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Thousands more migrants and refugees remain stranded in Serbian camps, trapped by higher European entry barriers for non-whites.
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The large-scale demonstrations that took place in Georgia in early March 1956 following Khrushchev’s criticism of Stalin at the 20th Party Congress were the first significant expressions of public protest and civil disobedience in the Soviet Union for decades, and they also bore a clearly nationalistic character. Based primarily on materials from the Georgian KGB and Party archives and interviews with former Party officials and participants of the events, this article examines potential interpretations of these events derived from elite incorporation and ethnic mobilisation theories.
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Russia is at odds with Chisinau’s demand that the UN should put the issue of Russian troop withdrawal on the agenda.
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This paper examines the misperceptions about the Russian-Chechen conflicts, trends of which can be observed in the Western media and academia. The first section investigates issues related to Islamic fundamentalism in Chechnya, while the second section looks into discussion about the roots of the conflict. The third section is devoted to the issue of brutality - the most debated topic in the Western media. I argue that an overarching misperception about the Chechen conflict was caused not only by Russian propaganda, but also by the inherent attitude prevailing in the West. This attitude should be understood in the framework of Orientalism as was explained by Edward Said.
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The military operation in Yemen is significant departure from Saudi Arabia's foreign policy tradition and customs. Riyadh has always relied on three strategies to pursue its interests abroad: wealth, establish a global network and muslim education and diplomacy and meadiation. The term "proxy war" has experienced a new popularity in stories on the Middle East. A proxy war is two opposing countries avoiding direct war, and instead supporting combatants that serve their interests. In some occasions, one country is a direct combatant whilst the other supporting its enemy. Various news sources began using the term to describe the conflict in Yemen immediately, as if on cue, after Saudi Arabia launched its bombing campaign against Houthi targets in Yemen on 25 March 2015. This is the reason, why author try to answer for following questions: Is the Yemen Conflict Devolves into Proxy War? and Who's fighting whom in Yemen's proxy war?" Research area includes the problem of proxy war in the Middle East. For sure, the real problem of proxy war must begin with the fact that the United States and its NATO allies opened the floodgates for regional proxy wars by the two major wars for regime change: in Iraq and Libya. Those two destabilising wars provided opportunities and motives for Sunni states across the Middle East to pursue their own sectarian and political power objectives through "proxy war".
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The article discusses some of the theses presented in Rosyjski sztylet. Działalność wywiadu nielegalnego by Col. Andrzej Kowalski. The former director of the Polish Military Counterintelligence Service presents the most important aspects of the illegal intelligence of the former USSR. On that foundation, he analyzes media and news about the contemporary intelligence activities of the Russian Federation. He concludes that the use of illegal intelligence is still an important element of the Russian strategy and poses an underappreciated threat to the West. The book is not free of mistakes, namely that some statements cannot be confirmed by the sources. Nevertheless, it is a valuable research perspective; it’s greatest value being the practical knowledge and experience of the author.
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The article presents the potential problems related to conflict resolution while cooperating in multicultural teams. Special attention is paid to specific character of such teams as well as to the concept of productive conflict and the ways of resolving it. The experiences gained in the Erasmus Intenstive Programme - Effective Working in Multicultural Teams were used.
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The article is delivered in Ukrainian at the conference of the European Association of Science on Security and International Socio-State Programme of UNESCO "ADULT EDUCATION OF UKRAINE" September 14, 2014, in the press center of the Ukrainian News Agency "Capital" in Kiev (Ukraine). This sketch does not aspire to any attempts to analyze international relations in Europe. It is only an attempt to assess the present situation from the perspective of the experience of the European association of science safety, whose members include representatives from 23 countries of Europe, including Poles, Russians and Ukrainians.
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Twenty years after the Dayton Peace Agreement an exclusive ethnic ideology, international tutelage and dependency characterize Bosnia and Herzegovina. Wrong political approaches by the international and local political actors in Bosnia and Herzegovina created permanent crisis, the status quo and a ‘case’ country. Conflict, furthermore enriched with exclusive ethno-cultural paradigm and the legacy of bloody crucible of the war, shape today’s political discourse in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Based on content analysis of leading newspapers, this paper examines the relationship between conflict and peace inclinations of main political leaders among Serbs, Bosniaks and Croats. In order to test the first objective on political discourse and political relationships based on the conflict vs. peace politics, using content analysis, the research analyzed media news on Bosnia and Herzegovina by considering only socio-political topics. We randomly selected 120 news from newspaper namely, Nezavisne novine, Glas srpske, Dnevni list and Dnevni avaz. For testing, the second objective on positive vs. negative political discourse of main political leaders we randomly selected 360 interviewbased news about key political leader including Bakir Izetbegovic (Bosniak), Dragan Čović (Croat) and Milorad Dodik (Serb). Research findings indicated that the conflict politics is deeply rooted in political discourse, media, among political leaders and the public.
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The review of: “Non-State Actors and Terrorism: Applying the Law of State Responsibility and the Due Diligence Principle” by Robert P. Barnidge Jr.; The Hague, T.M.C. Asser Press, 2008, XVI + 244 pages. ISBN 978-90-6704-259-8
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The purpose of the article is to present and offer a critical analysis of the achievements of the longest-running mission of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe– in Skopje. The author evaluates the reasons for the deployment of the mission against the background of the problems which the young republic faced after declaring independence in 1991, the dispute with Greece about the name of the country, and the strained ethnic relations with the growing number of citizens of ethnic Albanian nationality. Against the background of the history, the new tasks of the OSCE are presented, following the Ohrid Framework Agreement. The author concludes that the OSCE Missionin Skopje is still rather a witness to the events than a real driving force behind the change despite the significant achievements in the Balkan state.
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In this paper I am analyzing the use of memories, inscribing images of the past and specific history interpretations present in Serbian and Croatian press published during the conflict in Croatia-period between 1991. and 1995. Although it is concerned with the media and the war in ex-Yugoslavia, the research presented here does not follow the known and many times formulated problem frame, which was conducted by all of these notions in order to demonstrate their perilous co-dependence-through the role and responsibility of the media in the latest Balkan wars. What I am searching for in this paper are conceptions about war (and wider topics, such as, conflict and its causes). I am interested in the ways war conceptualized itself through the process of transformation/shaping the information from the battlefields into narratives, stories which created war reality, by offering explanatory frame, protagonists, motives, causes and purposes. In that sense, I see the press as an ideal source for studying the production of daily narratives regarding the war, since it reported daily on it, offering various models for elucidating the war and its interpretation, reflecting public perceptions that dominated the society. The analyzed material are texts from Serbian and Croatian press that covered the war in the mentioned period of five years-starting from the first war skirmishes in Plitvice up to Croatian "Storm" military operation. The essay is concerned with those texts that make images of the past topical and where collective memories appear as the shapers of the narratives, basis for understanding and self-understanding in the efforts of constructing a point of stability from which comprehending the reality would suggest/impose itself. From these texts we read different stories on war events which refer to history and pre-history in their explanations, bring suppressed emotions, old "truths" which were "proven" in the past and new ideas legitimized in it. They are displayed and analyzed with the idea of pointing to the correlation between the cultures of reminiscing, process of narration and conceptualizing the cognitive patterns for presenting (war) reality.
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This paper focuses on the rhetoric of USA and Russian political leaders during the Ukraine crisis by analyzing changes appearing in their speeches during the different stages of the crisis. The goal of the analysis is to investigate the speeches delivered by political leaders of the United States and Russia, being important actors in the Ukraine crisis, by identifying both countries’ attitudes to one another, further intentions regarding the management of the crisis and changes of topics in each stage. The speeches of the following most influential politicians in foreign policy formation in the USA and Russia are analyzed: President Barack Obama, Secretary of State John Kerry and Vice President Joe Biden, President Vladimir Putin, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Prime Minister of Russia Dmitry Medvedev. The speeches were collected from the official websites of U.S. and Russian government institutions. The analysis revealed that from the beginning of the crisis the main tool in the Ukraine crisis was rhetoric. Western parties began to take real actions only later: sanctions on Russia were imposed, international organizations started to play more active role, ceasefire agreements were signed. In terms of communications strategies used by both countries, the USA rhetoric and its communication strategy as well as Russian leaders were using a combination of proactive and reactive strategies.
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This paper seeks to explore how the U.S.-ASEAN relations have developed since the early 1990s up to 2017. It will focus on examining the networks of engagement that have affected the development of the U.S.-ASEAN relations across three areas: trade relations, development assistance and security cooperation. Employing archival research and content analysis as the main methodology, the paper will establish evidence to demonstrate that by mutually building effective mechanisms for trade, the United States and ASEAN have fostered their trade relations. Also, the United States have contributed considerably to economic development in ASEAN member states through assistance programs provided by U.S. agencies. Furthermore, it will show that the United States and ASEAN have enhanced their security cooperation that ultimately contributes to maintaining peace and stability in the Southeast Asian region. Building on the progresses of their successful relationship, the U.S.-ASEAN partnership continues to play an increasingly important role in regional and global peace and prosperity.
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The events of the past few years make the context of civil protection in Poland undeniably gaining importance. This is also evidenced by the fact that legislative work has intensified, aimed at establishing a new law in the area of civil defence, crisis management and state of natural disaster. In view of the above, the author of this article decided to present the activity of the Territorial Defence Forces (Polish: Wojska Obrony Terytorialnej), and also to apply the most important assumptions to the subject area in need of real and urgent transformation. One of the examples taken is the time of the COVID-19 epidemic, which obliged decision-makers of numerous state institutions to apply extraordinarily coordinated solutions. The article is a detailed analysis of the role of the Territorial Defence Forces within the broader population protection structure, as well as the conditions resulting from the introduced epidemic state. Synthetic conclusions resulting from the study indicate the clear potential of the TDF as part of the expected reconstruction of Polish civil defence.
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The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the humanitarian components of the latest Russian-Ukrainian war, which is qualified by its authors as a hybrid war. In principle, it is about the ideological basis, historical and religious mythology, and the information support of Russia’s revanchist policy in Ukraine, which the current Russian regime uses in its armed aggression against Ukraine. The authors convincingly and argumentatively prove that non-military instruments in Russia’s war against Ukraine are subordinated to a single goal – the restoration of the Russian empire and its international political influence. In order to achieve this goal, the Putin regime uses all the means available to it, including the spread of pseudo-historical myths and fakes that justify the expansionist policy of the Kremlin in Ukraine and in the countries of the post-Soviet space. Using a widely sourced base, the authors of the article refute the most common Russian pseudo-historical narratives.
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The next phase of Russian aggression against Ukraine demonstrated that despite lacking a large military, territorial, population, or raw material potential, Belarus could play a significant role in the project to construct a new regional, continental, and even global security architecture. The purpose of this article is to discuss the problem of repositioning Belarus, which was af- fected not only by the multidimensional change in Belarusian-Ukrainian rela- tions as a result of the war but also by long-term efforts to elevate BelarusianEU relations. In this area, the fundamental research question is whether the war in Ukraine, the breach of the so-called Budapest Memorandum and the deepening of the multifaceted Russian-Belarusian integration within the Union State (including the militarisation of Belarus and the allocation of tactical nuclear weapons) will cause the projects for the redefinition of Belarus-EU relations (which are instrumental in reducing the intensity of political turbulence in the region) to disappear from the EU diplomatic agenda for a long time, with a direct negative impact on the future of European security. The article verifies the hypothesis that due to the specificity of the Belarusian authoritarian model, despite the systematically deepening Russian-Belarusian integration and the ever-expanding sanctions policy towards Belarus, (2) due to the shape of Belarusian-Ukrainian relations after 2014 and the periodically satisfactory Belarusian-EU relations, (1) there are still prospects for Belarus to pursue foreign policy diversification and repositioning of the European vector in it.
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The article presents the interim results of the “Mariupol: past, present, future” research project, which is being conducted by the author since May 2022. The objective is to investigate the problems of social adjustment and integration of civilian residents of Mariupol who were forced to go abroad due to the war in Ukraine and the occupation of Mariupol. The article analyzes the socioeconomic aspects of the forced migration of military migrants abroad and their adaptation in the host communities. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the impact of the traumatic experience of war and evacuation on the successful adaptation of Mariupol civilians in the country of their temporary stay. Qualitative methods of sociological research, analysis of statistical data and documents related to the problem of forced migration and adaptation of Mariupol citizens abroad are used to collect data. The collected empirical material made it possible to clarify and supplement the information about the previous period of the sociological analysis of the society of the city of Mariupol during the war, in particular, evacuation experience, going through the “filtering” procedure of Mariupol civilians, evacuation from the occupied city. Special attention is paid to such issues as the experience of evacuation during this period after a long stay in the occupied city (evacuation in AprilSeptember 2022), the experience of internal displacement on the territory of Ukraine and forced migration to different countries of the world; as well as the views of Mariupol residents on their immediate and/or distant future.
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The article discusses the question of the politics of memory in the public discourse of Serbia in the 1980s with regard to the crimes commited by the Ustasha regime against the Serbian population in Independent State of Croatia (NDH), during World War II. The discussion on this topic was presented on the basis of the press from the second half of the 1980s and the early 1990s. The predominant number of publications emphasised that the Serbs suffered huge losses and that the crimes against the Orthodox population in the NDH were never punished. Discussions about the genocide, which was often described in Serbia as “forgotten”, referred to the political climate in the republic at the time. Leading Serbian politicians spoke sharply on the subject, and numerous scientific and quasi-scientific publications were published. The number of victims was manipulated. Moreover, a message about the “awakening of the Ustasha spirits” was developed in relation to Croatian national activities. Anti-Croatian rhetoric intensified with the introduction of the multi-party system in Yugoslavia (1989) and strengthening of secessionist aspirations in Croatia. The discussions concerning Jasenovac were developed in the context of the political crisis of the federation at the time and the aspirations of Serbian elites towards national unification of Serbs around martyrdom messages.
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