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Učenici pišu esej na temu Tragika ratova devedesetih i ideal mira. Nastavnik/ca ocjenjuje radove učenika. U toku samog časa, nastavnik/ca prati svakog učenika/ce, bilježi njihov rad u grupi, njihovu aktivnost u grupi, učešće u diskusiji, pomoć i podsticaj koji pruža drugim članovima grupe, učešće u prezentovanju po završetku rada u grupi, učešće u analizi i diskusijama vezanim za materijale drugih grupa.
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Postignuća se mogu pratiti na osnovu aktivnosti učenika/ca i njihovih odgovora na času, kao i kvalitetom urađenih eseja.
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Svi učenici/e unose procjenu kvaliteta časa i postignuća u krug evaluacije, koji je podijeljen na četiri dijela, ocjenjuje se predavanje nastavnika/ce, tema, atmosfera na času i angažovanost učenika/ca, primijenjena metoda.
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Učenici/e unose procjenu kvaliteta časa i postignuća u krugu evaluacije, koji je podijeljen na četiri dijela, ocjenjuje se predavanje, tema, atmosfera na času i angažovanost učenika/ca, primjenjena metoda.
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Učenici/e će u grupama napraviti prezentacije sa različitim isječcima iz štampe, informativnih portala i dijelova sa utakmica u kojima se dešavaju nasilne scene, uz komentarisanje i diskusiju o uzrocima istih. Nastavnik može podjeliti učenike/ce na četiri grupe na isti način kao što su bili podijeljeni tokom časa.
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During the five centuries from the 15th to the end of the 20th century, the City of Sarajevo developed into a historical, social and urban entity. In the second half of the 20th century, the City of Sarajevo, as the capital of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, established and developed its self-governing autonomy in the management of urban, economic and cultural development. The city of Sarajevo reached new heights of urban and economic development during the realization of the project of holding the XIV Winter Olympic Games in 1984. After the announcement of the results of the citizens’ referendum on the sovereign and independent status of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992, the city of Sarajevo was exposed to a military siege from 1992 to 1995. The Dayton Peace Agreement established peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the City of Sarajevo was constitutionally designated as the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina. With the establishment of the Sarajevo Canton in 1996, the property and jurisdiction of the City of Sarajevo was transferred to the Sarajevo Canton. Amendment I to the Constitution of the Canton of Sarajevo established the City of Sarajevo without specific responsibilities and with a reduced territorial organization. Based on the conducted research, published in the study “Sarajevo city and region in time and space-study” (Pejanović et al., 2020), the paper provides a complete elaboration of the constitutional and legal position of the City of Sarajevo, within the basics of the concept of full jurisdiction of the City of Sarajevo and its new territorial organizations.
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Građani Sarajeva su kroz historiju prošli svašta, sve što se može proći u 560 godina. Većina nas živo pamti prve višestranačke izbore nakon doba socijalizma, koji se održavaju po tadašnjim socijalističkim republikama, u Bosni i Hercegovini 18. 11. 1990.
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Im seinem langen und sehr interessanten Leben erwarb Branislav Đurđev eine große Lebenserfahrung, die man auch in seinem wissenschaftlichen Werk spürt. Schon in realtiv jungen Jahren erwarb er sich den Ruf eines angesehenen Osmanisten. Hinter ihm blieb eine große Anzahl veröffentlichter Bücher, Abhandlungen, Beiträge und Essays. Dafür spricht auch die Bibliographie dieses Professors, die 306 bibliographische Einheiten zählt. In der vorliegenden Arbeit werden konkrete Daten zu seinen Interessen und Schwerpunkten in der Wissenschaft angeführt. Ebenso werden seine organisatorischen Fähigkeiten hevorgehoben, sowie herausragende Ämter, die er versah. Wenn man alle seine wissenschaftlichen und gesellschaftlichen Referenzen berücksichtig, sowie die Tatsache, dass er zum Professor für die Fächer Geschichte der jugoslawischen Völker in der türkischen Herrschaft und die Einführung in die historische Methodologie, kann man verstehen, warum er engagiert wurde, für den zweiten Band der Geschichte der Völker Jugoslawiens zu schreiben. Diese Studie umfasst den Zeitraum vom XVI bis Ende des XVIII Jahrhunderts. Als Mitglied der redaktionellen Kommission und Mitgleid des engeren Redaktionsstabs, sowie als Autor oder Mitautor der elf von fünfzig Kapiteln dieses Buchs, leistete er in diesem Projekt einen unermeßlichen Beitrag. Konkrete Informationen zu den Titeln und Untertiteln der Arbeiten Branislav Đurđevs werden in der vorliegenden Arbeit angeführt. Der große Beitrag von Professor Đurđev besteht auch darin, die bekanntesten damaligen Osmanisten aus Bosnien-Herzegowina dabei engagiert zu haben. Sie haben in einzelnen Kapiteln die breitere wissenschaftliche Öffentlichkeit an mehreren Stellen zum ersten Mal auf die Stellung und Bedeutung aufmerksam gemacht, welche Bosnien-Herzegowina bzw. das Bosnische Elajet im europäischen Teil des Osmanischen Reiches hatte. Ein besonderer Beitrag in diesem Buch, wie auch in seinem ganzen wissenschaftlichen Opus, waren seine Erörterungen über sie Serbisch-Orthodoxe Kirche in der osmanischen Periode. Zum ersten Mal wurde nun von Đurđev auf die Stereotype, und nicht zuletzt mythologische Darstellung dieser Religionsinstitution, nicht nur im serbischen Volk, sondern auch im osmanischen Staat, hingewiesen. Zahlreiche Beispiele anführend, bestritt er zahlreiche Vorurteile, die die damalige jugoslawische Geschichtsschreibung beherrschten. Faktographisch präzise, klar und kompromisslos wies er auf die Schädlichkeit dieser Einstellung hin. Deswegen hatte er zahlreiche Opponenten. Mehr darüber in der vorliegenden Arbeit. Obwohl einige Kollegen manche Thesen von Professor Đurđev zu einzelnen Fragen bestritten, ermöglichte seine Abhandlung über die Geschichte der Serbisch-Orthodoxen Kirche, dass die Arbeit an der Geschichte der Völker Jugoslawiens II zu Ende geführt und als Buch veröffentlicht wird, was einen großen Beitrag zur ex-jugoslawischen Osmanistik, in der der Name des Akademiemitglieds Branislav Đurđev unumgänglich ist, darstellt.
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U svom radu autorica prati zakonodavnu aktivnost ZAVNOBiH-a i vlade koja je nastala u okviru njega i prati proces stvaranja nukleusa kasnijeg bosanskohercegovačkog pravnog sistema, ukazujući na njegova načela, postepeni rast i preciziranje pravnih odnosa, vrsta i sadržaja zakona koji su donošeni, te daje ukupnu sliku koju je takva aktivnost ZAVNOBiH-a proizvela u oblasti o pravnog poretka u zemlji.
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Autor u svom prilogu obrazlaže sve bitne razloge i izlaže argumente na temelju kojih se odluka o obnovi državnosti Bosne i Hercegovine donijeta na Prvom zasjedanju ZAVNOBiH-a mora smatrati za najvažniju i najdalekosežniju odluku tog zasjedanja, kao što ukazuje i na njeno značenje u današnje vrijeme njenog ponovnog osporavanja.
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U radu “Agresija na BiH – negacija ZAVNOBiH-a” se kroz više aspekata sagledava u kojoj mjeri je agresija na BiH, u periodu 1991-1995., doprinijela destrukciji odluka i duha ZAVNOBiH-a. Ovo polazno stanovište je testirano na pojavi velikodržavnih projekata, krizi jugoslovenskog društva u kontekstu opšte svjetske krize socijalizma, stvaranju nacionalnih država na tlu bivše Jugoslavije, pojavnim oblicima nacionalizma i drugih retrogradnih ideologija, te pojavi neofašizma. Posebno su negirane odredbe Rezolucije ZAVNOBiH-a od 26. novembra 1943. i Deklaracije ZAVNOBiH-a o pravima građana Bosne i Hercegovine, od 1. jula 1944. S tim u vezi, naročito je u koincidenciju dovedena agresija i negiranje odluka pomenutih dokumenata da narodi BiH ne žele više povratak starog stanja, ravnopravnost Srba, Muslimana i Hrvata BiH, koja je njihova zajednička i nedjeljiva domovina; sloboda vjeroispovjesti, savjesti, zbora, dogovora, udruživanja i štampe, i dr. Agresija je značila i negaciju svih tekovina ZAVNOBiH-a, koje su se manifestovale u multietničnosti, multikonfesionalnosti i multikulturalnosti. Izvršen je atak na državu BiH, ravnopravnost njenih naroda, toleranciju i suživot. Na djelu su različiti oblici zločina, kršenje ljudskih prava i sloboda, te destrukcija ustavnopravnog poretka BiH, svojevrsni urbicid i stvaranje etnički čistih teritorija, sa neviđenom propagandom i populizmom.
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From the start of the uprising in summer 1941, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia conceived of the People’s Liberation Struggle in Bosnia-Herzegovina as a specifically Bosnian-Herzegovinian liberation struggle, waged under Bosnian-patriotic slogans. Nevertheless, the status of Bosnia-Herzegovina within the future Yugoslav state was not definitely resolved until November 1943. This period – autumn 1943 – witnessed the mass influx of Muslim Bosniaks into the People’s Liberation Movement, definitely transforming it from a movement that was overwhelmingly ethnic-Serb in composition into one that had a large Muslim Bosniak component as well. A decisive catalyst for the mass entry of Muslim Bosniaks in East Bosnia into the NOP was the fear among them that Hitler would cede East Bosnia to Nedić’s Serbia, thereby establishing a Great Serbia in which the Muslim Bosniaks would be subjected to genocide. The KPJ, by championing Bosnian-Herzegovinian self-determination, was able to win over a large part of the Muslim Bosniak population that feared the Great Serbian threat. This paper will look at the relationship between the Great Serbian threat and the influx of Muslim Bosniaks into the NOP during 1943.
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The fundamental principles of the renewed statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina were defined by the decisions of ZAVNOBIH (The State Antifascist Council for the National Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina) and improved within the constitutional-legal and political construction of the Republic as an equal member of the Yugoslav Federation from the First Session of ZAVNOBIH in Mrkonjić-Grad on 25 November 1943 to the constitutional amendments adopted in 1990 according to which it is defined as “a democratic sovereign state of equal citizens, the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina – Muslims, Serbs, Croats and other people and nations who live in it”. The author is engaged in how these principles were represented and articulated in the attitudes of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the peace negotiations conducted in various formats of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia in the period from February 1992 to November 1995, by negotiators and international peacekeepers, as well as their compatibility with the constitutional-legal basis of individual peace plans for Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Along with the formation of the Kingdom of SHS, the policy of denying the historical specialties and integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina continued in the new state legal framework and changed historical circumstances. By introducing the “Six days of January” dictatorship in 1929, the policy of decommissioning of the territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina was formalized and the culmination of the denial of the historical, state-legal and political-territorial entity of Bosnia and Herzegovina occurred through the signing of the Cvetković-Maček agreement in 1939. The denial and destruction policy of Bosnia and Herzegovina continued to carry out the Ustasa and Chetnik movements in the Second World War. The common position of the protagonists of the Greater Serbia and Croatian politics in the interwar and war period was a sharp opposition to any idea that envisioned a territorially integrated and autonomous Bosnia and Herzegovina. Criminal ideologies and the policies of destruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina were opposed by anti-fascists from all the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the ZAVNOBiH sessions, they restored Bosnia and Herzegovina’s statehood and created joint federal units with joint forces, which became part of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia in the second session of the AVNOJ with the political will of the Bosnian delegates. The decisions of the ZAVNOBiH constituted a historical negation of the great state policies of the division and destruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina. They made possible the resurgence of the former Bosnian state and provided it with the necessary state-legal and political elements for its renewed existence after the collapse of the medieval Bosnian state in 1463. In short, the anti-fascist forces restored the territorial integrity and statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina at the ZAVNOBiH sessions. By adopting the first Constitution after the end of the Second World War, Bosnia and Herzegovina defined its internal organization, the highest legal act, in accordance with the political and economic conditions at that time. It is defined as the nation’s republican state which had sovereign rights and statehood. By the adoption of the first post-war constitution of the People’s Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the construction of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina was completed.
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The historical decisions made at the assembly of AVNOJ and ZAVNOBIH, regardless of the socio-political context of their interpretation, represent permanent values of anti-fascist voices from Bosnia and Herzegovina at the midst of World War II. These were the steps that preserved the inner being of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the connection of its all centuries old symbols. The dynamics of memories and public perception of significant dates have been altered due to changes in the value of the political framework in the socialist and post-socialist period. In the case of AVNOJ and ZAVNOBIH, different treatment of events can be seen related to state holidays. The Yugoslav culture of memory included all segments of society, in order to shape the formative forces of the desired articulation of remembrance. The historical places are shaped in places of memory, in which deep symbolic connections. Such is an example can be followed Bihać, Mrkonjić-Grad and Jajce, as well as the events which have been organized for the purpouse of among anniversaries in these cities. State holidays and commemorative dates were in the crisis during the time dissolution of Yugoslavia and in clash of overall legacy of communism. In the period of democratic changes, the coarse selection, partial or complete rejection and denial has occurred. AVNOJ’s current socio-political context has become completely useless, while ZAVNOBIH has been perceived in three ways in the 1990s in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The ethnic divisions after the Dayton Peace Agreement have resulted in the relativization and denial of anti-fascist legacy and the identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The public monuments and spaces related to this were abused in order to deepen the national divisions and disrupt the idea of equality of citizens and nations, which was achieved 75 years ago. In this case, it is not just about transforming memories, but about undermining universal civilizational values in order to strengthen nationalisms. Such a relationship to the AVNOJ and ZAVNOBIH and their significance for Bosnia and Herzegovina points to a serious crisis of democratic values.
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Duboke etničke podjele i negativni historijski narativi – dodatno osnaženi institucionalnim okvirima politika – i dalje koče proces pomirenja u Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH). Lične i kolektivne traume obično se transformiraju u prepričavanje historijskih narativa i koriste za intenziviranje osjećaja neprijateljstva prema “drugima” i želje za osvetom, ometajući tako procese zacjeljivanja i društvene obnove. Snažna kultura poricanja i neprihvatanja narativa onih drugih svakodnevna je pojava, a prate je etničke i vjerske podjele, potpirivanje nesigurnosti i sve veće prijetnje budućim sukobima. Prisutna je i na individualnom i na kolektivnom nivou, jačajući tako redovnu politiku usmjerenu protiv onih “drugih.” U obrazovnim planovima i programima se izostavljaju perspektive različitih etničkih i vjerskih grupa, a historija iz devedesetih godina još uvijek nije pronašla put do školskih udžbenika (vidi dio autorice Jeftić u ovom zborniku). Uz sve ovo su prisutni siromaštvo i slab ekonomski razvoj što doprinosi stvaranju okruženja koje njeguje kulturu nasilja, umjesto nenasilja i prosperiteta. Takva atmosfera prožima društveni život, ali istovremeno otkriva višestruke oblasti za intervenciju, njene brojne izvršitelje i različite vrste u dinamičnom procesu društvene promjene (npr. Kreisberg 1991; Senehi 2002). Uprkos brojnim strukturnim i infrastrukturnim projektima kojima su ponovo izgrađene državne institucije i domovi te poboljšani uslovi za povratnike/ce, proces društvene obnove u BiH je propao što ukazuje na potrebu za različitim intervencijama u cilju pružanja novih mogućnosti za pozitivnu transformaciju. Catholic Relief Services (CRS), u partnerstvu sa organizacijom Caritas Bosne i Hercegovine, je prepoznao potrebu za interveniranjem i osmislio projekat Choosing Peace Together (Izaberimo mir zajedno – CPT) koji je finansirala Američka agencija za međunarodni razvoj (USAID) od 2009. do 2013. godine.
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Nakon strašnih zločina počinjenih u Bosni i Hercegovini i regiji, koji su uključivali masovna ubistva te silovanja žena i muškaraca, brojne preživjele i žrtve i dalje žive u sjeni stigme i šutnje koju su im nametnule etno-nacionalističke agende, ali i kulturne i religijske norme da bi se zaštitili ponos i čast porodica i nacija. Stvaranje i reproduciranje kulturnih i političkih narativa produbljuje traumu i patnju politizacijom i etnizacijom statusa žrtve. Prevladavajući diskurs neoliberalnih i etno-nacionalnih matrica (zlo)upotrebljava preživjele za vlastite politike i ciljeve, dok istovremeno preuzima ulogu čuvara njihovih interesa. Čitajući narative žena iz Bosne i Hercegovine (BiH), istražujem na koji je način etno-nacionalni diskurs žrtve utišao brojne žene i otuđio ih od preživjelih koje pripadaju drugim etničkim grupama. Zajedno sa neoliberalnim razumijevanjem i očekivanjima koja se pripisuju identitetima žrtve/preživjele, taj diskurs otuđuje žene iz vlastite etničke grupe jer mnoge odbijaju politizaciju iskustva i upisivanje etničkih narativa po svojim tijelima. Jedno od rješenja za nametnuto pozicioniranje i etiketiranje može biti zahtijevanje prava na samoidentifikaciju, kako navode Rebecca Stringer (2014) i Alyson Cole (2006) ili omogućavanje “oslobađajuće epistemologije” s tijelom žene kao mjestom značenja i iskustva, kako predlaže Tamy Spry (1995: 27) u svom radu na usmenoj historiji. U ovom radu razmatram: 1) politiku i etnizaciju tijela žena 2) na koji način feministička debata i jezik o žrtvi, preživjeloj i moći djelanja (engl. agency) osnažuju ili obesnažuju žene u suočavanju s vlastitim identitetima i njihovom poimanju 3) kako prevazići binarnost žrtva/preživjela koju su nametnuli međunarodna donatorska politika, nauka i ženske organizacije te kako omogućiti novi vokabular samoidentifikacije.
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Rat koji je u Bosni i Hercegovini trajao od 1992. do 1995. godine je ostavio preko 100 000 mrtvih, skoro polovina države je raseljena, a porodice raštrkane širom planete. Nakon rata, desetine hiljada žena su posrtale pod teretom seksualnog nasilja, gubitka voljenih osoba, finansijske oskudice i mnogih drugih traumatičnih iskustava. Kao i nakon oružanih sukoba prije i kasnije, prekid nasija nije donio trajan mir pogođenim zajednicama niti je osigurao provođenje pravde. Umjesto toga, Dejtonskim sporazumom iz 1995. godine država je podijeljena na dva polu-autonomna entiteta, te je imenovana nepredvidiva konsocijetalna vlada koja je značajnu vlast dala u ruke političkim vođama koji su i predvodili rat. Žene su izostavljene iz formalnog mirovnog procesa iako su za njih izdvojeni milioni dolara u vidu međunarodne humanitarne pomoći.
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