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Ukraine’s Law on the Occupied Territories in Donbas

Author(s): Daniel Szeligowski / Language(s): English

A new law in Ukraine concerning the occupied territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk (Donbas) regions is mainly declarative and constitutes an attempt by the country’s authorities to work out a modus vivendi for these areas. The law’s adoption will not affect the prospects of ending the conflict. It is, however, part of Ukraine’s activities aimed at increasing the political cost to Russia over the occupation of Ukrainian territory.

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Ukraińska ustawa o okupowanych terytoriach Donbasu

Author(s): Daniel Szeligowski / Language(s): Polish

Ustawa o okupowanych terytoriach obwodów donieckiego i ługańskiego ma charakter głównie deklaratywny i jest próbą wypracowania przez ukraińskie władze modus vivendi z tymi terenami. Jej przyjęcie nie wpłynie na perspektywy zakończenia konfliktu. Wpisuje się ona natomiast w działania Ukrainy, m.in. w ramach ONZ, zmierzające do zwiększenia politycznych kosztów, jakie Rosja ponosi w związku z okupacją części ukraińskiego terytorium.

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Wyzwania kampanii wyborczej Władimira Putina

Author(s): Agnieszka Legucka / Language(s): Polish

6 grudnia Władimir Putin ogłosił, że wystartuje w wyborach prezydenckich zaplanowanych na marzec 2018 r. Zgodnie z konstytucją FR powinna to być ostatnia kadencja sprawowana przez urzędującego prezydenta. Aby przygotować swojego następcę, musi on zwiększyć kontrolę nad elitami politycznymi oraz polepszyć komunikację ze społeczeństwem. Do tego potrzebuje wysokiej frekwencji w wyborach i umiejętnego rozgrywania grup interesów rywalizujących o dostęp do władzy.

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National Security & Defence, № 171+172 (2017 - 03+04)

Author(s): Anatoliy Yermolenko,Oleksandr Mykytovych Mayboroda,Ihor Polishchuk,Valeriy Bortnikov,Iryna Kresina,Anatolij Romaniuk,Iryna Karmeliuk,Viktor Musiyaka,Pavlo Pynzenyk,Yuriy Yakymenko,Jakob Wöllenstein,Mykola Kniazhytskyi,Roman Bezsmertnyi,Vitaliy Shybko,Volodymyr Kipen,Oksana Klymenko,Halyna I. Zelenko,Yurii Zhanovych Shaihorodskyi / Language(s): English

POLITICAL CULTURE AND PARLIAMENTARISM IN UKRAINE: CURRENT STATE AND MAIN PROBLEMS // POLITICAL CULTURE OF UKRAINIAN CITIZENS: SPECIAL ASPECTS AND TRENDS // MAIN PROBLEMS OF PARLIAMENTARISM IN UKRAINE // FEATURES AND TRENDS IN BUILDING A UKRAINIAN POLITICAL CULTURE: EXPERT OPINIONS // PROBLEMS OF FORMATION AND FUNCTIONING OF UKRAINIAN PARLIAMENTARISM // STUDY “UKRAINIAN POLITICAL CULTURE AND PARLIAMENTARISM TODAY: PROBLEMS AND DEVELOPMENT TRENDS, WAYS OF IMPROVEMENT” // CHANGING MOTIVATION TO PROTEST TO MOTIVATION FOR INVOLVEMENT // POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AS AN INDICATOR OF DEVELOPING PARLIAMENTARISM: UKRAINE’S CHARACTERISTICS

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Zaključak

Author(s): Dejan Ilić / Language(s): Serbian

Dvadeset pet minuta je jutros Ana Brnabić branila Zaključak vlade o informisanju, uporno ga nazivajući uredbom, da bi u poslednjim sekundama priznala da je sve to jedna – kako je (ne)skromno priznala, njena – glupost. A mogla je lepo odmah da kaže, jeste, bilo je glupo to što smo odlučili i sad to povlačimo jer smo tim zaključkom prekršili i Ustav i zakone. Argumenti Ustava i zakona, na koje je mogla da se pozove, a koje je precizno izložio Rodoljub Šabić, na primer, o tome da zaključak nije isto što i uredba, a da se ovaj jedan konkretni zaključak kosi sa svime što čini pravni sistem ove zemlje, za Brnabić su nebitni. Jer, ona poznaje samo jedan drugi Ustav i zakon, a to je – Vučić.

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Ustav ne stanuje u Ministarstvu zdravlja

Author(s): Mario Reljanović / Language(s): Serbian

Svi navodi u tekstu su obezličeni (osim imena funkcionera) da bi se sprečile eventualne negativne posledice po zaposlene. Pre nepunih mesec dana upozorio sam da klizimo u još jednu pravnu katastrofu, ukoliko se dogodi da radna obaveza počne da se utvrđuje i u „redovnom stanju“, odnosno u situaciji kada nije proglašeno vanredno (ili ratno) stanje, jer zakoni kojima je regulisana jednostavno tako nešto ne predviđaju. Sumnju da će se tako nešto desiti zasnovao sam na zaključku takozvanog Kriznog štaba, tela koje nema zakonsko utemeljenje niti ovlašćenja da bilo kome bilo šta naređuje – a ipak to izgleda čini na dnevnoj bazi. Zaključak Kriznog štaba, neustavan i nezakonit, trebalo je da posluži Vladi Republike Srbije (ovoj tehničkoj, vanvremenskoj) kao preporuka za uvođenje novih mera, između ostalog i radne obaveze.

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Čija država – ustavne zavrzlame iz prošlosti

Author(s): Srđan Milošević / Language(s): Serbian

Moglo bi se puno govoriti o razlozima koji su rukovodili komuniste posle 1945, a naročito u definisanju titulara državnosti u ustavima republika iz 1974. godine, da se opredele za njihovo definisanje kao nacionalnih država. To je činjeno različitim formulacijama u ustavnim tekstovima, ali uvek pod teretom nasleđa famoznog nacionalnog pitanja u prvoj Jugoslaviji (1918-1941), naročito zaoštrenog tokom trajanja svetskog rata na ovim prostorima (1941-1945). U tom smislu naročito su zanimljive ustavne promene 1974. i 1990. godine.

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Glasul Minorităţilor. La Voix des Minorités. Die Stimme der Minderheiten. 1936-07+08

Author(s): / Language(s): German

please find in the » Introduction.pdf « a complete Table of Content for all annual issues of 1936

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The Transformative Role of the Macedonian Constitutional Court

Author(s): Marija Risteska,Emil Shurkov / Language(s): English

The political role of the Macedonian Constitutional Court has been ignored and omitted from study by academia, as well as from commentaries and interpretations by legal professionals. The latter understand the Constitutional Court as part of the judicial system of the country and recognize its role as a legal institution which decides on matters disputed by two parties. The notion of the Constitutional Court as arbitrator and mediator remains, and the opposite notion that the Court is a truly political institution that selects among competing rules and values is typically denied or ignored at best. This paper explores the position, jurisdiction, institutional structure, operation and jurisprudence of the Macedonian Constitutional Court as policymaker. To that extent, the paper analyses the Constitutional Court as an actor that is influenced by, but also as an actor whose decisions influence, politics and political discourse. It also assesses the “hit-and-miss” opportunities the Constitutional Court had in its contribution in the transformation of the Macedonian society into a society that adheres to and promotes democratic values and principles.

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Examining the Role of Constitutional Courts in Post-Yugoslav Transitions: Conceptual Framework and Methodological Issues

Author(s): Edin Hodžić / Language(s): English

The role and influence of constitutional courts in policy-making processes, particularly in Europe, has increased significantly in recent decades. Ran Hirschl has famously coined the term ‘juristocracy’, denoting, with rather vocal criticism, the increasingly significant role of courts as an integral part of modern liberal constitutionalism. The role of constitutional courts has expanded not only in terms of the scope of policy issues they decide on (from a broad range of human rights to the structure of political institutions and architecture of the political process) but also with regard to the nature of their activity. Transcending the projected boundaries of the Kelsenian ‘negative legislator’ controling the constitutionality of laws, the constitutional courts are increasingly seen as ‘positive legislators’, dictating the content of legislative acts to be adopted by parliaments and, in some instances, performing legislative activity to replace invalidated laws. This trend of judicalization of politics is observed not only in established democracies with a long tradition of constitutional review, but also in new and developing ones.

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Diskriminacija na osnovu mjesta prebivališta: Koliko razlike u tretmanu je dozvoljeno?

Author(s): Aleksandra Ivanković-Tamamović / Language(s): Bosnian

Diskriminaciju shvatamo kao svako različito postupanje koje ima za svrhu ili posljedicu da bilo kojem licu onemogući ili ugrožava priznavanje, uživanje ili ostvarivanje na ravnopravnoj osnovi prava i sloboda u svim oblastima javnog života. Razlika u postupanju predstavlja diskriminaciju ukoliko nema razumno obrazloženje, odnosno ukoliko nije uvedena kako bi se ostvario neki legitiman cilj, ili ukoliko nema dovoljno razumne proporcionalne veze između korišćenog sredstva i cilja koji se nastoji postići. Diskriminacija, nažalost, i dalje predstavlja dio naše svakodnevnice. A kad o njoj pak govorimo, najčešće govorimo o diskriminaciji na osnovu etničkog porijekla, invaliditeta i seksualne orijentacije. Pored toga, rodna diskriminacija zahvata najveći dio svjetske populacije, i kao takva sasvim sigurno (i “zasluženo”) ne samo da često predstavlja predmet diskusije, nego je pitanje od posebnog značaja za svako društvo, pa i bosanskohercegovačko. Ipak, kada govorimo o diskriminaciji, vrijedi podsjetiti se da se ona mijenja zajedno sa društvom u kojem se pojavljuje. Kroz vrijeme i prostor, oblici diskriminacije se mijenjaju. Tako, na primjer, možemo zapaziti promjene u polnoj diskriminaciji koja danas ima različite intenzitete u različitim dijelovima planete, a jednako tako se pokazivala u različitim oblicima kroz istoriju. Prije tek stotinu godina žene globalno nisu imale pravo glasa, niti su imale jednak pristup obrazovanju ili tržištu rada. Danas, bez obzira na to što je pravo glasa gotovo univerzalno (sa nekoliko rijetkih i uznemirujućih izuzetaka), pristup obrazovanju, ako ne jednak, onda bar dovoljno otvoren i ženama, a ravnopravnost u pristupu tržištu rada (opet sa nekim izuzecima) barem deklarativno postignuta, rodna nejednakost i diskriminacija je, zadržavši neka stara obličja, istovremeno uzela i neka nova, drugačija i suptilnija. Upravo imajući u vidu ovu sposobnost diskriminacije da metamorfira u izmijenjenim društvenim uslovima, instrumenti koji pružaju zaštitu moraju da dozvole dovoljno fleksibilnosti da mogu da se prilagode tim novim okolnostima. Tako i Ustav BiH, kao uostalom i Evropska konvencija, te Međunarodni pakt o građanskim i političkim pravima, kao i Međunarodni pakt o ekonomskim, socijalnim i kulturnim pravima, koji su u Ustav inkorporirani, garantuju zaštitu od diskriminacije sa otvorenom klauzulom “ili drugi status”. Zapravo, već je Univerzalna deklaracija o ljudskim pravima pozvala na jednaku zaštitu pred zakonom “bez bilo kakve diskriminacije”. Slično je rješenje predviđeno i Zakonom o zabrani diskriminacije, koji diskriminaciju definiše i s obzirom na “svaku drugu okolnost” koja za svrhu ili posljedicu ima nejednako postupanje bez objektivnog i razumnog opravdanja. Takva je fleksibilnost i otvorenost u pogledu mogućih osnova diskriminacije omogućila Evropskom sudu za ljudska prava da raspravlja o diskriminaciji na osnovu seksualne orijentacije, rođenja van braka ili promjene pola nakon operacije (gender reassignment following an operation), bez obzira što ti osnovi nisu bili pomenuti u samom tekstu Konvencije, a neki od njih vrlo vjerovatno nisu bili ni na umu tvoraca ovog regionalnog instrumenta u vrijeme kad su ga pisali – kasnih četrdesetih godina dvadesetog vijeka.

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Regulacija mobinga u Bosni i Hercegovini u kontekstu zakona o zabrani diskriminacije

Author(s): Mario Reljanović / Language(s): Bosnian

Kompleksnost diskriminacije i mobinga u posljednjim je decenijama rezultirala donošenjem posebne zakonske regulative u gotovo svim evropskim državama. Iako pravna regulativa u Bosni i Hercegovini prepoznaje mobing kao oblik diskriminisanja, čini se da je neophodno donošenje posebnog zakona u ovoj oblasti, koji bi pravni režim zaštite od mobinga potpuno odvojio od zaštite od diskriminacije, te predvidio sve potrebne elemente borbe protiv mobinga, uključujući i snažnu preventivnu dimenziju.

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Local Communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina - Challenges and Prospects for Institutional Development

Author(s): Mirna Jusić / Language(s): English

Local communities (mjesne zajednice – hereafter LCs) in Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereafter BiH) have for a long time been perceived as a relic of the country’s Yugoslav past. The sub-municipal institutions were established in former Yugoslavia as hubs of community self-government, serving as venues of citizen engagement around community problems. However, after the former socialist political system was dismantled following the 1992-1995 war and new institutions were installed, not much attention had been paid to local communities. As of recently, LCs have been receiving increasing attention, especially of international and non-governmental organizations. As legally recognized sub-municipal institutions, they are seen as having potential to foster citizen engagement. A 2012 survey of Centres for Civic Initiatives (CCI), administered in 14 municipalities in BiH, shows that respondents were the most aware of the possibility to participate through the LC (74.6%) out of a number of other participation mechanisms at the local level, and that the LC is among the most frequently used participatory mechanisms (33.2%). Although a 2009 World Bank study survey data from 20 municipalities showed that most citizens did not have the experience of engagement in their community activities, of those respondents who did, 81% described LC council meetings as the most useful activity of participation. Thus, it is not surprising that a number of projects to date, implemented by different organizations, have focused on strengthening LCs. Some initiatives have pushed for a change of their legal status and have advocated for a minimum of standards for local community operations through local acts, while others have worked on strengthening local community capacities. However, a number of obstacles to local community functioning remain. Some authors highlight as challenges, inter alia, the lack of formal competences of these bodies, their missing financial autonomy and inconsistent budgetary allocations from local government to LCs, as well as the influence of political parties on the elections of LC councilors and presidents. The World Bank study shows vast differences in local respondents’ awareness of, and participation in their respective LC activities between different municipalities, signaling that, depending on the locality, LCs may be more or less active, and may take on different roles. A 2013 study of communal services in the city of Sarajevo showcases both the potential of urban LCs to serve as a link between government and residents and the discontent with LCs that residents expressed, stemming from a perceived lack of LCs’ efficiency and inability to help citizens relay their problems to higher levels of government. Understanding the functioning of LCs in BiH, as well as the context in which these institutions operate, is challenged by a lack of comprehensive research on the subject. Studies on local communities in BiH to date have offered only a partial glimpse into the different aspects of LC operations in practice. No baseline information has been collected, including reliable data on the number of LCs. There have generally been no official data or estimates published on the number of LCs in BiH, and such data are not collected by the statistical offices. In general, empirical studies on the subject are few, with most analyses to date focusing on the legal framework regulating LC work. The research presented in this study was conducted in order to systematically learn about the countrywide practices of LCs in BiH, and to offer broad recommendations for improving local community work in BiH. Given the lack of baseline information on their functioning, it is difficult to analyze the work of LCs in BiH and to hypothesize in a meaningful way what contextual factors may be influencing their work. Provided these difficulties, the research is largely exploratory, seeking to gather insights and create descriptive accounts of the operations and functions of LCs. The report is structured as follows: The next, second, chapter features an overview of concepts related to sub-municipal and neighborhood-level governance, followed by a chapter on comparative practices of LCs in the countries of former Yugoslavia. In the fourth and fifth chapters, the analytical framework and research design are laid out. In chapter 6, research results are presented, structured according to key aspects of local community functioning. A conclusion and recommendations follow.

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Political Participation of National Minorities in Local Governance in Bosnia and Herzegovina: State of the Art, Prospects and Ways Forward

Author(s): Edin Hodžić / Language(s): English

The issue of participation of members of national minorities, as part of the constitutional category of “Others”, in the political and public life of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) has been a recurring topic of concern of international organizations and institutions. As these international actors eloquently show, ethnic power-sharing arrangements related to the elaborate mechanisms of collective political equality of the three dominant ethnic groups in the state (Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks - constitutionally termed as constituent peoples) have been one of the main obstacles to equal participation of members of national minorities and other persons not belonging to constituent peoples in public affairs. Discrimination and exclusion of the heterogeneous constitutional category of “Others” in BiH, including persons belonging to national minorities, indeed takes place in a variety of institutions and settings. The most cited example of exclusion of minority ethno-cultural groups from public affairs is the ethnically exclusivist Constitution of BiH, which prevents, inter alia, persons belonging to minorities from being elected to the three-member Bosnian Presidency and delegated to the upper chamber of the Bosnian Parliament. However, these explicit, constitutionally entrenched mechanisms of exclusion seem to have completely obscured the more complex and subtle ones operating at the level of laws and policies related to decision-making processes at the local, municipal level. While such exclusion of “Others” is a matter of discrimination, the exclusion from political life of one category from this heterogeneous group – national minorities – is a violation of another important right – the right of persons belonging to minorities to participate in public affairs, in accordance with the more recent international minority rights instruments. Namely, during the last decade of the past century, new international group and minority rights instruments have been devised, recognizing and affirming the identity and status of minorities in national constitutional and political systems. A particularly important, even ground-breaking feature of these new international legal developments is the explicit recognition of the right of minorities to participate in public affairs. This new standard of political participation of minorities is formulated as them having a say in public “matters affecting them”. Based on these new standards, regional human rights institutions - most notably, the Advisory Committee (hereinafter AC) on the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (hereinafter FCNM) have interpreted the minority right to collective political participation as a rather “strong” right and started implementing it in unqualified terms, translating the minority cultural identity directly into the political plane. This is somewhat surprising, as even the more optimistic experts have initially been skeptical of the potential and reach of the FCNM, not least because its status as a framework convention. However, as some influential commentators have argued, the AC on the FCNM has proven to be very successful in ensuring collective political participation of minorities in accordance with the relevant provisions of this instrument. State reports and the opinions of the AC issued under FCNM, as well as various other policy documents of European institutions, suggest that the concept of political participation of minorities already has deep roots in the pan-European polity. Effective participation of minorities in public affairs is a broad concept. First, it can be interpreted as participation in a narrow sense: having representatives in elected bodies at different levels of governance, in the executive, or in advisory bodies, committees or public councils. Participation can also mean membership in “semi-state bodies, such as chambers of commerce and industry, in bodies representing agriculture and labor, in social insurance bodies, in trade unions, employers’ unions and tripartite bodies, and in boards of public broadcasting companies.” Additionally, participation in public affairs can include various forms of autonomy, ranging from territorial and federal arrangements to cultural autonomy. The practice of the AC on the FCNM, however, has shown that the focus is mostly placed on representation of minorities in elected bodies and on various forms of consultation, whereas mechanisms of participation in the executive, public administration, judicial and other bodies are almost neglected. In its last Opinion on BiH, the AC on the FCNM has confirmed that this dual avenue of representation and consultation of minorities at different levels of governance has not been adequately entrenched in the political system and practice of BiH. This research project examines precisely how this important emerging right plays out in the complex legal system of BiH and the equally complex decision-making practice in the country, focusing on the local level of governance. In other words, this study examines mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion of minorities in decision-making processes at the level of municipal governance. It is important to note that even persons belonging to constituent peoples can also in certain (sub-national) contexts be in minority situations and as such be considered minorities for the purpose of international minority rights instruments. However, according to the BiH Law on the Protection of Rights of Persons Belonging to National Minorities, a minority is defined as “part of the population-citizens of BiH who do not belong to any of the three constituent peoples, and is composed of persons of the same or similar ethnic origin, the same or similar tradition, custom, belief, language, culture and spirituality, and closely related history and other traits.” This research project focuses on national minorities in the latter sense only. The structure of the study is as follows: first, the conceptual and international legal framework is briefly elaborated. Following these introductory considerations, we examine both the legal framework and the practice of participation of persons belonging to minorities in decision-making at the local level in BiH. Although political representation and consultation mechanisms are treated separately, and in different chapters of the study, we are aware of the interconnections between the two mechanisms, which figurate prominently throughout the study.

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Politička participacija nacionalnih manjina u lokalnoj vlasti u BiH: aktuelno stanje, perspektive i putevi napretka

Author(s): Edin Hodžić / Language(s): Bosnian

Pitanje participacije pripadnika nacionalnih manjina, kao dijela ustavne kategorije ’ostalih’, u političkom i javnom životu Bosne i Hercegovine (BiH), redovno izaziva zabrinutost međunarodnih organizacija i institucija. Kako ovi međunarodni akteri rječito navode, etnička raspodjela vlasti kroz složene mehanizme kolektivne političke jednakosti tri dominantne etničke grupe u državi (Srba, Hrvata i Bošnjaka – koji se u Ustavu nazivaju konstitutivnim narodima) jedna je od glavnih prepreka za ravnopravnu participaciju u javnim poslovima pripadnika nacionalnih manjina i drugih osoba koje ne pripadaju konstitutivnim narodima. Diskriminacija i isključenost heterogene ustavne kategorije ’ostalih’ u BiH, koja uključuje i pripadnike nacionalnih manjina, zaista su evidentni u različitim institucijama i oblastima. Primjer isključenosti manjinskih etnokulturnih grupa iz javnih poslova koji se najčešće spominje jeste ekskluzivno etnički koncipiran Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine, koji, između ostalog, sprječava izbor pripadnika manjina u tročlano Predsjedništvo BiH i njihovo delegiranje u Dom naroda Parlamentarne skupštine BiH. Međutim, čini se da su ove izričite mehanizme isključenosti koji su ugrađeni u Ustav potpuno zasjenili složeniji i suptilniji mehanizmi na nivou zakona i politika koji se odnose na postupke donošenja odluka na lokalnom, općinskom nivou. Iako takva isključenost ’ostalih’ zasigurno predstavlja diskriminaciju, isključenost iz političkog života jedne kategorije iz ove heterogene grupe – kategorije nacionalnih manjina – predstavlja kršenje drugog važnog prava – prava pripadnika nacionalnih manjina da učestvuju u političkom životu, u skladu s novijim međunarodnim instrumentima manjinskih prava. Naime, tokom posljednje decenije prošlog vijeka, doneseni su novi međunarodni instrumenti grupnih i manjinskih prava, kojima se priznaje i potvrđuje identitet i status manjina u nacionalnim ustavnim i političkim sistemima. Iznimno važna, čak prijelomna osobina ovih novih međunarodnih pravnih standarda jest izričito priznanje prava manjina da učestvuju u javnim poslovima. Ovaj novi standard političke participacije manjina formuliran je kao njihovo pravo da se očituju o javnim „pitanjima koja ih se tiču”. Na osnovu ovih novih standarda, regionalne institucije za ljudska prava, među njima prvenstveno Savjetodavni odbor (u daljnjem tekstu: SO) za Okvirnu konvenciju za zaštitu nacionalnih manjina (u daljnjem tekstu: Okvirna konvencija), su interpretirali pravo manjina na kolektivnu političku participaciju kao prilično „snažno” pravo, koje su stoga počele primjenjivati bezuvjetno, prenoseći manjinski kulturni identitet direktno u domen politike. Ovo je donekle iznenađujuće, jer su čak i optimističniji stručnjaci isprva bili skeptični u pogledu mogućnosti i dometa Okvirne konvencije, između ostalog, zbog njenog statusa okvirnog međunarodnog instrumenta. Međutim, kako tvrde pojedini utjecajni komentatori, SO za Okvirnu konvenciju pokazao se veoma uspješnim u osiguranju kolektivne političke participacije manjina u skladu sa odgovarajućim odredbama ovog instrumenta. Državni izvještaji i mišljenja SO u kontekstu okvirne konvencije, kao i razni drugi politički dokumenti evropskih institucija, sugeriraju da se koncept političke participacije manjina već duboko ukorijenio u panevropski političko-pravni poredak. Efikasna participacija manjina u javnim poslovima širok je koncept. Prvo, ona se može tumačiti kao participacija u užem smislu, kao postojanje predstavnika u izabranim tijelima na različitim nivoima vlasti, u izvršnim organima, ili u savjetodavnim tijelima, odborima i javnim vijećima. Participacija također može značiti članstvo u „poludržavnim tijelima, kao što su privredne i industrijske komore, u tijelima koja predstavljaju privredu i rad, u tijelima socijalnog osiguranja, u sindikatima, udruženjima poslodavaca i tripartitnim tijelima, te u odborima javnih radiotelevizijskih preduzeća”. Pored toga, participacija u javnim poslovima može obuhvatati različite oblike autonomije – od teritorijalnih i federalnih aranžmana do kulturne autonomije. Praksa SO za Okvirnu konvenciju, međutim, pokazuje da je pažnja ponajviše usmjerena na predstavljanje manjina u izabranim tijelima i u različitim oblicima konsultacija, dok su mehanizmi participacije u izvršnoj vlasti, u javnoj upravi, te u pravosudnim i drugim organima gotovo zanemareni. U svom posljednjem Mišljenju o Bosni i Hercegovini, Savjetodavni odbor za Okvirnu konvenciju potvrdio je da ovaj dvostruki mehanizam predstavljanja i konsultacija s manjinama na različitim nivoima vlasti nije na odgovarajući način zaživio u političkom sistemu i praksi u Bosni i Hercegovini. U ovom istraživačkom projektu upravo se istražuje koliko se ovo važno pravo koje se razvija provodi u složenom pravnom sistemu Bosne i Hercegovine i u podjednako složenoj praksi odlučivanja u državi, s fokusom na lokalni nivo vlasti. Drugim riječima, u ovoj studiji se istražuju mehanizmi isključenosti i uključenosti manjina u postupke odlučivanja na nivou općinskih vlasti. Važno je istaći da se čak i pripadnici konstitutivnih naroda u određenom kontekstu (tj. u pojedinim dijelovima države) mogu nalaziti u situaciji manjine i da se kao takvi mogu smatrati manjinama u smislu međunarodnih instrumenata manjinskih prava. Međutim, prema Zakonu o zaštiti prava pripadnika nacionalnih manjina BiH, manjina je definirana kao „dio stanovništva – državljana BiH koji ne pripadaju nijednom od tri konstitutivna naroda, a sačinjavaju je ljudi istog ili sličnog etničkog porijekla, iste ili slične tradicije, običaja, vjerovanja, jezika, kulture i duhovnosti i bliske ili srodne povijesti i drugih obilježja”. Ovaj istraživački projekat bavi se nacionalnim manjinama samo u ovom drugom smislu. U strukturi ove studije, najprije je ukratko izložen konceptualni i međunarodnopravni okvir. Nakon ovih uvodnih razmatranja, istražujemo pravni okvir, kao i praksu participacije pripadnika manjina u odlučivanju na lokalnom nivou u BiH. Iako su političko predstavljanje i mehanizmi konsultacija analizirani odvojeno, i u različitim poglavljima, svjesni smo međusobne povezanosti ova dva mehanizma, koji se prepliću kroz cijelu studiju.

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Political Participation of National Minorities: Standards and State Practice in the Implementation of Article 15 of the Council of Europe’s Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities

Author(s): Kiran Auerbach / Language(s): English

In the European context, the Council of Europe’s Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (hereinafter: Framework Convention or FCNM) from 1998 is the chief treaty dealing with minority rights, and it has been adopted by more than forty state parties across the continent. The Framework Convention deals with the subject of participation of national minorities in public affairs as part of Article 15; however, the text itself is ambiguous and offers little guidance on its practical implementation. In response to the growing recognition of participation in public affairs as an important aspect of minority rights, in 2008 the Advisory Committee on the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (hereinafter Advisory Committee or AC) - the expert body that monitors the implementation of the Convention - issued a detailed commentary. This Commentary on the Effective Participation of Persons Belonging to National Minorities in Cultural, Social and Economic Life and in Public Affairs offers its interpretation of fundamental standards for the realization of Article 15, reflecting its findings from the state reporting procedure. The Advisory Committee has without doubt made valuable contributions to the awareness of minority participation in decision-making and to the establishment of standards in this area. This report analyzes both its Commentary and the most current reporting cycles from each state party to the Framework Convention in order to elucidate the meaning of effective participation in decision-making and to identify models of best practice. As a framework encapsulating institutional mechanisms of participation and common issues that must be taken into consideration in designing them, the report looks at coordination between the mechanisms and on different levels of governance, including the local level, which has been prone to neglect in most of the relevant scholarship. Apart from its general purpose, the report particularly intends to promote and offer guidance for implementing minority inclusive governance in Bosnia and Herzegovina and other Balkan states. This latter dimension of orientation of this report is due to the often noted lack of understanding of the concept of political participation of minorities and often uncertain and winding routes towards truly multicultural governance that these states, to varying extents, are currently taking. The analysis also recognizes two factors that affect the work of the Advisory Committee in standard-setting and evaluating state practice. The first is the broad margin of appreciation afforded to state parties in designing systems of minority political participation as well as the individualized approach of the Advisory Committee, which takes contextual specificities (e.g. current level of minority inclusion, historical and socio-political factors) into account when evaluating these systems. The second factor is the Advisory Committee’s limited mandate, as the agenda of the reporting procedure is for the most part set up by the state parties themselves: the AC relies on the cooperation of states and lacks an enforcement mechanism to ensure compliance with its recommendations. This study therefore investigates the impact of these factors on standard-setting and on its individual opinions on state parties’ implementation of minority political participation. It incorporates illustrative examples from the state reporting procedure to highlight and further elucidate standards; however the analysis also aims to quell some of the optimism towards the AC’s work in light of noticeable gaps, influenced in part by the limitations to its mandate. Following the introductory section, Chapter 1 examines criteria commonly used by states to determine the existence of national minorities under domestic law against the AC’s prescriptions. The very term “national minority” is a primary example of the margin of appreciation, as there exists no common, universally accepted definition in the Convention. Despite this leeway, the AC stipulates basic principles by which state parties should abide; namely, this means maintaining an inclusive and flexible approach in granting national minority status. Arbitrary exclusion or differentiation between groups based on ancestral presence in a country, territorial ties to a geographic area, and numerical size are seen as unjustified by the AC. Importantly, it also insists that citizenship should not be grounds on which to exclude persons belonging to national minorities (although few states have incorporated this principle), as many articles of the FCNM, including Article 15, do not require a citizenship dimension. In particular, the AC is resolute that citizenship should not be a requirement to vote or run for office on local and regional levels. The findings of this section resound in subsequent chapters of the report, as official recognition as a national minority is directly linked to entitlements to special participatory rights reserved for persons belonging to national minorities. The next chapter analyzes the tripartite institutional structure of minority participation in political affairs. This includes representation in elected positions such as in parliament and local councils; consultative or advisory bodies; and employment in public administration. Representation in elected bodies and positions is generally the most direct means for minority representatives to take an active part in decision-making. Some of the principal measures that may be used to increase the representation of national minorities in elected bodies include allowing minority-specific political parties, electoral designs with separate voting lists, threshold exemptions, quotas and reserved seats, and special voting rights such as minority veto powers. Consultative bodies are another institutional mechanism, serving as forums where minority representatives may engage in dialogue with each other and governmental authorities. These bodies have an advisory function and may initiate and amend legislation affecting national minorities. Employment in public administration is another means of including minorities in public affairs, and the recruitment of national minorities has significant implications on raising general awareness of minorities in the state amongst majority and minority populations, and inspiring trust in government institutions from persons belonging to national minorities. Beyond these three principal mechanisms, the AC calls on specialized governmental bodies within the executive, such as ministries or departments for minority rights, to coordinate, monitor, and mainstream minority issues on all levels of governance. Specialized governmental bodies are tasked with coordinating a state’s policy towards national minorities and are in charge of monitoring implementation and results, as well as liaising with minority representatives, minority organizations, and relevant bodies where minorities participate in order to facilitate communication. In this sense, specialized governmental bodies mainstream minority issues throughout the entire institutional framework and state apparatus. Lastly, decentralized forms of government such as regional autonomy and self-government can be a useful means to give national minorities control over their interests, especially on local and regional levels. The second part of Chapter 2 elaborates upon overlapping issues concerning the effectiveness of the institutional mechanisms. This includes the legitimacy and pluralism of national minority representatives and additional interlocutors (such as relevant NGO representatives, scholars, or other experts) to advocate on behalf of persons belonging to national minorities; the range of issues beyond culture, education, and language in which representatives may be involved in decision-making, including budget allocation; their impact and voice in decision-making, which highlights the importance of being able to substantively participate as opposed to having a mere presence in governmental bodies; and mainstreaming minority issues into state policies and governmental institutions. These issues form the core standards of participation and must be incorporated into the structure of a state’s institutional framework to ensure that participatory mechanisms have the effect of empowering persons belonging to national minorities to participate in decision-making. These standards are then questioned in Chapter 3, as the study evaluates the consistency of the Advisory Committee's performance. One foremost gap is the disjointedness between explicit criticisms and amorphous recommendations that the AC issues in its opinions. Chapter 3 links the two previously-mentioned factors - margin of appreciation and individualized approach; limited mandate and reactive approach - to account for some of this disparity. Observations of additional gaps are also explored, including: common criticisms towards states with different practices; inconsistencies and leniency; promising alternative methods for coordination and mainstreaming of minority policy displayed by selected states that contrast with the prescriptions of the AC’s own Commentary; and inconsistencies in the Advisory Committee’s reaction towards trade-offs whereby a state party displays unequal development in the three types of participatory institutions or in different levels of governance.

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Politička participacija nacionalnih manjina: Standardi i praksa država u implementaciji člana 15 Okvirne konvencije za zaštitu nacionalnih manjina Vijeća Evrope

Author(s): Kiran Auerbach / Language(s): Bosnian

U evropskom kontekstu, najvažniji ugovor koji se bavi pravima manjina je Okvirna konvencija za zaštitu nacionalnih manjina (Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities) (u daljnjem tekstu: Okvirna konvencija ili FCNM) Vijeća Evrope iz 1998. godine, koju je usvojilo više od 40 država članica širom kontinenta. Okvirna konvencija se u članu 15. bavi pitanjem participacije nacionalnih manjina u javnim poslovima, ali je sam tekst neodređen i nudi premalo pojašnjenja za praktičnu implementaciju. Kao odgovor na sve veće priznanje participacije u javnim poslovima kao važnog aspekta prava manjina, stručno tijelo koje prati implementaciju Konvencije – Savjetodavni odbor za Okvirnu konvenciju za zaštitu nacionalnih manjina (u daljnjem tekstu: Savjetodavni odbor ili SO) – 2008. godine je objavio detaljan Komentar o efikasnoj participaciji pripadnika nacionalnih manjina u kulturnom, društvenom i ekonomskom životu i javnim poslovima (Commentary on the Effective Participation of Persons Belonging to National Minorities in Cultural, Social and Economic Life and in Public Affairs), koji nudi tumačenje osnovnih standarda za provedbu člana 15. i predstavlja odraz izvještaja koje podnose države. Nema sumnje da je Savjetodavni odbor dao veliki doprinos podizanju svijesti o participaciji manjina u odlučivanju i uspostavljanju standarda u ovoj oblasti. U ovom izvještaju analizira se njegov Komentar, kao i najaktuelniji ciklusi podnošenja izvještaja svake države članice Okvirne konvencije, kako bi se pojasnilo značenje efikasne participacije u odlučivanju i kako bi se identifikovali modeli najbolje prakse. Kao okvir koji obuhvata institucionalne mehanizme participacije i zajednička pitanja koja treba uzeti u obzir prilikom njihovog oblikovanja, ovaj izvještaj posvećuje pažnju koordinaciji među mehanizmima, te koordinaciji na različitim nivoima vlasti, uključujući lokalni nivo, koji je često zanemaren u stručnim analizama. Pored ove opće svrhe, poseban je cilj izvještaja da posluži za pojašnjenje, promoviranje i pružanje smjernica u implementaciji vladavine koja uključuje nacionalne manjine u Bosni i Hercegovini i drugim zemljama Balkana. Ova druga dimenzija izvještaja rezultat je često primijećenog nerazumijevanja koncepta političke participacije manjina, te često neizvjesnih i kompliciranih puteva ka istinski multietničkoj vlasti kojima ove zemlje, u različitoj mjeri, trenutno idu. U analizi se također uvažavaju dva postojeća faktora koja utječu na rad Savjetodavnog odbora u postavljanju standarda i u ocjenjivanju prakse država. Prvi je široka sloboda procjene koja se daje državama u oblikovanju sistema političke participacije manjina, kao i individualizirani pristup Savjetodavnog odbora, koji uzima u obzir specifične kontekste različitih država (kao što su trenutni nivo uključenosti manjina, historijski i društveno-politički faktori) prilikom ocjenjivanja ovih sistema. Drugi je faktor ograničeni mandat Savjetodavnog odbora, jer o dnevnom redu u proceduri podnošenja izvještaja u najvećoj mjeri odlučuju same države potpisnice, a SO se oslanja na saradnju država i ne posjeduje mehanizam provedbe kojim bi osigurao ispunjavanje svojih preporuka. Ova studija, dakle, istražuje i utjecaj tih faktora na postavljanje standarda i na pojedinačna mišljenja SO-a o implementaciji političke participacije manjina koju provode države potpisnice. Ona nudi slikovite primjere iz postupka podnošenja izvještaja samih država kako bi se istaknuli i dodatno pojasnili relevantni standardi. Međutim, analiza također ima za cilj da reducira dio optimizma prema radu SO-a u svjetlu primjetnih nedostataka, na koje dijelom utječu i postojeća ograničenja njegovog mandata. Nakon uvodnog dijela, u prvom poglavlju se ispituju kriteriji koje države obično koriste za priznavanje postojanja nacionalnih manjina prema domaćim zakonima i porede se sa uputama SO-a. Sam termin „nacionalna manjina” pravi je primjer slobode tumačenja u pojedinim zemljama, jer u Konvenciji ne postoji zajednička, općeprihvaćena definicija. Uprkos ovom slobodnom prostoru, SO predviđa osnovne principe kojih države članice treba da se pridržavaju a koji se odnose na zauzimanje inkluzivnog i fleksibilnog pristupa u dodjeljivanju statusa nacionalne manjine. SO smatra neopravdanim proizvoljno isključenje ili razlikovanje grupa na osnovu njihovog dugotrajnog prisustva u zemlji, teritorijalnih veza sa geografskim područjem i brojčane zastupljenosti. Ono što je važno jeste da Odbor insistira i na tome da državljanstvo ne treba predstavljati osnov za isključivanje osoba koje pripadaju nacionalnim manjinama (mada su malobrojne države koje su usvojile ovaj princip), jer mnogi dijelovi Konvencije, uključujući član 15, ne zahtijevaju dimenziju državljanstva. SO je naročito odlučan u tome da državljanstvo ne treba predstavljati uslov za glasanje ili kandidiranje na izborima na lokalnom i regionalnom nivou. Nalazi ove sekcije imaju odjeka i u narednim poglavljima izvještaja, jer je zvanično priznanje nacionalnih manjina direktno povezano sa dodjeljivanjem posebnih participatornih prava rezerviranih za pripadnike nacionalnih manjina. U narednom poglavlju analizira se trodijelna institucionalna struktura participacije nacionalnih manjina u političkim aktivnostima. Ona obuhvata predstavljanje u kontekstu izabranih funkcija, kao što su one u parlamentima i lokalnim vijećima, konsultativna ili savjetodavna tijela, te zapošljavanje u javnoj upravi. Predstavljanje u kontekstu izabranih tijela i pozicija obično je najdirektniji način na koji predstavnici manjina aktivno učestvuju u odlučivanju. Među ključnim mjerama koje se mogu koristiti za povećanje prisustva pripadnika nacionalnih manjina u izabranim tijelima jesu: dozvola djelovanja političkih stranaka manjina, oblik izbora sa odvojenim glasačkim listama, izuzeća od izbornog praga, kvote i rezervirana mjesta, te posebna prava kao što je pravo manjinskog veta. Konsultativna tijela još su jedan institucionalni mehanizam i služe kao mjesto gdje predstavnici manjina mogu učestvovati u međusobnom dijalogu kao i u dijalogu sa organima vlasti. Ova tijela imaju savjetodavnu funkciju i mogu predlagati i dopunjavati zakone koji se tiču nacionalnih manjina. Zaposlenje u javnoj upravi još je jedan način uključivanja manjina u javne poslove, a angažiranje nacionalnih manjina u tom segmentu ima veliki utjecaj na podizanje opće svijesti o manjinama u državi i kod većinskog i kod manjinskog stanovništva, kao i na ulijevanje povjerenja u institucije vlasti kod pripadnika nacionalnih manjina. Osim ova tri osnovna mehanizma, SO poziva specijalizirane organe izvršnih vlasti, kao što su ministarstva i odjeli za prava manjina, da koordiniraju, prate i uključuju manjinska pitanja na svim nivoima vlasti. Specijalizirani organi vlasti imaju zadatak da koordiniraju državnu politiku prema nacionalnim manjinama i zaduženi su za praćenje implementacije i rezultata, kao i za povezivanje sa predstavnicima manjina, manjinskim organizacijama, te odgovarajućim tijelima u kojima učestvuju manjine u cilju olakšavanja komunikacije. U ovom smislu, specijalizirani organi vlasti uključuju manjinska pitanja u cjelokupni institucionalni okvir i državni aparat. I na kraju, decentralizirani oblici vlasti, kao što su regionalna autonomija i samouprava, mogu predstavljati korisno sredstvo da se nacionalnim manjinama omogući kontrola nad njihovim interesima, naročito na lokalnom i regionalnom nivou. Drugi dio drugog poglavlja bavi se zajedničkim pitanjima koja se tiču efikasnosti institucionalnih mehanizama. Tu se ubrajaju legitimitet i pluralizam predstavnika nacionalnih manjina i ostalih sagovornika (kao što su relevantni predstavnici nevladinih organizacija, istraživači i drugi stručnjaci) da zastupaju pripadnike nacionalnih manjina; raspon tema pored kulture, obrazovanja i jezika u pogledu kojih predstavnici mogu učestvovati u odlučivanju, uključujući i raspodjelu budžeta; njihov utjecaj i glas u odlučivanju, pri čemu se naglašava značaj suštinske participacije, za razliku od pukog prisustva u organima vlasti; kao i uključivanje pitanja koja se tiču manjina u državnu politiku i institucije vlasti. Ova pitanja predstavljaju suštinske standarde participacije i moraju se uključiti u strukturu institucionalnog okvira kako bi se osiguralo da mehanizmi participacije omoguće pripadnicima nacionalnih manjina pravo da učestvuju u odlučivanju. Ovi standardi se zatim ispituju u trećem poglavlju, gdje se procjenjuje dosljednost djelovanja Savjetodavnog odbora. Među značajnijim prazninama u njegovom radu je nedovoljna povezanost direktnih kritika i dosta apstraktnih preporuka koje SO nudi u svojim mišljenjima. U trećem poglavlju se povezuju dva ranije spomenuta faktora – sloboda procjene i individualizirani pristup; ograničeni mandat i reaktivni pristup – da bi se objasnio dio ovih nedosljednosti. Istražuju se i drugi primijećeni propusti, kao što su: jednake kritike prema državama koje imaju različitu praksu; nedosljednosti i blagost; predlaganje alternativnih metoda koordinacije i uključivanja politika prema manjinama u pojedinim državama, a koje se razlikuju od uputa iz Komentara samog Savjetodavnog odbora; te nedosljednosti u reagiranju Odbora na izbor mehanizama participacije kada država članica iskazuje neujednačen razvoj tri vrste participatornih kanala ili njihov neujednačen razvoj na različitim nivoima vlasti.

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German Constitutional Court Undermines ECB Policy and Criticizes CJEU Judgment

Author(s): Sebastian Płóciennik,Szymon Zaręba / Language(s): English

In a judgment issued on 5 May, the German Federal Constitutional Court (CC) questioned the procedures in decisions by the European Central Bank (ECB) regarding the purchase of eurozone bonds. The judgment, however, concerns not only monetary policy - crucial to combating the current economic crisis - but also the division of competences between the EU and its Member States.

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BiH Judiciary: How politics destroyed independence

Author(s): Branko Perić / Language(s): English

Establishment of an independent regulator in the area of judiciary was one of the most important steps in the reform designed by the international community (OHR) in BiH, after a comprehensive analysis of the functioning of the judicial system.[2] The process commenced with the imposing of the law on three high judicial and prosecutorial councils, which functioned as a single body consisting of national and international members[3]. The main goal was to eliminate the powerful political influence from the election of judicial office-holders and establishment of independent judiciary. The next step was the signing of the Agreement on the transfer of competences in the area of judiciary from the entity to the state level[4] and establishment of the High Judicial and Prosecutorial Council of Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereinafter the HJPC). These measures laid the foundation for an independent national judicial system.

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2022 Serbia: Referendum – Chance for a turning point in judiciary

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

Serbia will hold a referendum on constitutional changes in the area of judiciary on 16 January 2022. The consitutional changes, as a prerequisite for reforms within the framework of the EU integration process, are related to the selection of judges and prosecutors. The changes should provide for independence of the judiciary and one of the conditions for reforms in the area of rule of law, which so far have impeded the progress of Serbia in the negotiations within the framework of EU integration. The referendum question reads: “Are you in favour of confirming the act on changing the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia?”

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