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Rachel Carson’s book Silent Spring, published in 1962, warned the public about the harmful effects of pesticides, specifically DDT. The book was not only a scientific warning but also a literary masterpiece that captivated the public and mobilized them to defend the environment. Carson faced criticism and personal attacks from pesticide companies but her work, along with her unconventional background as a woman in the male-dominated field of science, inspired citizens to take action. The grassroots movements and the National Environmental Protection Act of 1970 (NEPA) were some of the outcomes of Carson’s work. It can be said that Carson sparked the American environmentalist movement. However, it is important to note that other individuals, particularly women, such as Dorothy Colson and Mamie Ella Plyer, also played a role in raising awareness about the issue before Carson. Carson’s publication of Silent Spring was one of the most important causes of the DDT pesticide ban. The paper also highlights how Carson’s own background is often overlooked in most history research.
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The paternalist mentality has tried to be revealed as a result of gender studies and has been criticized by feminists. Due to the “deficiencies” and “difficulties” of the woman’s body, the doors of the outside world were closed to her. This separation, which begins as soon as she is born, is a situation of marginalization that a woman will see and experience throughout her life. The clothes of nuns can be given as an example: In order to curb the body’s desires, the nuns’ clothing was aimed at reflecting the body based on decay, as a result of following an attitude that went as far as hating it. Recognition of freedom of dress will mean the removal of control over the female body. For this reason, the paternalist mentality that holds the politics in its hands has imposed bans on women wearing the trousers. This subject, which is at the intersection of law and gender, has been examined in this study. The effect of the gender rules that caused the prohibition of pants on the control of the female body was investigated, and then the prohibition of pants imposed on women in certain countries were examined in a chronological way. The study does not claim to bring the prohibition of pants under a holistic historical examination. In general, some historical examples are given with the emphasis on masculine domination. For Turkey, the problem was investigated on the basis of 1970 and later years. The place of the trousers ban in our country in the legislation was examined and the discussions on the abolition of the trousers ban were included in the parliamentary minutes. The ultimate aim of the study is to reveal the social struggle of women for the freedom to wear trousers.
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Gender mainstreaming has become necessary for the success of all military peace support operations. This requirement was first felt as the number of military interventions increased by the international community after the Cold War. This increase helped develop gender mainstreaming in global organizations and alliances like the United Nations and NATO. NATO has been an active actor in military operations recently, and lessons learned from these practices have demonstrated the need to develop a concept emphasizing gender mainstreaming in military organizations. This is also essential in the post-conflict resettlement and peacebuilding phases because the participation of all genders in this phase increases the success and sustainability of the settlement. This paper examines the development of gender mainstreaming in NATO and its subsequent impacts within the organization. This development has led to a change in mindset in planning and conducting military operations and organizational structures.
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Although there is no article in the national legislation in Türkiye that restricts women’s political rights, it is seen that the participation of women in decision-making mechanisms in the public sphere, both at the national and local level, is quite limited. According to the 2022 data from the World Economic Forum (WEF), Türkiye ranks 124th among 146 countries in the Gender Equality Ranking and 112th in the political empowerment ranking. “The European Charter for Equality of Women and Men in Local Life” was prepared in 2006 by the European Council of Municipalities and Regions (CEMR). This document is among the activities carried out under governance, democracy, and citizenship. It encourages local and regional governments to make a public commitment to achieving gender equality and implement the principles in the Charter. This specification, supported by the Union of Municipalities of Türkiye, has been signed by 31 municipalities in Turkey. Later, when the Istanbul Convention was withdrawn, the activities were slowed down, and the applications of the municipalities that signed and wanted to sign later were suspended. With a project carried out by the Association for Supporting Women Candidates, 17 new municipalities have signed terms, and then training has been given to promote gender equality. The organized capacity-building activities were evaluated under three main headings: relevance, effectiveness and sustainability. The most important commitment of the 17 signatories in terms of ensuring sustainability is to prepare the Local Action Equality Plan within two years. This study evaluates the steps taken by the pilot municipalities involved in the project to prepare the Local Equality Action Plan due to the capacity-building training that lasted for one year. A survey study and interviews with municipalities were carried out as a method. The participation of municipalities from different regions in the research revealed the importance of regional differences in promoting gender mainstreaming.
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This paper is based on the research related to the role of women’s rights movements for the development of civil society in Türkiye. Recent analyses reveal that the civil society has been in the development process since the late Ottoman Empire. Moreover, the post-1980s liberalization process of the public sphere has been in relation to the empowering civil society that has been also a scene of the women’s rights movements. Indeed, this was visible in parallel with the reform process in the 2000s under the Justice and Development Party (JDP) governments. In this regard, research shows that the development of civil society and the empowerment of the women’s rights movements has been in parallel that shows the strong role of women’s rights movements for the development of civil society in Türkiye. Preliminary research reveals that early struggle for women’s rights had been in the magazines and newspapers during the late Ottoman Empire. In 1914, Women’s University (Inas Darülfunun) was founded in Istanbul. With the foundation of the Republic of Türkiye in 1923 more freedom was provided for women in terms of lifestyle. The global wave of feminism influenced the women in Türkiye in the 1960s. In the post-1980s, first of all the magazines on the struggle of women emerged. In the 1990s, the research institutions on the gender and women’s studies started to emerge. Later, the organizations from various ideological positioning of women emerged for the struggle for women’s rights. Also, the development of internet technology contributed to the women’s movements’ being a part of the virtual public sphere. This paper presents the role of women’s rights movements for the development of civil society in Türkiye.
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Colonialism lived a negative indelible scar that pursues the rights of the African girl and woman till date. After the defeat of the Germans in Cameroon in 1916, the British and the French partitioned Cameroon. Britain later further divided its portion into British Southern and British Northern Cameroons and administered them as parts of Nigeria. From then on, women in this territory were marginalized by the British colonial administration. One would have expected a change after independence in 1961. Yet, that was not the case. This paper seeks to uncover some of the injustices perpetrated on the woman in West Cameroon during the British rule (1916-1961) and thereafter (1961-2022) despite her sacrifices. With the use of qualitative method, drown from a combination of primary (oral and archival) and secondary sources, it was observed that colonial tasks assigned to the woman and her treatment by the colonial authorities was not din. Their rights to social security were usurped. Even the breakdown of this territory into many slices sowed the seed of the Anglophone crisis that has lived the woman and the girl child perplex between the gun of government militia and that of secessionists. Today, many of them live with precarious situations as refugees in neighbouring countries or as internally displaced within Cameroon. This paper however recommends an effective decentralization in the absence of a federation as a long lasting solution to the problems of the girl child and mother in West Cameroon.
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Everyone under the age of eighteen is considered a child by the United Nations. This requires those who marry before the age of eighteen to be expressed as a child marriage. Gender refers to gender roles in society, which include the rights and responsibilities that society provides to the individual, according to biological sex. The disadvantage between the genders is predominant in women compared to men. For this reason, when thinking about gender, it is directly perceived gender inequality practices such as the disadvantages of women in the work-life balance, their power reduction against men, their employment in low positions with low wages, and their exposure to the glass-ceiling syndrome. The study aims to assess whether the child marriage problem has the ability to be an important indicator of interregional gender inequalities. For this purpose, the relationship between the rank of gender inequality and the weight of women who had their first marriage under the age of eighteen was analyzed in this study. As a result of that, it can be concluded that the weight of the child marriage is acceptable as an indicator of gender inequality against women.
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This paper presents a joint research study involving ten couples in two British cities: Nottingham and London in UK that were interviewed to explore their transnational relationships, families, and experiences of marriage migration. This paper explores the following research questions in the context of Chinese women’s transnational relationship and marriage migration to the UK: 1. What are the culturally situated understandings and experiences of intimate citizenship between Chinese women and their partners? 2. How do Chinese women negotiate perceived cultural, national, and ethnic differences within their relationships? 3. How does transnational migration shape their experiences of intimacy, and vice versa? In terms of methodology the paper uses a qualitative interview-based approach. Thus, ten couples in two British cities were interviewed pre-pandemic who met the following criteria: 1) currently or previously in a committed relationship; 2) the Chinese woman was born in the mainland China; 3) the western partner was born in the UK. The interviews lasted approximately 90 minutes and took place at a time and place of the participant’s choice. The participation was entirely confidential, and their responses were anonymized, as per the British Sociological Association’s code of ethical research. The paper will set out the main findings from the data in areas of such as cultural differences, maintaining spousal relationships, transnational family ties, and employment issues. We will also define the future direction of travel of the research which will explore the extent to which these findings remain constant or have changed in the post-pandemic world. To this end, the original participants will be reinterviewed using the same methods as during the pre-pandemic phase. Our working assumptions are that the main difference will be in the area of employment issues and possibility in terms of maintaining spousal relationships. We predict at this stage that there will be fewer changes in relation to transnational family ties and cultural differences. This paper is original in three main ways: firstly, its focus on Chinese migrant women; secondly, its methodology and thirdly, its pre and post-pandemic comparative focus.
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The objective of this study was to investigate the perceptions about sexual harassment among employees in the workplace in Indian companies and also examine gender differences in their responses. Prior research in the Indian context has shown that women have not reported incidences of sexual harassment at work. The main question is whether people in the workplace understand what is included in sexual harassment. Earlier research in educational institutions and workplace show that there are large gaps in the understanding of sexual harassment and what it entails and what it doesn’t. It is vital to investigate the perceptions about sexual harassment because if the individuals are not aware about it, there is a less chance of reporting related incidents. The current study surveyed employees (N = 1222; 71% men; 25% women; 4% unknown) anonymously from 12 Indian companies before a mandatory awareness and prevention of sexual harassment training session. Male employees reported a greater understanding of sexual harassment than females. However, more female employees reported greater accuracy for some of the questions related to false complaints and friendly flirting and consent. Nearly 50% of men either think that sexual harassment complaints are usually false or unjustified or they are not sure about it, compared to 26% of women. This is alarming and calls for better education with provision of statistics of complaints and false cases. It also seems that the women are more aware of the boundaries between flirting and sexual harassment than the men.
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Most positions of leadership in education and other domains are still held by men. Although there has been a renaissance in the debate regarding the inclusion of female leadership, the underlying gender-power dynamics and stereotypes are still valid and exerted worldwide. Women’s contribution in general, and their representation in leadership positions in Morocco will remain insignificant without major changes, efforts and support. The aim of this phenomenological study is to explore the gender gap in female educational leadership; as well as addressing the biases and barriers contributing to it. The purpose of this study is to examine the factors and challenges that keep women away from educational leadership through the lens of experienced Moroccan women educationalists. The ultimate goal is not only to unveil the reality of this exclusion, but also to help support any woman apt to occupy an educational leadership position in Morocco.
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Albanian society continues to be characterized by patriarchal elements and gender-based prejudices, which, despite all the progress made, are still strong. During the period of the communist regime, there appears to have been an attempt by communist policies to include women in various fields to convey the idea of equal opportunities between women and men. Meanwhile, after the regime ended, the fragility of the state structures, the transition state of the society and the social events that society faced were strong. On their way, not all these events spared to bring down whatever progress that could have been achieved in the improvement of the status and role of women. Through this article, it is intended to investigate the impact of social and economic developments after the fall of the regime in the strengthening of patriarchal society and gender stereotypes, which constitute strong obstacles for the progress of girls and women, both in the personal and social spheres. The main research question developed in this article is: How did social developments in the first decade after the regime collapsed affected the strengthening of gender stereotypes? Relevant literature, studies, reports, and statistics were explored in depth for the conduction of this article, through which the impact of social changes in women roles and status is analyzed. The study concludes that the social economic developments after the fall of the regime served as a nutrient to further strengthen the patriarchal and stereotypical mentality especially gender stereotypes, significantly affecting the reduction of opportunities for girls and women for education, work, career development, etc., which further affected the fragile status and roles of girls and women within family and public sphere.
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Women are more impacted by gender inequality than men are, despite the fact that it has a detrimental impact on both men’s and women’s lives in numerous areas. The purpose of this study is to explore the negative consequences of gender discrimination on women’s health and to offer plausible remedies. Women’s lives are constrained by socially acceptable norms and standards that are expected to be upheld throughout their lives. These restrictions prevent women from engaging in activities that would help them develop as people and prevent them from fully realizing their potential. At the same time, considering women only on the basis of gender and being exposed to discrimination cause physiological and psychological health problems, especially negative perception of women’s body image, reproductive health problems, and violence. Gender discrimination, which is one of the obstacles to the protection and development of women’s health, is not only an individual issue that concerns the private but also a social problem covering the whole. In this direction, priority should be given to care services with the idea of positive discrimination against women. Midwives and nurses, who have a closer relationship with women in the provision of health care services, should identify and evaluate gender discrimination in the individuals they encounter. It should adopt a holistic approach by including not only women but also their spouses in the training and information meetings it plans to implement. With the understanding of interprofessional cooperation, policymakers should be given opinions on updating laws and policies regarding inequality and the problems experienced as a result.
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Utopian novelists have provided alternative worlds for readers while criticizing the vices of current systems in their societies. Women writers, particularly, have tended to use utopias as vehicles to represent female struggle for emancipation in patriarchal societies. Notable feminist utopian writers, thus, have depicted a better life for women who are reduced to the secondary status and othered. The American author Charlotte Perkins Gilman and the Turkish writer Halide Edip Adıvar are distinguished examples of the female utopian novelists in world literature. In Herland (1915), Gilman both eliminated and criticized the American concepts of inequality, sexism, rivalry and capitalism by creating a land which is governed by women. Similarly, Adıvar created a utopian political party, Yeni Turan, to express her ideals about the new Turkish women in Yeni Turan (1913). Therefore, this study aims at presenting how Gilman and Adıvar similarly depicted utopian visions in their novels to convey their social reform ideals and advocate women’s rights in patriarchal societies. Within this scope, based on the comparative analysis of Herland and Yeni Turan, in this study, it is concluded that Adıvar and Gilman similarly conveyed their ideals about women, who could educate new generations for prosperous nations within utopian visions.
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Francophone Algerian novelist, translator, filmmaker, and politician Assia Djebar’s semi-autobiographical novel, Fantasia: An Algerian Cavalcade, reflects the efforts of the narrator for retrieving her identity as a Maghrebi and Algerian woman. Bringing women, who claim their roles in the Algerian Independence, to focus, the narrator reconstructs history from women’s viewpoint which enables her to negotiate her own past and identity. In Fantasia, language and culture emerge as the fundamental medium in which the narrator’s ambivalence is constructed. Firmly rooted in the narrator’s experience of colonial domination, the narrative of estrangement and ambivalence is intertwined with her experiences of colonial and patriarchal oppression as a female in Algeria. Oppression, therefore, takes the form of multiple impositions in Djebar’s novel. Algerian women are doubly oppressed as colonial subjects and as subjects who struggle for gaining agency in a coercively patriarchal society and culture. A Francophone educated in the colonizer’s schools, the narrator’s identity dilemmas and ambivalence are directly related with the colonial occupation of Algeria. Yet, the reason why Djebar’s work occupies an iconic position in the postcolonial field and women’s literature is that it both depicts the traumas of being a colonial subject who is bereft of her identity and language and the dilemma of being a woman suppressed by Islamic patriarchy. Djebar’s novel deals with these traumas and dilemmas by situating itself within écriture feminine—women’s writing—which allows the writer to experiment with the narrative form in her quest for a purely female medium of expression. To depict the traumas of colonial occupation and patriarchy, Djebar employs a fragmented narrative which juxtaposes diversified and multiple forms ranging from historical accounts of decolonization to Algerian women’s voices. In this paper, I argue that as a mixture of autobiography, reconstruction of history, postcolonial narrative, and women’s writing, Assia Djebar’s Fantasia: An Algerian Cavalcade occupies a cutting-edge position owing to the way it confronts with the double oppression of colonization and patriarchy and shows resistance to the mainstream narratives of history and culture constructed from the male viewpoint.
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The intersection of first-wave feminism and literature has been a well-trodden path in academic scholarship, especially after the hectic and generative political climate of the 1950s and 1960s which saw the first discursively replete emergence of identity politics. Despite electoral and legal gains being the primary goals of first-wave feminist movements in the West, an underlying subtler current co-existed that aimed beyond the explicit agenda of these movements, imagined a fuller realization of gender equality, and in so doing anticipated the radicality of second-wave feminism. Situated in the transitory period before the First World War, Rachel Crothers, one of the earliest female American playwrights of the twentieth century, wrote extensively on the theme of gender and tackled systemic social issues facing women from all walks of life. Her A Man’s World, first produced in 1909, centers upon the female protagonist Frank Ware who has adopted an orphan boy named Kiddie as an act of solidarity with his biological mother Alice Ellery. Alice was disgraced, suffered and died as a result of the embarrassment and abandonment by her then lover, Malcolm Gaskell whom Frank has been inadvertently involved with as a romantic partner. The play follows Frank’s struggles in the turn-of-the-century New York as a single mother and a prototypical modern independent woman. Reaching beyond the general feminist discourse of the period, the unembellished portrayal of a woman who has internalized equality as a core governing value functions to starkly contrast with the traditional modes of gender performance of the pre-war United States. This study argues that A Man’s World conceives—ahead of its time—a unique socio-cultural radicality by offering a defiantly variant woman of principle who refuses to negotiate for anything short of the structural change her convictions envision in the world while heralding the concepts of feminist sisterhood, ethics, and pedagogy that would gain ground decades later.
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The aim of this research is to discuss the key elements of the gender equality plan (GEP) development process in the universities and other research institutions, based on the experiences of the Gender Equality Plan preparation process at Yaşar University within the scope of the Horizon 2020 project titled “Linking Research and Innovation for Gender Equality (CALIPER)” from the perspective of the effects of the European Union financial supports on the institutional change process. The scope of the research includes the analysis process of the data obtained from the semi-structured interviews, focus groups and surveys conducted within the scope of internal and external current situation analysis, using qualitative and quantitative research methods. Through the research, main gaps in institutional processes, practices and procedures related to gender equality were identified under six key areas: human resources, institutional governance, research, teaching, institutional communication and gender-based harassment. The result of the research highlights the importance of evaluating the institutional factors and procedures with a multidimensional perspective in the planning and implementation of the institutional change process with respect to gender equality.
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Creating a work of art from the past to the present has always been a challenging process. If we look at this situation from a social point of view, the accessibility of art materials and the sensitivity and interest of the society in the field of art have played a role as slowing factors in the development of art. Along with such negative situations, especially female artists have been forced to stay in the background more than male artists due to both social and political situations. Women have not been able to represent themselves and take important positions in the history of art for centuries. Because of income inequality, society’s masculine idea of power and women’s workload in their private lives, it took until the 1960s for women to make their name known in the art world. While the radical revolutions in the 19th century and the new currents of thought that emerged as a result of these revolutions deeply affected art, feminist art emerged that affected the place and role of women in art. This movement aimed to emphasize the concepts of equality and freedom. Feminist art, which is seen as a revolutionary rebellion rather than a certain style, emphasizes the political and social differences that women artists are exposed to, while aiming to get rid of any discrimination. Since the Renaissance period, while women have been used as materials in art with their bodies and sexuality, they have begun to worry about entering the world of art as an “artist” with feminist art. In other words, women embarked on the adventure of seeking their own individuality within the feminist movement, thus the transition process of women from the object position under the pressure of the masculine power to the woman as the subject began in the history of art. In this paper, within the scope of both gallerists and collectors, the position, importance and changing role of the female artist in the process are examined, and the differences of being a female artist in the art market are emphasized by emphasizing the female artists who make-produce and sell.
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Homs City was heavily damaged during the Syrian War, and thousands of people were killed. However, the people of Homs City have shown remarkable resilience in rebuilding their city. In recent years, Homs City has begun to recover, and many people are returning to their homes.
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