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Review of: Villegas, Christina G., Modern Slavery: A Reference Handbook, Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO, 2020, ISBN-13: 9781440859762
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The objective of this paper is to analyze the critical situation of Central American migrant displacement, characterized by the intensity of forced mobility of thousands of people mainly from the so-called Northern Triangle, in their search to reach the United States of America. The presence and magnitude of the displacement has modified not only the patterns of migration in its transit through Mexico, but also the forms migratory organization through the presence of Caravans that have been present since 2018, with the consequent recrudescence of restrictive policies by the governments of Mexico and the United States. This has led to a reconfiguration of cross-border dynamics, accompanied by a national security discourse based on discrimination and criminalization of migration and the implementation of schemes to contain migratory flows translated into the reinforcement of borders and a policy restrictive asylum seekers.
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This article analyzes the networks of collaboration and proximity that have emerged through the collective mobility of migrant caravans that transit through Mexico since October 2018. Based on a brief genealogy of the origin of this caravans and the renewed processes to containing them by the governments of Mexico and the United States, the importance of the resignation of the places of arrival and the networks of solidarity that have been consolidated by the numerous transits that have happened to the first Central American caravan of 2018 is shown. This research emphasizes the importance of/by/for migrants' care networks as a device that challenges the “migratory entrampment” (Parra, 2020). It was evident that the structural demand for care in the United States was a factor in the increase in these migrations.
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This article starts from the premise that the human mobility processes that occur along with the development of capitalism present specific characteristics according to the different accumulation patterns. Therefore, the main objective is to discuss the configuration of a new accumulation pattern as a result of the COVID-19 crisis, which undoubtedly entails a reconfiguration of migratory movements. For this purpose, the analytical framework focuses on relationships between patterns, processes and policies under a historical-structural approach.
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What factors are linked to holding a positive perception of immigrants in Latin America? This paper studies the presence of an empathy effect by which individuals who are themselves willing to migrate hold a more positive perception of immigrants relative to those who are not willing to migrate. Using a recent representative survey, this study finds that there is only weak evidence in favour of that effect. There is evidence, however, of a conditional empathy effect among high-trust individuals. This study also finds that individuals who (1) trust others, (2) have a positive outlook of the economic conditions of the country and the family, (3) support democracy, (4) see income distribution as fair, (5) have experience travelling abroad, and (6) are less worried about violence, tend to perceive immigrants more favourably.
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The unequal sharing of responsibilities across countries regarding displaced persons remains an extremely sensitive political issue pending resolution within the EU. The issue of how to measure countries’ responsibility for asylum poses even further challenges, as it is essential to have a good understanding of the extent of the problem in order to avoid the disclosure of erroneous information. In this paper, we stress that conventional statistics on relative asylum responsibility based on the number of registered asylum applications can be misleading. It, therefore, calls for the development of a comprehensive and harmonised set of data on asylum-related fiscal costs so that researchers and institutions can properly assess the balance of effort between the EU countries.
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The paper deals with the international circular migration which has globally become a buzzword in scientific, political, and administrative circles since the new century. The article concentrates on an unknown feature of the circular migration, namely its dialectic nature, which encompasses both event and system characteristics. This would be the common root of false ideas surrounding human circulation. The literature echoes wide variety of conceptualisations of international circular migration. However, the investigation and application of double characteristic is absent. On one hand, circular migration is a type of migration as a simple event, on the other hand that is a repeat process or a complete system. The main aim of the article is to discuss the event-system dilemma in general and to provide a sort of practical solution with empirical evidence that comes from Hungary in particular. Moreover, the authors contribute to the clarification of the general concept of human circular mobilities.
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The paper analyses specifics of Ukrainian migration to Poland in terms of the scale, scope and dynamics of population migration at national and sub-national levels. The author reveals the main push factors for the residents of border areas stimulating population movements towards Poland, namely the economic disparities in the analysed regions, living standard vulnerability, varying levels of labour market attractiveness, social security differences, and policy imperfections. This calls for crucial measures for minimising migration risks and challenges, given the loss of a substantial share of Ukraine’s human potential in border regions. It is defined that Podkarpackie Voivodeship and Lviv Oblast are the most cooperating border regions greatly contributing to the total Ukrainian-Polish relations. The new priorities of the policy for cross-border cooperation between Ukraine and Poland are detailed in specific measures improving the functioning of the “Lviv Oblast – Podkarpackie Voivodeship” migration system and human resource development in border area.
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This study analyses the issues that refugees and asylum seekers face in Austria and the effects of their concentration in Vienna. We present an assessment of main difficulties and root causes for asylum seekers in Vienna. Data was collected via personal interviews and also supported by regional and European statistics. In total, 12 interviews with municipality representatives, NGOs, and migrants were conducted. Firstly, our study showed, that the asylum seekers face difficulties integrating into the Austrian labor market. Most refugee children do not have access to the compulsory education. It is argued that a more inclusive policy would improve the labor market efficiency in Austria. The anti-immigrant sentiment in Vienna played a crucial role in creating difficulties faced by migrants in the process of integration. Those who have been granted asylum in Vienna are not interested in moving to another country. This tendency is driven by the following factors: They consider Austria a safe country; they have already learned the language; they are overall satisfied.
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Since the 1990s, many European and Latin American countries have changed their laws to permit the acquisition of dual citizenship. This shift has accompanied the increase in Latin American migration to Europe and poses new challenges for studies on migrants’ integration, which are often based on nationality. We investigate the labour market incorporation of the Latin American-born population in Switzerland and compare the position of different groups of Latin American-born populations according to their nationality (Latin American, EU27 or Swiss). To do so, we assess the rate of overqualification for each group, separate by sex, and we implement logistic models to evaluate the impact of sociodemographic covariates on the likelihood of being overqualified. The results reflect the Swiss labour market segmentation by both nationality and sex, as the influence of the reason for migration on the labour market incorporation of these groups.
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We analyse the association between cultural contact and international migration decision drawing on the inter-group contact hypothesis. Using data on Turkish migrant stock in 22 countries and immigration from these countries to Turkey between 2000 and 2015, we find a strong association between the Turkish community's size and migration flow of host country nationals to Turkey. Our results are robust to country-specific and year-specific effects as well as to exclusion of different channels of cultural contact. Our research brings a new perspective to the importance of networks in migration destination as most research focuses on the presence of in-group national community in the target country. Our findings contribute to the improvement of extant theories of international migration providing insight in the role of cultural contact with the out-group in the choice of migration destination.
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The US public’s immigration attitudes have become more favourable in recent years, yet the Trump administration (2017-2021) was the most restrictionist on immigration of any modern US presidency. What key sociopolitical factors were associated with holding more exclusionary immigration attitudes and policy preferences among US whites, the ethnoracial group most likely to support Trump, at the beginning of his administration? Analyses of two waves of nationally representative US panel survey data for whites demonstrate that voting for Trump, consuming conservative news, being evangelical, and having a stronger white racial identity were linked with more exclusionary abstract immigration attitudes and/or support for one more Trump-era policies: the US-Mexico wall, the Travel Ban targeting majority-Muslim countries, and deportations of unauthorised immigrants. Together, our results emphasise the value of attending to multiple aspects of the national sociopolitical context, considering diverse potential sources that amplify immigration threat, and jointly examining abstract immigration attitudes and specific policy preferences of varying salience.
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In this interview, founder and long-time managing editor of Kurdish Studies, Dr Welat Zeydanlıoğlu, tells the story of the journal’s establishment and recalls its development to becoming the leading English-speaking journal in the field of Kurdish studies today. He explains the relations between the journal and the Kurdish Studies Network, reflects on the difficulties that the journal has faced over the years, and outlines its major contributions to the field. The interview sheds light not only on the history of a journal but on the development of an entire scholarly field, while sketching the challenges lying ahead.
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This article deals with the process of mythologisation of the migrant issue in the Federal Republic of Germany during the period 2014–2018. The research started with the fundamental question of how selected German media represented the immigrants from predominantly Muslim countries who came to Germany during and immediately after the 2015 migrant crisis. The media content on migration and extremism was selected from the available online archives of the following German newspapers: Berliner Morgenpost, Deutsche Welle, Die Zeit, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, and Freie Presse. Using the discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe as the research model, three master signifiers were selected from the analysed articles: immigrants, German jihadists, and German far-right extremists. Further analysis suggested that myths were the most influential type of signification and a dominant way of dealing with the critical situation caused by the 2015 migrant crisis. As a result of that situation, the following myths were produced: the open-door myth, the myth of Islamisation and the new myth of the East. In the analysed material, references to historical German myths, like the border myth and the stab in the back myth, were also recorded. This research aimed to determine the relation between of the process of mythologisation during and immediately after the emergence of the 2015 migrant crisis and the changes in German migration policy. Furthermore, the role of hegemonic discourse was explored, especially in situations where it was used to alleviate cultural conflict and social polarisation in times of crisis.
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The political salience of policy issue arenas related to the movement of people, including immigration, citizenship, and asylum, has increased in recent decades and is likely to continue to escalate for the foreseeable future, because of both real dynamics of migration flows and because of political dynamics including reactions to the Covid-19 pandemic. Existing governance regimes at the global, regional, and national levels somewhat order the migration issue arena and do much humanitarian good, but they also generate new problems and injustices. The perception of disorder in migration and citizenship are likely to continue to present challenges for liberal democracy and for international cooperation. This article outlines the contours of challenges of governing the movement of people since the end of the Cold War.
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The European Union presents itself, nowadays, as a unique space of freedom, allowing its citizens liberties and granting them rights never met in any other international organization. Moving on from the usual debate on the relationship between national sovereignty and common European approaches on matters regarding state security, the aim of this paper is to analyze the ways in which the member states regard and rule the issues related to international migration, and the ways in which European legislation influences the response to these issues. The European Agenda on Migration issued in May 2015 by the European Commission states, among others, the need for enforcing tools meant to ensure protection to displaced persons that are in need of it, in order to formulate a proper response to the ongoing migration crisis. Therefore, the question this paper aims to answer is to what extent are the institutions of the European Union, and the common policies they formulate, enabled to offer viable solutions in this matter, and what is the position of the national institutions and policies of the member states in this international framework? By creating a comparative analysis of the two levels of legislation, this paper scrutinizes the European Union’s current multilevel governance system applied to the particular matter of migration, and the shifts it took from Hooghe and Marks’s approach back in the 1990s.
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Editor-in-Chief of the Lithuanian Foreign Policy Review, Linas Kojala, sat down with the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Lithuania, Gabrielius Landsbergis, to talk about the most pressing foreign and security policy challenges for Lithuania and beyond. Topics including Belarus, China and the state of the transatlantic relationship were covered, among others. The conversation took place at the end of 2021.
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This article compares two theoretical tools popular among migration researchers: the concept of “bare life” offered by Giorgio Agamben, and the conceptualization of border practices and security in critical border and security studies. The paper presents how Agambenian theory seems to lack proper analysis of power, which can be provided by critical theory. Also, Agamben’s insufficient substantiation of resistance to exclusion should be supported by the normative critique offered by critical theorists of security. This enables proper examination of the humanitarian crisis provoked by both the Belarusian and Polish states’ bordering practices in 2021 and 2022. In result, an analysis of Polish and Belarusian bordering practices through this theoretical lens suggests how the critical approach to borders and security may be useful in depicting precisely the interplay of power within a sovereign state and in researching possibilities of resistance against practices of exclusion.
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Although migration has a dynamic structure, it is a complex social phenomenon with various inputs. In the phenomenon of migration, where space and time are the determining factors, economic, cultural, social and political reasons are among the basic inputs of migration. In addition, large-scale international migrations that have emerged in recent years have begun to be closely related to the formation of foreign policy. The nature of migrations began to change and the increasing numbers caused states to begin to evaluate the phenomenon of migration as a crisis. Therefore, the dramatic effects of foreign policies on international migration trends have begun to emerge. Also, mass migrations were sometimes used as a foreign policy tool. After the Second World War, it is the period when Western states started to try to solve immigration and immigration-related problems through legal means and accordingly developed their foreign policies. The statement “everyone has the right to seek and enjoy asylum in other countries under persecution” as stated in Article 14 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights has formed the basis of the documents determining the international refugee regime that will emerge from this date on. States against international migration events II. Following the World War II active foreign policy made the phenomenon of migration a global phenomenon. In this study, the relationship between migration and foreign policy is discussed, and it is emphasized how migration, which has become a global problem, is evaluated as a foreign policy tool for countries.
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Contemporary research on migration and border regimes emphasizes that migration produces effects beyond border control, as migrants act (partially) autonomously as individual or collective agents. On the discursive level, many representations tend to foster fantasies of refugees as autonomous political fighters, which overlooks their frequently peaceful aims and ignores non-violent (micro-)politics. Based on an example from Laura Otto’s fieldwork with young migrants in Malta, we claim that it is important for critical migration theory not to subsume diverse forms of agency and concrete actions of migrants too easily under the umbrella of the autonomy of migration, as autonomy is a highly ambivalent concept – not an end in itself. We propose to distinguish clearly between belligerent and peaceful forms of political agency. Beyond an understanding of autonomy as combative by principle, a post-autonomous viewpoint takes constructive interdependencies among migrants and non-migrant EU-populations into consideration, too.
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