The research is complemented by an analysis of the broader circumstances of rising FDI protectionism worldwide, under the increased complexity of the system of international relations and recent trends, harmful to multilateralism.
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EU goes through a realignment process in the context of the demise of multilateralism, yet the impact of this process on the 11 new Member States from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is rarely discussed. There is a persistent East-West divide in the EU that is mainly socio-economic, even though often narrated as a political divide between older and newer Member States. The article explores in depth the current developmental metrics in CEE and argues that the progress that has been achieved in overall levels of convergence in the EU is yet to be reflected at subnational level, where great disparities persist. It is the developmental divide that continues to inform political divisions in Europe.
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For the first time in Bulgaria, the study systematically examines the historical and theoretical development of the concept of grand strategy. An overall attempt is being made to start a debate on the meaning of this concept in Bulgaria, as well as a debate on what grand strategy the new Bulgarian state has had in recent history after the Liberation of 1878 to the present day.
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The objective of the paper is to analyze the elderly customer segment (above 65 years old) as the consumers of private health services. The demographic and social characteristics of elderly people are presented in terms of such factors as: life expectancy, education level, income, professional activity, as well as objective and subjective assessment of health condition. The paper covers also the consumer needs and behaviors of seniors in the area of health services in recent years, i.e. the frequency and type of services utilized and the structure of expenditures allocated for this purpose. Then, in relation to the services guaranteed by the public system, a comparison of the commercial product offer for the elderly is made. The last part of the article touches the aspect of development of the product offer for the elderly, especially with the use of telemedical solutions.
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Schmidt-Hidding’s (b. 1903, d. 1967) lexical field study on the area of Humor und Witz [humour and wit/jokes] (1963b) receives attention in humour research to this day, especially in German-speaking countries. His diamond-shaped illustration of the two dimensions of the field of humour, not least in its aim to distinguish “earthy” German from “courteous” English humour, has become well-known. In view of this continued interest in the final write-up of Schmidt-Hidding’s work on humour (1963a, 1963b), in which he consistently ignores his earlier related publications under the name of Schmidt, this paper aims to discourage researchers from basing their work on it for two reasons. The more important one is the flawed, or at least muddled and definitely outdated, methodology of his study. The more delicate one that is focused on here is that the motivation for and the ideological direction of the study are strongly influenced by its author’s National Socialist ideology, which Schmidt-Hidding had possibly assumed for opportunistic reasons and abandoned after World War II. I will first document this ideological alignment with National Socialism from Schmidt’s earlier work, basically a prelude to his Schlüsselwörter (1963a). Then I briefly present the methodological flaws, to the degree that Schmidt-Hidding was sufficiently explicit about his method to make that possible. This approach of interpreting a complex issue in its historical and social contexts, along with showing what the issue is in contrast to analogous issues, is the important research agenda that Davies brought to humour research.
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This essay offers an experiential account of the development of “rebel clowning” as a practice that emerged in the context of the anti-globalisation movements in the UK, bringing together the ancient art of clowning and more recent practices of non-violent direct action. The essay traces the legacies of rebel clowning, outlines the tactics and strategies that comprise its humour, and analyses key activist moments in its trajectory in the first decade of the 21st century. By inserting the logic of clowning into the activist realm, the essay argues, the tired binary between protester and authority, or activists and their opponents, is shaken and cheerfully disrupted.
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