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The Hague tribunal is anything but a model for the enforcement of liberal rules. Its emergence is a classic example of diplomatic impotence and clever use of a “legal ideal” to push a particular political and legal agenda.
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Starting from the analysis of the texts of the American political scientist J. Mearsheimer created during the aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina, the central theme of the paper is Mearsheimer’s view on the Bosnian issue. The political-administrative organization of Bosnia and Herzegovina is still a relevant topic that takes the form of a permanent political crisis. The paper presents a synthesis of Mearsherimer’s conceptions immanent in the theory of offensive realism, as well as a breakdown of post-Cold War political processes which, according to the principle of causality, can be viewed as a catalyst for the aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina. Understanding the current dynamics of world political movements with an emphasis on Bosnia and Herzegovina is one of the fundamental components of this work.
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Review of: Almir Bašović, Kalemi i biljezi: O sjenkama rata, smijeha i granice u bosanskoj i hrvatskoj književnosti, Kulturno društvo Bošnjaka Hrvatske ˝Preporod˝, Zagreb, 2020.
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Review of: Sead Turčalo, Hikmet Karčić (Eds.), Bosnian Genocide Denial and Triumphalism: Origins, Impact and Prevention, Faculty of Political Science University of Sarajevo, Srebrenica Memorial Center, and Institute for Islamic Tradition of Bosniaks, Sarajevo, 2021.
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Review of: Genocid nad Bošnjacima, Srebrenica 1995–2020: Uzroci, razmjere i posljedice, Muamer Džananović, Zilha Mastalić-Košuta and Merisa Karović-Babić (Eds.), Institut za istraživanje zločina protiv čovječnosti i međunarodnog prava Univerziteta u Sarajevu - Univerzitet u Sarajevu - Univerzitet u Tuzli - Institut za historiju Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Sarajevo – Tuzla, 2021.
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Review of: Lejla Hairlahović-Hušić: Identitet/i muslimana u Cazinskoj krajini, Institut za historiju Univerziteta u Sarajevu – Filozofski fakultet Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, Sarajevo – Zagreb, 2021.
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Until the Ten-Day War in Slovenia in 1991, Germany was very reserved about Yugoslavia. Until the Yugoslav army attack on Slovenia, German's policy did not differ from that of the entire West; it was focused on the support and preservation of the integrity of Yugoslavia. However, the violence that German politics firmly rejected started a change in her position. First, she supported joint negotiations: together with the members of the European Community and the United States, she was looking for a solution to the crisis. But from autumn 1991 on, it was no longer questionable for Germany whether the two countries would be recognized or not, but to find the right moment to do so. On 27 November, German Chancellor Helmut Kohl announced that Germany would recognize Slovenia and Croatia before Christmas. At that time, Germany began to lobby other EC countries to join her, despite opposition from the United Nations and the USA. At the Foreign Ministers' meeting on 16 December, EC members decided that the recognition of Slovenia and Croatia would enter into force on 15 January 1992. That was Germany's great diplomatic success.
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The article focuses on the first period of revolutionary violence and uses sources reviewed thus far to show that the revolutionary side in Ljubljana and its immediate surroundings carried out attacks, kidnappings and assassinations targeting around 200 people between July 1941 and the end of October 1942 until the emergence of the counter-revolutionary side’s armed units; as many as around 170 of those people were killed. The vast majority of them were civilians or non-military persons, but there were also some victims from the revolutionaries’ own ranks – these were Partisan deserters or “unreliable persons”. The article contains an up-to-date list of the names of the victims from this period.
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The paper presents civic guards in southern Notranjska region, in the area of three present-day municipalities: Bloke, Cerknica and Lož Valley. Among the materials that helped us prepare the paper, the minutes of the interrogations of civic guards at local military courts in Kočevje and Ribnica have special significance, as they offer us an insight into the formation and operation of civic guards and reasons for enlisting with them.
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Review of: Gaj Trifković, Sea of Blood: A Military History of the Partisan Movement in Yugoslavia 1941-45. Warwick: Helion & Company, 2022, 448 str.
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Review of: Jože Možina, Slovenski razkol: okupacija, revolucija in začetki protirevolucionarnega odpora, Medijske in raziskovalne storitve, Jožef Možina, s. p.; Društvo Mohorjeva družba in Celjska Mohorjeva družba, d. o. o.; Mohorjeva družba v Celovcu; Goriška Mohorjeva družba, Ljubljana, Celje, Celovec, Gorica, 2019, 624 pp.
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The article deals with the operation of the Yugoslav communist camp for political prisoners and prisoners of war, which was founded by Ozna (Department for the Protection of the People) in the institution Škofovi zavodi (Bishop’s institutions) in Šentvid nad Ljubljano immediately after the end of the Second World War in May 1945. A more detailed overview of the regime in the Šentvid camp shows that internees dealt with severe overcrowding, severe hunger, poor hygienic conditions, frequent health problems, and various forms of physical and psychological violence. As a result, some of the prisoners died already in the camp, and many of them were taken to be executed at killing grounds without any judicial processes, especially to the killing grounds in the area of Kočevski rog. The only releases of a large number of internees took place after the amnesty in August 1945; only a few internees at the Šentvid camp lived long enough to have reached them.
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The contribution contains an overview of the Communist Party‘s operation in the Kamnik area as well as some consequences of its operation during the war and in the early post-war years. The analysis based on archival and other sources shows the organisation and operation of the Communist Party during the war and the consequences of its operation. This refers mainly to the victims, most of which were civilians. The article also presents the post-war repressive measures and the influence the Communist Party had over development in the early post-war years. This period is imbued with revolutionary violence and represents the toughest period of communist totalitarianism.
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The article focuses on the question of how many residents of the Primorska region decided to move abroad after the communist system was established in Yugoslavia and the new Yugoslav-Italian border was drawn. It was found that a portion of the population must have undergone such pressures that many individuals or even entire families decided for the dangerous and illegal journey across the border where they faced an uncertain future. Furthermore, motives for departure of those who decided to leave their hometown with the government's permission are presented (the so-called optants).
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In totalitarian countries, everything is subordinated to a certain ideology and dictator or party. The powers of the state are unified. Crime is part of the system. Violations of human rights occur daily. Strong political police forces are present. An effective method of repression are politically motivated trials (or show trials); their purpose is to eliminate actual and alleged enemies and to intimidate people. The trials are only seemingly being carried out in accordance with legal norms. In reality, their course and outcome are dictated either by the dictator or the party. During the Second World War, the Kočevje trial took place. It served as an example for all post-war show trials in Slovenia. It was not carried out in accordance with legal norms: in the investigation and the actual trial, human rights were violated, only witnesses and evidence that incriminated the accused were considered, the indictment was issued too late which prevented the accused from preparing their defence, the defending counsels faced a conflict of interests, the judges were lay judges. Additionally, the court in Kočevje had no legal basis since the Kingdom of Yugoslavia still existed at the time.
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The organization of the Yugoslav armed forces into two strategic components of which the Yugoslav People's Army was one, while the others were made up from the territorial defence forces of the Yugoslav republics and autonomous regions, was a concept based on the idea of a massive and general popular resistance, modelled on the partisan movement from the times of the Second World War. From the outset their development and organizational forms were significantly determined, among other things, by the relationship between the unitarist and separatist tendencies and policies, which was a permanent feature of the complete development of the Yugoslav political system that had its final expression in the provisions of the Constitution of the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia that had been adopted in 1974. The Constitution defined as the right and duty of municipalities, autonomous regions and republics that, in accordance with the system of people’s defence, each one could regulate and organize the people’s defence forces on its own territory. The Law on the people’s defence also delimited and stipulated that the relevant organs of the Federation established the basic plans concerning the development and implementation of Yugoslav armed forces as a whole, securing the unity of their actions and organizing and preparing the Yugoslav People’s Army, while the relevant organs of the republics, regions and municipalities organized and prepared the territorial defence forces and secured the unity of its organization, preparation and action on their respective territories. This was the basic constitutional responsibility in terms of defence which was not changed for the duration of the common state’s existence. Interventions regarding the organization of Yugoslav armed forces that were implemented since the 1980’s were reflected on certain formational solutions, some aspects of relations in the command and control lines and in the selection of personnel for the most responsible duties in the detachments and headquarters of territorial defence forces, but in essence it did not affect the doctrine nor did it change or derogate the constitutional authority of the republics or their state organs in the domain of defence. The state organs of Bosnia and Herzegovina attempted to secure an equal position in the process of Yugoslav dissolution, up to the extent to which this was possible and within the framework of their jurisdiction. In official documents that were adopted in the Assembly in October 1991 and which defined the determination and attitudes of Bosnia and Herzegovina concerning the possible arrangement of the Yugoslav union and the future relations within it, the constitutional authority of the Presidency was confirmed in the domain of defence as well as in the command and control over the territorial defence forces. After the proclamation of state independence and its subsequent international recognition, the dramatic political crisis escalated into an armed aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina. By proclaiming the state of direct military threat, the Presidency assumed the responsibilities of the Assembly, and with a set of legal acts quickly defined the forms, organization and dynamic of the development of its own armed forces. This development was quickly initiated on 8 April 1992 with the abolishment of the Republican headquarters of the Territorial defence forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the establishment of the Headquarters of the Territorial defence forces of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which assumed command over the subordinate headquarters and detachments with an unchanged formation and structure. The Decree with legal power that was passed on 20 May defined that Armed forces in peacetime were made up of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, while in wartime they also included the police forces and all other armed units that placed themselves under their command. It was stipulated that until the Army became established, its function in the Armed forces would be performed by the Territorial defence forces of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. On 4 July 1992 the Presidency as the highest organ of leadership and command passed a Decision about the organization of the Armed forces of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, whereby the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was officially formed and put into function, while the Territorial defence forces stopped existing.
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Review of: Zoran M. Jovanović, Nadbiskupija beogradska u misiji spasavanja Jevreja i Jevrejki od Holokausta – Prilog za biografiju Josipa Ujčića i kao natpastira, Beogradska nadbiskupija, 2022
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In this paper, the author deals with the socio-political and historical circumstances of Montenegro in the period of the nineties of the 20th century in the context of the collapse of the SFR Yugoslavia in the civil war. The author of the paper pays special attention to the reactions of engaged intellectuals and their polemics, and above all, to the role and involvement of the writer Jevrem Brković in anti-war politics and the fight for the independence of Montenegro. The author depicts the political circumstances and the development of society under the influence of various influences from the country and abroad. The overall polemic conducted among the intellectuals was only the other side of the polemic of the politicians, but the politicians marked the polemics of intellectuals as the conversation of "immature" people. That is, especially those opinions that were dissonant in relation to politics were subjected to cynical mockery, which was supposed to indicate who is in power. At that time, intelligence was considered superfluous. However, through the activities of intellectuals, the "Second Montenegro" was created, to which Jevrem Brković made a great contribution with his involvement.
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The aim of this article is to examine US government documents on the war in Bosnia declassified in 2013. The files provide a rich source for research on Bosnia in the early 1990s and how the US perceived and responded to the war. While there are different types of declassified documents, the article will focus on how assessments and predictions on Bosnia measured up to what actually took place.
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The subject of this paper is the analysis of the role of the United States of America in stopping the aggression and ending the international armed conflict, which was fought on the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from 1992 to 1995. For the purpose of the above, the author first explains the basic characteristics of the crime of aggression within the modern system of international law. After that, referring to the relevant judgments of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the author specifically analyzes the legal nature of the armed conflict that took place on the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from 1992 to 1995, with the aim of proving that it was an international armed conflict. The author pays special attention to the increased foreign policy engagement and diplomatic pressure of the United States of America, which ultimately led to a sustainable peaceful solution - first through the conclusion of the Washington Agreement, and then the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina initialed in Dayton, which ended the international armed conflict that took place on the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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