BIBLIOGRAFIJA IZVORA I RADOVA O SREDNJOVJEKOVNIM BOSANSKIM ĆIRILIČKIM ADMINISTRATIVNO-PRAVNIM DOKUMENTIMA
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SOURCES AND WORKS ON MEDIEVAL BOSNIAN CYRILLIC ADMINISTRATIVE LEGAL DOCUMENTS
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BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SOURCES AND WORKS ON MEDIEVAL BOSNIAN CYRILLIC ADMINISTRATIVE LEGAL DOCUMENTS
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The weakest link of democracy in the First Czechoslovak Republic was the issue of guaranteeing the linguistic rights of ethnic minorities. This study explores the application of linguistic rights of the Hungarian minority in Slovakia in the courts of the First Czechoslovak Republic. The first part outlines the legal background governing the use of languages. The second part shows through specific cases taken from the contemporary press and archival materials how legal rights were implemented in practice, and what difficulties had to contend with all those who wished to use their native Hungarian language before the court.
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Regarding the periodization of the history of the ancient Romanian law, in the doctrine three major periods are identified: the period of unwritten or consuetudinary law (the custom of the earth), characterized by the application of the norms and legal norms - XVI; the period of feudal written laws, first in the Slavonic language - sec. XVI, and then in Romanian - sec. XVII; the period called "reformative", which lasts, roughly, from the second half of the century. XVIII to the second half of the century. XIX, characterized by the introduction of the principle of humanism and the free administration of evidence in court.
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British constitutional system, for several hundred years is based on a set of historical documents defined as components of "British Constitution" concept emerged in 1215 with the adoption of the document entitled Magna Carta, and continued after the adoption of the first constitutional Acts. To answer the title question of this material considered sufficient and necessary to address the following fundamental question: debate about the functioning of regulation in force in the United Kingdom,Many criticisms have been raised about the legislative process; in fact, Renton Commission which reported in 1975 an opinion on the subject found that these criticisms are the same for centuries, and has grouped them in four categories. For this study, we are utilised a few common scientifc metods as critical view of legislation and also, we studied the british law doctrine. Our point of wiew is focused on the scientifc arguments of a new approach in the british constitutional system
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Designate the intellectual interpretation of legal norms establishing the exact meaning of legal rules to apply them to concrete cases and situations that needed to be resolved (resolved) by the law enforcement bodies. The concept of interpretation of legal norms has its own history.
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Considering the fact that there is no ideal state and a perfect government, the definition of democracy (characterized by parliamentarism, representativeness, liberalism, multiparty system, free competition, universal suffrage majority, recognizing the role of minority and opposition opposed individualism antipersonalismului totalitarian political relativism and rationalism) and classification (revolutionary, republican and caesarean or plebiscitary), in this article, considering classical opposition between democracy and totalitarian antidemocratismul presenting major totalitarian regimes, Sovietism, fascism and national Socialism;.
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Explanations of „human rights” based on the idea now generally accepted that all human beings are born equal in dignity and human solidarity requires inalienable moral rights and inherent to every man by virtue of belonging to the human species. These moral rights have been developed during the so-called "human rights", is translated into legal rights under the law making process developments in society at national and international basis of the consent of the legal rights which they extend, that all the subjects consent rights
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The article provides a comparative analysis of normativity accepted by Christian Enumerical Council and Local Council of IV–IX century and norms of Kyiv Rus canon law, in particular, the Prince Vladimir’s Charter and Prince Yaroslav’s Statute. The main attention is paid to the determination of the degree of Council decisions’ influence on designation and content of Prince’s documents as well as their common features and distinctions.The author comes to the conclusion that the introduction of canonic law in Kyiv Rus has been made under the influence of Byzantine church canons. Nevertheless, the above mentioned process and the essence of Russian canons are characterized by certain diversity. Eastern Church canonic law has been formed from the «bottom» within the period of nearly millennium at various Universal and Local Councils by Holy fathers and based on different sources and published in various collected works. Kyiv Rus canonic law has occurred «from above», supported by simultaneous publishing of Charter and Statute by two Princes that determined the sphere of the church jurisdiction quite clearly and precisely. The church, immediately after its introduction, was recognized as a special live orderliness while it had appeared in Rome only by the fourth century of its existence. Despite the fact that Nomocanon provided for different kinds of church hierarchs’ punishment by anathema, excommunication, deprivation of dignity as the result of numerous offences, the Charter and Statute didn’t contain such norms as well as punishment by damnation. The latter contained much more lenient punishment and provided for various monetary penalty ad- equate gravity of the offence. Within the battle with crimes against faith and church, the struggle for the morality of marriage and family relations and the observance of general Christian morality rules were highly emphasized. The Charter and Statute didn’t concern dogmatic issues; crime and punishment, provided for by these documents, were characterized by more peculiar specification and reflection of live realities. This way the church has influenced all legal aspects of Kyiv Rus society and formed original Russian canonic law. It manifested the Russian church deflection from the Greek one in its attitude towards modern secular society and state and formed the basis for its future development. In general the introduction of Christianity in Kyiv Rus meant the reception of the new Byzantine idea of law, which started to modernize all the aspects of society and state including political, legal, spiritual, cultural, ethical ones.
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The article considers the concordat as a contract, which usually affects only certain issues, not regulating the entire set of relations of the Catholic Church with the relevant state. It has been found that, apart from treaties, in the practice of the Holy See, in recent decades, there are also bilateral diplomatic documents, called “conventions”, “protocols”, and also “financial agreements”, exchanges of messages with heads of state, notes and additional agreements. The issues of the status of the Catholic Church in the territory of the counterpart state, the legal regime of church property, the exemption of the clergy from taxes and military service are disclosed.
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The modern notion that morality is a set of norms or values addressed to strictly interpersonal relations is a result of seemingly unrelated changes which have taken place in philosophy, sociology and legal thought. The first is the displacement of the classical ethical paradigm by the modern one. According to the classical paradigm, one has not only duties to others but also the duty of self-perfection, which is, in the final analysis, the obligation to develop oneself to the potential benefit of the widest possible community. The new paradigm withdraws morality from the area of self-regarding acts, thus excluding relations between unspecified individuals and, a fortiori, between social groups from the scope of morality. The second change was introduced by Kant’s idea that law and morality are two distinct ways of being bound to do one’s duty, namely, from outside and from within. The underlying assumption of this distinction is that an action can be dissociated from its incentives, which can be external and/or internal, and that one can study one kind of incentives — notably law — independently of the other. The third change is the nineteenth century distinction between society and community. Society was conceived of as being constituted by modern secular law, whereas community was seen us being constituted by conventional morality. The fourth change as the positivisation of jusnaturalist doctrines in modern constitutions and civil codes. Since doctrines of natural law were no longer needed as a critical instance outside positive law, they faded away. The immediate result of these changes is, as noted above, the notion that morality is concerned with strictly interpersonal relations. A further consequence is the tenet of legal positivism that law can be defined independently of. i.e. separated from, morality. The ultimate consequence is the disappearance of the foundation of legal thought.
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1. Origin, establishment, territory and population of ZCZW. 2. Central authorities of ZCZW 3. Territorial administration; Civilian Authority of the Lands of Volhynia and the Podolia Front. 4. Representative of the General Commissioner and the Warsaw Branch. 5. Jurisdiction. 6. Final remarks.
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1. O Vinodolskome zakonu u povodu sedamstote obljetnice njegova postanka (1288 — 1988) 2. Uz stotu obljetnicu Odbora za narodni život i običaje Jugoslavenske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti 1888 — 1988. 3. Šezdeset godina neprekinute nastave Etnologije na zagrebačkom sveučilištu 4. 40 godina zavoda za istraživanje folklora
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Johan Swinnen, Devin Briski, Beeronomics: How Beer Explains the World, Oxford University Press, Oxford 2017, 187.
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Le premier penseur socialiste en Serbie, Svetozar Markovic, représente en même temps par sion oeuvre la continuation de la pensée politique progressiste qui s'était évertuée à tracer la voie de la résurrection de la Serbie. Dans les pre-mières décennies du dix-neuvième siècle Vuk Karadzic dans ses écrits historiques élucide les événements de la grande insurrection pour la libération de la domina¬tion turque, et attend son véritable achèvement dans la liberté du peuple serbe. Quatre décennies plus tard, Svetozar Markovic aussi cherche le véritable achève¬ment de la révolution nationale du début du dix-neuvième siècle, en soulignant la nécessité que le peuple acquiert de même les libertés qu'il désirait à cette époque, et celles qu'il avait eu et les avait perdues sous le nouveau pouvoir serbe.Eu égard au développement économique et social plus lent de la Serbie, Markovic ne voit pas dans celle-ci les contradictions de classe qui surchargeaient la société en Occident. En même temps, il cosidère que les peuples qui n'ont pas atteint ce degré de développement, stimulés par les connaissances contemporaines, peuvent édifier la société qui correspondrait mieux aux besoins des hommes, que la société de classe de la misère et des richesses. En étudiant le développement historique de la Serbie, Markovic voyait comme classe gouvernante chez elle la bureaucratie, qui s'est développée avec la nouvelle organisation d'Etat.Dans les tentatives après la libération des Turcs de s'organiser le nouvel Etat serbe, Markovic voit la transplantation de nombreuses formes bureaucratiques de l'Occident, au lieu que la Serbie s'organise sur la base des traditions de l'anci¬enne communauté serbe. En tant qu'avantages de celle-ci Markovic soulignait la morale patriarcale, la solidarité, l'absence des différences sociales.En prenant en considération que Markovic étudiait le développement de la Serbie dans le but de découvrir les voies de sa transformation ultérieure, les con-ceptions metionnées cidessus se reflètent dans le procédé selon leques il marquait les programmes de cette transformation. En effet, en voyant dans la bureaucratie et la centralisation les empêchements principaux au progrès, il estimait qu'il était indispensable de les éliminer et de développer l'autonomie nationale. En déve-loppant les initiatives par son organisation autogestionnaire le peuple pourrait se tirer de son état arriéré et de la pauvreté en réalisant en même temps les perspe-ctives de la transformation socialiste de la société.
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This work analyzes policy pursued by Aleksander Potockibased on the law at the end of the functioning of the Governing Commission. The legal acts on Principles published at the beginning for the equipment of the Governing Committee and other authorities of its subordinates, as well as the Rules for organization for the Police Director, shaped this ministry. Based on the analysis of archival sources, a description of the policy of the police authorities was presented in the previously unexplored period, i.e. from the conclusion of the peace treaties in Tilsit until the takeover of power by Fryderyk August. The important part of the activities of the central government was the public order, for which A. Potocki was responsible to a large extent. In addition to this issue, work on improving living conditions has been presented. The scope of these activities includes health matters and supervision of measures and weights. In addition, the progress of work on establishing the authorities in all cities in the country has been pre-sented. So far, the tasks indicated have been a continuation. The article also analyzes the issue of supervision of public tenders regarding the salary of military barracks.
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La constitution de 1901 introduit, pour la première fois en Serbie, la représentation nationale bicamérale, composée de l'assemblée nationale et du sénat. L'introduction du nouveau système représentatif supposait une combinaison politique déterminée, une entente entre le parti radical et le parti progressiste, leur „fusion". Celle-ci devait unir deux extrêmes les progressistes dévoués à la cour, protagonistes acharnés de la limitation de l'assemblée nationale par le sénat, et les radicaux, Parti le plus massif, jadis partisans opiniâtres de la souveraineté nationale et de l'assemblée nationale souveraine. La combinaison de la cour visait à établir, par l'union des ailes „modé-rées" des deux partis, l'équilibre de leurs forces, du fait que, face à la majorité que les radicaux pouvaient toujours obtenir à l'assemblée nationale, les progressistes avaient la majorité au sénat, grâce à la prérogative royale de nommer la majorité des sénateurs. Contrairement aux prévisions du roi, les premières élections sous la constitution de 1901 donnèrent aux radicaux la majorité à l'assemblée et au sénat. La victoire des radicaux ouvrit une nouvelle crise politique. Chacun des succès que les radicaux cherchaient à atteindre constituait en même temps la violation des conditions de la „fusion", donc, du nouvel état constitutionnel aussi, plaçant les radicaux devant l'incertitude. Le roi, mécontent de la prédominance des radicaux, déclara qu'il allait abolir la constitution, si les radicaux n'observent pas l'accord conclu. Dans la nouvelle constitutionnalité, le roi était déçu surtout par le rôle que le sénat se vit accorder dans les mains des radicaux, sénat dont il espérait être l'appui de sa politique. Sentant qu'il ne pouvait plus compter sur l'armée, le roi changea au dernier moment le caractère du coup d'Etat qu'il préparait. Au lieu d'abolir la constitution de 1901 et de rétablir la constitution de 1869, il suspendit la validité de la constitution de 1901, pour une brève période nécessaire pour signer les décrets abolissant certaines lois et changeant la composition personnelle du sénat et de la cour de cassation. Ainsi le coup d'Etat fut dirigé directement contre les radicaux, afin d'assurer, dans la nouvelle structure de la représentation nationale, une majorité qui soutiendrait la politique de la cour. Cependant, la situation était déjà mûre pour riposter à l'un des nombreux coups de la cour par contre-coup, et la dynastie des Obrenovic fut renversée à la fin de mai 1903.
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The study investigates three phases in the activity of the Hungarian Constitutional Court through an analysis of dissenting opinions added to majority decisions in politically relevant cases. Dissenting opinions reveal individual judicial behaviour which, according to the attitudinal model, might be linked to the political position of the parties that nominated the judges. Beyond examining individual decision-making, the article applies network-analysis to identify whether patterns in dissenting opinions might be differentiated according to political positions and a left-right partition. According to our findings, political blocs did not emerge and become dominant after 2010; rather, this phenomenon was already present during the second phase of the Court (1999–2010) as the judges could be differentiated along the political positions they adopted in their dissenting opinions. During the third phase (2010–2015), the network of judges proved to be less polarised, and beyond a left-right opposition a separation between old and new judges also emerged
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Swearing an oath is legally regulated by laws, rule books, decisions and clarifications. The first regulation on soldier’s oath can be found in Vojeni Ustav (Military Constitution) from 1813, which never came in force. The decrees on soldier’s oath were passed in 1836, 1839, 1840, 1861, 1883, 1901 and 1904. In the first half of 19th century, there was a hierarchy of oaths, in accordance with the ranks. From the second half of 19th century, the pattern of oath was same for all the members of the army. Soldiers swore the oath at the beginning of their military service, while officers had to take an oath in writing in addition to swearing it orally. In the first half of 19th century, the oath was taken in the church, but from the second half of the century swearing the oath was performed in garrisons. Civilians serving in the army took an oath in compliance with the provisions of the Law on civil servants from 1864. Members of the committees for military procurement value assessment swore the oath in accordance with the Law on military procurement from 1899. Priests played the most prominent role at oath taking ceremonies. Soldiers swore the oath with their three fingertips of the right hand joined and raised to the height of the head. In 1900, a form of the oath for Muslim and Jewish soldiers was enacted into law.
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The text is focussed on the results of restrictive measures of the Bulgarian state aiming at avoiding ‘Islamic threat’ . The dynamic of the attitudes and the degrees of socialization of the society of Gipsy Salafi in the town of Pazardzhik are followed. For 8 year in the town court cases have been held popularly denoted as ‘cases for radical Islam’. The conclusion of the author based on several years of qualitative and quantitative research demonstrate that there is direct dependence between the religious zeal and increase in its external attributes on one side and the degree of pressure which is systematically implemented by the state and society upon this society on the other side. The strong religiosity does not favour (up to now) extreme behaviour but it would not be stated with certainty that this tendency would be valid in the future for the next generations. It would not be excluded that part of them would be radicalized, but the basis for such behaviour would be not religious but social one.
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The book ‘Turnovo Constitution in the light of the Balkan Constitutionalism of the XIX century‘presents a detailed history of constitutions and constitution projects in the Balkan region in 19th century arguing that this development was not later than in the other Euro-pean countries. The focus of the research is the Bulgarian Turnovo constitution (1879) which is compared to the constitutions of the other Balkan states in 19th century: Greece, Serbia, Romania, Ottoman Empire, in their historical origins and important constitutional norms. The author successfuly overcomes the national framework of research and outlines the positive achievements in constitutional history of the Balkan states. [Kostadin Paev, ‘Turnovo Constitution in the Light of the Balkan Constitutionalism of the XIX Century’. Sofia, 2016, 359 pp.]
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