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Albanians and Their Neighbors: Unfinished Business

Albanians and Their Neighbors: Unfinished Business

Author(s): / Language(s): English

On April 7 and 8, 2000, senior Albanian politicians from Albania, Kosovo, Macedonia, and Montenegro met with leaders of the democratic opposition in Serbia and leaders of the Kosovar Serb community; other political leaders from Macedonia and Montenegro; and representatives from Bulgaria, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Romania, the United States, the Council of Europe, the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, the OSCE, the European Union, NATO, and the United Nations. This unprecedented meeting, which was held in Budapest, Hungary, marked the start of a major initiative by the Project on Ethnic Relations on “Albanians and Their Neighbors.” It is aimed at maintaining a region-wide, high-level dialogue on the most explosive ethnic-political issue in Europe today. This report captures and records the main theme of this opening discussion: the conflicting hopes and fears of diverse ethnic communities during a period of rapid and often violent change in the Balkans. Three issues dominated the meeting: the current and future status of Kosovo and its impact on the politics of the region; interethnic arrangements in Montenegro and Macedonia and the relations of Albanians with the majority populations in those republics; and whether Albanian leaders in the region aspire to the creation of a “Greater Albania.”

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Kosovo 2005: Assuring Security for the Neighborhood

Kosovo 2005: Assuring Security for the Neighborhood

Author(s): / Language(s): English

In the late summer and fall of 2004 the news from Kosovo was dominated by the run-up to the province’s parliamentary elections, which were held in October, and the question of whether the Kosovo Serbs would take part. While Serbian president Boris Tadic encouraged Kosovo’s Serbs to participate in the elections (though at the very last moment), prime minister Vojislav Kostunica, arguing that Kosovo’s provisional government had failed to protect the Serb community, strongly urged a boycott, and, in the event, on October 23 less than one percent of the Serbs living in Kosovo turned out to vote. On the heels of this development, which seemed to promise continued difficulties in the relationship between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo, the Project on Ethnic Relations (both through its Princeton headquarters and its Center for Central, East, and Southeast Europe in Bucharest) together with the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, organized a roundtable meeting on “Kosovo 2005: Assuring Security for the Neighborhood.” The meeting, which was held in Bucharest, took up issues of Kosovo’s political dynamics, including Serb participation in Kosovo’s provisional institutions of self-government, implementation of United Nations standards for Kosovo, ways to approach the issue of Kosovo’s status, relations between Belgrade and Pristina and the impact of developments in Kosovo on regional security. At the time of the meeting Kosovo’s new coalition government had not yet been formed, and neighboring states sought a chance to communicate with leaders from both Pristina and Belgrade about how resolution of the province’s political status might move forward, and how the open issue of Kosovo affects a region that is eager for increased stability and, ultimately, European integration.

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Contributor Profile: The Republic of Macedonia

Contributor Profile: The Republic of Macedonia

Author(s): Andreja Bogdanovski / Language(s): English

Over the past decade, Macedonia has provided only a few peacekeepers to UN peace operations. Instead, it has almost exclusively focused on participation in EU and NATO missions. Macedonia’s participation in UN peace operations began in October 2006 when it deployed a single police officer to UNMIL in Liberia to work on gender issues. Currently, it contributes a single soldier to UNIFIL in Lebanon. Macedonia has offered a limited contribution to UNIFIL since 2007, with one staff officer in charge of collecting information from both sectors East and West based in the mission’s Joint Operational Centre in Naqoura. As such, Macedonia lags behind its neighbors in the Western Balkans in terms of contributions of uniformed personnel to UN missions.

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Civilian Capacities for Peace Operations. Case Study – Finland

Civilian Capacities for Peace Operations. Case Study – Finland

Author(s): Andreja Bogdanovski / Language(s): English

This policy paper examines the Finnish experience regarding the civilian capacities for peace operations. As such, it illustrates how this segment of Finland’s foreign policy has been developing over the years and it went through several transformations by way of its own internal reform processes. It begins by looking at the wider context in which the model operates because of Finland’s membership in the European Union and its substantial involvement and interaction with other regional organisations such as the OSCE, the Council of Europe and the UN. The text continues by describing Finland’s institutional arrangements for sending civilian capacities abroad, by explaining the main state structures in charge of the implementation of the policy (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Interior and the Crisis Management Centre). The policy paper concludes with an analysis of the legal backbone of Finland’s civilian participation in, and contribution to, peace operations.

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№219. The Bosnian Hiatus: A Story of Misinterpretations
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№219. The Bosnian Hiatus: A Story of Misinterpretations

Author(s): Goran Tirak / Language(s): English

After seven years of debate, the decision to close the office of the High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina (OHR), an international body overseeing the peace implementation in Bosnia, has not yet been implemented. Bosnia is a potential EU candidate, but the majority of member states do not consider Bosnia capable of negotiating membership with the Union while the OHR remains the supreme authority governing the country. However, there was never enough political will on the part of any of the actors to bring about closure of the OHR.

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№03 EUROPEAN REFORM AGENDA: GOOD GOVERNANCE AND RULE OF LAW. (Progress Report)
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№03 EUROPEAN REFORM AGENDA: GOOD GOVERNANCE AND RULE OF LAW. (Progress Report)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

European Reform Agenda (ERA) was introduced as an attempt to increase the attention of the Kosovo Government on pressing issues, related to the Good Governance and Rule of Law; Competitiveness and Investment Climate; Employment and Education. The government recognizes ERA as an important reform generator. Initiated by EU Commissioner for European Neighborhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations (DG NEAR), Johannes Hahn, ERA is also a high-level dialogue between Kosovo and the EU. The document was designed to streamline priority reforms that would improve the performance of institutions and hopefully accelerate the Kosovo’s slow-paced progress toward EU. Yet, almost a year after the launch little was achieved. The institutions were remarkably passive on implementing the priorities and actions. Deadlines in the agenda (action plan) are largely missed. Implementation has slipped for numerous reasons and the process reflects on the weakness of the institutions; lack of will and coordination are key. ERA needs a new momentum; the government should press on the full implementation with a priority and adopt a new timetable.

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№11 The Brussels Dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia. Achievements and Challenges
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№11 The Brussels Dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia. Achievements and Challenges

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

This report describes the dialogue process in detail; the achieved agreements, their implementation or lack of thereof, and the impact of these agreements. The report treats both technical and political agreements as part of a single process eased by the EU’s involvement. Since the government and other institutions do not have complete information regarding the entire dialogue, this report will serve to create a better institutional memory system for the Government. These descriptions are also significant for the new dialogue phase with Serbia.

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Progress Undone? Trading Democracy for Solving the Status Dispute in Kosovo
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Progress Undone? Trading Democracy for Solving the Status Dispute in Kosovo

Author(s): Bodo Weber / Language(s): English

Through their single-minded focus on the Dialogue, driven by tactical, short-term and short-sighted considerations, the EU and the US have directly and consistently contributed to worrying trends in Kosovar politics. Less than a year after the EU supported the coalition deal designed to get the Belgrade-Prishtina Dialogue back on track, Kosovo is again in the throes of an institutional crisis with recent opposition protests and blockage of the parliament’s work. The irony is that the damage inflicted on Kosovo’s already-fragile democracy by the EU and the US now threatens the very progress achieved in the Dialogue. In order to prevent a further deterioration of the situation and strengthen democracy and rule of law in Kosovo, the EU and the US must undertake a number of policy adjustments.

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From Bratislava to Bratislava – The Regulation Process of the Transnistrian Conflict is sliding back to Years 2002-2003
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From Bratislava to Bratislava – The Regulation Process of the Transnistrian Conflict is sliding back to Years 2002-2003

Author(s): Ion Tăbârță / Language(s): English

The accession to the government of PSRM, a political party with strong pro-Russian tendencies and which has openly stated more than once in the past that it is in the favor of achieving the settlement of the Transnistrian conflict through the federalization of the Republic of Moldova, has increased Russia’s influence in the political processes taking place in Chisinau. At the same time, the PSRM government, concentrated around President Igor Dodon, generated suppositions that in the near future we could expect the signing of a document which would regulate the Transnistrian conflict. These assumptions were fueled by the failed attempts to sign the Protocol of in the “5+2” format reunion on October 9-10, 2019 in Bratislava, and at the 8th Conference on strengthening the confidence in the Transnistrian conflict settlement process which took place in Munich on November 4-5, 2019. The belief the public space it was that the draft protocol could lead to the de fact federalization of the Republic of Moldova. The rumor in the political backstage was that the protocol was blocked by former Deputy Prime Minister for Reintegration, Vasile Șova, but also by the uncompromising position of not accepting this protocol and which was assumed by the former Prime Minister of the government, Maia Sandu.

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Politica Externă a Federaţiei Ruse ca obstacol al dezvoltării democratice în spaţiul Post-Sovietic
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Politica Externă a Federaţiei Ruse ca obstacol al dezvoltării democratice în spaţiul Post-Sovietic

Author(s): Dumitru Minzarari / Language(s): Romanian

It is even quite difficult to understand how Russia is obstructing the process of democratic transition in post-Soviet states because of the subtle tools and methods used by the Kremlin. In fact, Russia has returned to the mechanisms of indirect aggression practiced by the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Then, understanding the enormous danger of a nuclear war, which could have been triggered by direct armed clashes with the United States, the Soviet Union confronted its enemy in third world states through proxy wars. As the provisions of international law do not address the field of indirect aggression well, Russia is free to unleash such hostile actions against its neighbors. The paper will also superficially address these aspects, i.e. the gaps in international law, which, in modern conditions, leads to the transformation of interstate aggression mechanisms. The main purpose of the study, however, will remain to investigate how to use indirect aggression in Russia's foreign policy, in order to generate the regression of the democratic transition in Moldova. The next chapter will elucidate the preponderance of the foreign factor, more precisely of the Russian foreign policy, over the domestic, domestic factor, in directing the political processes and the internal development of the examined post-Soviet states.

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Republica Moldova și regiunea Transnistreană: Dezvoltarea Regională și Cooperarea in terco munitară
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Republica Moldova și regiunea Transnistreană: Dezvoltarea Regională și Cooperarea in terco munitară

Author(s): Eduard Ţugui / Language(s): Romanian

The text is based on the discussions of experts from the Republic of Moldova and the Transnistrian region during the round table "Regional development and prospects for interregional cooperation on both banks of the Dniester" on May 16, 2014, held at IDIS "Viitorul" within the project « Stimulating consolidation measures of trust between Chisinau and Tiraspol ». The opinions and conclusions found in the text do not necessarily represent the position of the partner and donor institutions - UNDP and the Romanian Embassy in the Republic of Moldova - or the position of IDIS « Viitorul ». // The purpose of the round table was to identify the existing legal framework and regional development policies in the Republic of Moldova and the Transnistrian region, highlight the needs and obstacles of regional development, as well as formulate recommendations to stimulate cooperation of local and regional public authorities on both sides. The Dniester. Regional development is the main mechanism for reducing the development gaps in contemporary society, in order to ensure economic, social and territorial cohesion. The paradigm that implies the homogeneous development of all regions and regional development policies is gradually articulated within the European Union, with the consolidation and expansion of integration, becoming a model of development for much of the contemporary world. Regional development and European cohesion policy are the mechanism that within the European Union has led to reducing regional development disparities and building the welfare state, while the process of European integration of the Republic of Moldova necessarily involves regional development.

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Educaţia, Sănătatea şi Medicina pe ambele maluri ale Nistrului
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Educaţia, Sănătatea şi Medicina pe ambele maluri ale Nistrului

Author(s): Cornel Ciurea / Language(s): Romanian

The discussions of experts from both banks of the Dniester focused on the bilateral issues that exist between Chisinau and Tiraspol in the field of education, health and medicine, and on the possibilities of initiating joint projects. // A serious problem in the relations between the two banks of the Dniester that affects all levels of education is related to the different format of education systems. There are no baccalaureate exams in Transnistria, and pre-university education lasts 11 years (unlike Moldova where young people study for 12 years). Because of this, young people graduating from Moldovan schools in Transnistria with Cyrillic script are forced to study for a year in the Republic of Moldova and only after passing the baccalaureate, they have the right to be enrolled in higher education institutions on the right bank of the Dniester. Compatibility issues also exist at other levels of study - university cycle I and II, doctorate and employment of teachers. In the absence of close control by the Ministry of Education, the exact procedures by which young Transnistrians end up studying at higher education institutions in Moldova or working as teachers are not known. For example, there are known cases when graduates of pedagogical institutions in Transnistria are employed as Romanian language teachers in schools on the right bank, although they have studied Romanian in Cyrillic script.

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Образование, здравоо хранение и медицина на обоих берегах Днестра
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Образование, здравоо хранение и медицина на обоих берегах Днестра

Author(s): Cornel Ciurea / Language(s): Russian

The discussions of experts from both banks of the Dniester focused on the bilateral issues that exist between Chisinau and Tiraspol in the field of education, health and medicine, and on the possibilities of initiating joint projects. // A serious problem in the relations between the two banks of the Dniester that affects all levels of education is related to the different format of education systems. There are no baccalaureate exams in Transnistria, and pre-university education lasts 11 years (unlike Moldova where young people study for 12 years). Because of this, young people graduating from Moldovan schools in Transnistria with Cyrillic script are forced to study for a year in the Republic of Moldova and only after passing the baccalaureate, they have the right to be enrolled in higher education institutions on the right bank of the Dniester. Compatibility issues also exist at other levels of study - university cycle I and II, doctorate and employment of teachers. In the absence of close control by the Ministry of Education, the exact procedures by which young Transnistrians end up studying at higher education institutions in Moldova or working as teachers are not known. For example, there are known cases when graduates of pedagogical institutions in Transnistria are employed as Romanian language teachers in schools on the right bank, although they have studied Romanian in Cyrillic script.

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Республика Молдова и Приднестровье: Региональное развитие и межобщинное Сотрудничество
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Республика Молдова и Приднестровье: Региональное развитие и межобщинное Сотрудничество

Author(s): Eduard Ţugui / Language(s): Russian

The text is based on the discussions of experts from the Republic of Moldova and the Transnistrian region during the round table "Regional development and prospects for interregional cooperation on both banks of the Dniester" on May 16, 2014, held at IDIS "Viitorul" within the project « Stimulating consolidation measures of trust between Chisinau and Tiraspol ». The opinions and conclusions found in the text do not necessarily represent the position of the partner and donor institutions - UNDP and the Romanian Embassy in the Republic of Moldova - or the position of IDIS « Viitorul ». // The purpose of the round table was to identify the existing legal framework and regional development policies in the Republic of Moldova and the Transnistrian region, highlight the needs and obstacles of regional development, as well as formulate recommendations to stimulate cooperation of local and regional public authorities on both sides. The Dniester. Regional development is the main mechanism for reducing the development gaps in contemporary society, in order to ensure economic, social and territorial cohesion. The paradigm that implies the homogeneous development of all regions and regional development policies is gradually articulated within the European Union, with the consolidation and expansion of integration, becoming a model of development for much of the contemporary world. Regional development and European cohesion policy are the mechanism that within the European Union has led to reducing regional development disparities and building the welfare state, while the process of European integration of the Republic of Moldova necessarily involves regional development.

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Implementarea ZLSAC în regiunea Transnistreană: progres sau doar retorică?
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Implementarea ZLSAC în regiunea Transnistreană: progres sau doar retorică?

Author(s): Valentin Lozovanu / Language(s): Romanian

In all probability, Chisinau's strategy was to gradually integrate the Transnistrian economy into a single economic and legal space by signing and implementing AA56. At the same time, Tiraspol, which obstructed the negotiations in the working groups by delegating a single person (lower rank), tried to extend the PCA to postpone the application of DCFTA and obtain unilateral concessions from the EU and the Chisinau authorities. . The EU avoided a crisis in the wake of the withdrawal of trade preferences for exports from the Transnistrian region in order not to antagonize Russia7 and to maintain the instrument of soft power by intensifying economic ties on both banks of the Dniester, involving the region's business and civil society. However, in view of the fact that the authorities in the region will not agree to apply the commitments agreed in the roadmap for the two-year period (or will do so incompletely, avoiding more sensitive areas for the EU) both Moldova, which has committed itself to apply the provisions throughout its territory (but which does not have the possibility to exercise regular control8), as well as the EU will be in a difficult situation. Chisinau began applying customs controls at its borders in 2006 to check goods that are imported and exported from / to the Transnistrian region and thereby, indirectly, ensures the adoption of rules of origin in areas it does not control. 9 However, even if customs control is exercised at the border and unofficially and limited to certain undertakings in the region, these arrangements cannot ensure comprehensive monitoring at all stages of rules of origin and quality standards (sanitary and phytosanitary). in the technological process of production10. Moreover, there are a number of other measures related to the harmonization of the legislative and policy framework with that of the EU (part of the conditions in the roadmap) in terms of competition, intellectual property rights, procurement, customs administration, etc. whose implementation does not depend on the private sector but on the activity of the institutions. One year after the decision, it remains unclear both the progress of implementing these requirements in the Transnistrian region (to maintain the possibility of exporting to the EU) and the prospects of this compromise as Chisinau and Tiraspol look in different directions (EU and EUE). -a complicated regional economic context.

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Perspectivele soluţionării conflictului Transnistrean în contextul Schimbărilor Regionale
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Perspectivele soluţionării conflictului Transnistrean în contextul Schimbărilor Regionale

Author(s): Veaceslav Berbeca / Language(s): Romanian

This study aims to evaluate the discussions on the settlement of the Transnistrian conflict in 2016. The analysis addresses, in particular, the events related to the meeting of 2-3 June 2016 in Berlin in the format "5 + 2" and the reaction of the participants and Moldovan civil society compared to the results obtained. The issue of the Transnistrian conflict is an important topic on which the modernization process of the state of the Republic of Moldova depends very much. However, despite some measures to relaunch the negotiations in the "5 + 2" format, we find an attitude of distrust on the part of some representatives of the state but also of the civil society towards the negotiation process. Considering the mentioned problems, we notice a concern of the Moldovan society towards the evolution of the negotiations and the results that could be obtained. This state of affairs highlights the risks of resolving the Transnistrian conflict for the modernization and democratization of the state of the Republic of Moldova. The principle of "red lines" launched by civil society conveys the idea of pressure on the Moldovan authorities in the "5 + 2" format to make them make unilateral concessions and incompatible with the rules and principles of international law could seriously harm the future status of the region Transnistrian within the Republic of Moldova.

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Bilten tranziciona pravda: Presuda Škorpionima je politički motivisana
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Bilten tranziciona pravda: Presuda Škorpionima je politički motivisana

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Serbian

The verdict of the War Crimes Chamber of the Belgrade District Court against Scorpios accused of killing six Bosniak civilians in Trnovo, BiH, in July 1995, issued on April 10, 2007, is not based on law and facts established during the evidentiary proceedings. It seems that the court was guided by political and not legal reasons, in order to adjust to the attitudes of the Serbian authorities regarding the responsibility for the Srebrenica genocide in the context of the International Court of Justice ruling and show understanding for the patriotic orientations of some Scorpios.

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Situata e sigurisë në Mitrovicë/Mitrovica gjatë periudhës dhjetor 2008 - janar 2009 Raport i FDH — Kosovë)
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Situata e sigurisë në Mitrovicë/Mitrovica gjatë periudhës dhjetor 2008 - janar 2009 Raport i FDH — Kosovë)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Albanian,English,Serbian

Following the increase in the number of incidents in North Mitrovica/Mitrovicë which occurred at the end of December 2008, and throughout January 2009, HLC-Kosovo conducted research to systematically monitor the implementation of minority rights in practice, in particular the extent of the implementation of point 31 of article 58 (state responsibilities) of chapter III of the Kosovo constitution and points 3.2 and 3.52 of article 3 of the Law on the Protection and Promotion of the rights of Communities and their Members in Kosovo. The research also sought to identify the level of security in North Mitrovica/Mitrovicë, as well as the causes, consequences and impact that the incidents have had on the overall security situation and everyday life of citizens living in this region. For this purpose, HLC-Kosovo conducted 40 interviews with representatives of local municipal authorities, the judiciary, police, civil society and citizens of all ethnic backgrounds.

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Castles in the Sand: Mali and the demise of the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy
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Castles in the Sand: Mali and the demise of the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy

Author(s): Giovanni Faleg / Language(s): English

France’s solitary intervention in Mali and the EU’s absence there – in an area no less strategicthan the Maghreb – raises two questions of prime importance for the future of the EU’ssupposedly ‘Common’ Security and Defence Policy. The first has to do with the crisis itself,its nature and the threat posed by the terrorist groups and militias that are being counteredby French armed forces. The second concerns the causes and implications of yet anotherexample of the EU’s inability to take responsibility for security matters in its neighbourhoodand beyond. How did this happen and can things get any worse?

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Strengthening the strategic choice offered to the EU’s southern Mediterranean neighbours
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Strengthening the strategic choice offered to the EU’s southern Mediterranean neighbours

Author(s): Steven Blockmans,Bart Van Vooren / Language(s): English

The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) currently lacks a strategic vision for states in the southern Mediterranean that would offer substantial returns in exchange for making tough reforms. This lack of real incentive can be resolved through a concrete prospect of regional integration pro-actively driven forward by the European Union. Inspired by current projects such as the Energy Community Treaty, the EU should explicitly incorporate “legally binding sectoral multilateralism” into the ENP. This would provide the Union’s partners with a tangible prospect of reaping real long-term benefits from EU cooperation and reinvigorate the ENP for the next decade.

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