Around the Bloc: Russia Extends Detention for Ukrainian Teen Terror Suspect
Family says Pavlo Hryb was abducted by the Russian FSB when he visited Belarus to meet a Russian girl.
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Family says Pavlo Hryb was abducted by the Russian FSB when he visited Belarus to meet a Russian girl.
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‘I would never a trust a man who didn’t steal’, former Yemen President Ali Abdullah Saleh famously declared. No wonder people call Yemen a kleptocracy. The exPresident of South Yemen, Ali Salim al-Beidh, was less quotable but claimed bragging rights as an Omar Sharif look-alike. Sharif and al-Beidh shared a passion for gambling, a quality that epitomizes the risks that Yemeni political parties have taken in pushing their agendas. History shows such risks can be costly. Sharif lost a $6 million mansion in a single hand of cards. Al-Beidh lost his country after cutting a deal with Saleh to unite north and south Yemen.
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Communications practitioners continue to see strategic narrative as vital to securing domestic support or opposition to war. Yet despite an extensive literature on the narratives states construct, the stories domestic citizens tell about war are rarely examined. Consequently, the formation of strategic narratives is only informed by the stories governments think citizens tell, rather than those they actually tell. This paper presents a qualitative analysis of the stories the British public tell about their country’s role in war. Focusing on genre—the general pattern of a given story—¬ it reveals five narratives citizens use to interpret Britain’s military role. These portray Britain as Punching Above its Weight; a Vanishing Force; Learning from its Mistakes; being Led Astray, or a Selfish Imperialist. At a time of uncertainty about Britain’s international role following the ‘Brexit’ vote, it provides an in-depth perspective on a state where military intervention is commonplace but understanding of public interpretations of war remains limited.
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The article is devoted to the specificity of Ronald Reagan’s public discourse about the U.S. role toward local conflicts of the world 1980s. A special attention is paid to President’s activities for public opinion mobilization to support of military force to resolve international conflicts.
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This study looks at the role the media plays in how a destination is communicated over time post-conflict – by considering how discourses longitudinally brand a destination. Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) was the centre of a violent conflict in the early 1990s. The war ended with the signing of the Dayton Agreement. Much of the conflict, and especially the siege of Sarajevo, was captured by the media. The representation of the Bosnian War established a negative imagination of the new country, resulting initially in a hesitancy to travel to a war-torn destination. This paper suggests place repression, fading memory and destination redefining as a framework to analyse media content and brand a post-conflict destination. In the years following the agreement, there was no discussion promoting travel to BiH. After 2000, travel was still advised against but the narrative began to change and promote the destination by discussing the past and present situation. Post- -2000 content reduced significantly but stories promoting travel increased after 2003 with more extended narratives promoting travel and new opportunities for branding the destination.
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The paper discusses the impact of Hague Tribunal verdicts on the process of reconciliation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. I analyze the original documents of Hague Accusations for crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, ethnic cleansing and final verdicts with imposed sentences. As an example I take some elements of the indictment and the verdict to Slobodan Milošević, Radovan Karadžić, Ratko Mladić, Jadranko Prlić and others, and Rasim Delić. After researching the documents, I show how brutal facts of war crimes mutually relate to the interpretation of these facts by the public (international and domestic) and the political instrumentalization of those facts that goes from distortion to negation of factual events. However, research shows that the process of reconciliation and restoration of confidence is strongly influenced by the truth that Hague tribunal determines in the process of punishing those responsible for crimes committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. These verdicts are based on verified facts, and not feelings and emotions. These facts are the basis of the real truth about the war and the events that took place in the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina but also wider. In conclusion, I suggest that the process of reconciliation must be followed by a new policy that leaves the war in the past and turns to the future, and which backs the trust in coexistence and respects the rights of citizens throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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The inhabitants of the cities and islands of the Dalmatian coast were the successors of the citizens and subjects of the Roman Empire and later the Republic of Venice, who spoke Italian. After these regions were transferred to AustroHungarian possession, the number of southern Slavs, particularly Croats started to rapidly grow on the coast of Dalmatia. The increase in the influence of the Slavs was also supported by the Austro-Hungarian government, seeing them as a counterweight to a strengthening Italy. Conflicts between Italians and Slavs became more frequent. After the end of WWI and the collapse of the AustroHungarian Empire, the coast of Dalmatia was transferred into the occupation of Italian forces. However, Italy was struggling with internal conflicts and economic difficulties and did not have the strength to merge these areas. In addition, the majority of the Triple Entente countries supported the creation of a strong Yugoslavia (Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes). In November 1920, an agreement was concluded between Italy and Yugoslavia, under which only the city of Zara and its surroundings and the island of Làgosta were left to Italy. Fiume was given the status of a free state and was joined with Italy in 1924. The Italian units and institutions and many Italians were evacuated from Dalmatia by the end of 1921.
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The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons was adopted on 7 July 2017, with 122 countries for and only one (the Netherlands) against, and with Singapore abstaining. The nine countries with nuclear weapons and countries allied with them did not take part in work on the Treaty or in the vote. The Treaty was signed on 20 September 2017 by 50 states and has already been ratified by three countries – the Holy See, Guyana and Thailand. It will enter into force once ratified by all 50 countries. Art. 1 of the Treaty obliges the states parties not to develop, test, manufacture, transfer, take control of, use or threaten to use nuclear weapons under any circumstances. The negative attitude of the nuclear states toward the Treaty will have no bearing on when it enters into force and on the number of acceding parties. The prospect of achieving full and universal nuclear disarmament is distant, if at all realistic within the prescribed time period. However, from the standpoint of international law, the Treaty has tremendous historical significance since it actually delegalizes nuclear weapons, which is important with regard to prohibiting their use. This means that once the Treaty enters into force, all three kinds of weapons of mass destruction will have the same status. They will be illegal.
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The article is mostly theoretical and offers a conceptual analysis of the notions of soft power and normative threat. These categories are operationalized within the broader context of institutional change and evolution. Institutional change is discussed with reference to different institutionalist approaches within the social sciences.
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During the years Turkish National Struggle there had been many domestic revolts against the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. Among these, Şeyh Eşref revolt or with its different name Hart revolt had different characteristics compared to the other revolts because when the time that the revolt took place the Grand National Assembly of Turkey was not opened yet. However, in these days Heyet-i Temsiliye was trying to be in charge of the situation going on in Anatolia. In such an environment, in Hart district of Bayburt, Şeyh Eşref based on different sources declared that he would bring the king of seven states into his presence. Some other sources say he tried to spread Shi’i Islam by doing so. Therefore, it is understood that different reasons has been affirmed so far In the article, this revolt with its uncertainty considering its reasons, results and targets will be analyzed. In this research, Mustafa Kemal’s opinions of the topic, documents from the Prime Ministry of Ottoman Archives and Republican Archives, Albayrak newspaper which is one of the important press organs of the time, memories of the people who witnessed the event and the other works about the event, Zabıt Cerideleri of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey that put the event on the agenda about a year later will be used as the source material. The effects of the event on the Bayburt and its environment, perceptions of the event of today’s Bayburt people and the revolts difference from the other domestic revolts will also be analyzed.
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An impact of the war events and war regimes upon the family opens space for comparative studies of social consequences of the WWI and WWII. Survival and behavioural strategies may be another starting point for a study of models of behaviour and mental reactions to extraordinary conditions created by a war conflict. The study focuses on these two schemes and highlights their potential to become universal concepts acceptable for studying an impact exerted by war on a society in general. In her study, the author briefly reviews the current state of research and interpretations of WWI and WWII in domestic and foreign historiography and emphasises the changed paradigm of research (especially that of WWI) – a gradual shift from a political history to socio-political and socio-anthropological kinds of research. The study develops the issue of family in the Great War at two levels: (a) it draws attention to an immediate influence of the extraordinary war conditions on the family and (b) assesses the significance of the Great War for the process of long-term changes characteristic of the family since the last third of 19th century till the end of 20th century. When compared to the long-term trends of the family development in the 20th century, the writer´s findings concerning the immediate influence of the Great War on the family challenge many traditional opinions. She claims, in agreement with latest research studies currently carried out in Europe, that some of the most striking social and demographic changes, traditionally regarded as consequences of WWI ("crisis of the family" and the weakening of family and gender bonds in a traditional patriarchal society, or the numerical superiority of women over men) can be traced back to the mid-19th century at least. However, the latest research studies have not justified assertions about women entering en masse paid jobs in industry during the war. The latest data obtained in advanced industrial countries provide substantial support for findings from Central Europe showing that women regarded their paid jobs only as a temporary matter. Of much greater and lasting influence on the position of women in society and family was a wider access to education before and during the war. The importance of the Great War for the emancipation of women was in breaking the stereotypes regarding the role of women in society. The decisive factor for changing the position of women in society and family was the democratisation and secularisation of social life in the new post-war regime. The second part of the study suggests the concept of survival strategies as a universal framework for studying psychological dimensions of war. The study attempts to produce a typology of survival strategies as pursued by individuals and groups (including the family) in response to the imminent threat of death or to the ruining of their social status. Identification of various behavioural models adopted by people in extraordinary war situations enables to partially analyse methods and tactics of survival both on the frontline and in the rear. Moreover, it makes possible to explain specific social phenomena, such as social revolt, conformity, denunciation, xenophobia etc. as well as specific reactions to conditions of isolation, in the case of prisoners of war and inmates, and to the threat of death. This approach may lead to the discovery of universal patterns of human behaviour and to create further platforms for analogies and comparative studies of WWI and WWII.
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From the 16th century onwards, with rapid progress in science, technology and military, Europe has gained economic superiority by seizing trade and sea routes, staring at the wealth of the East through its colonial activities. With the industrial revolution in the 18th century, the West became more powerful and influenced the societies that were lower than themselves in economic and technical terms. It encompassed backward societies in all political, economic, military, cultural and artistic areas with the promise of “modernizing”. The Ottoman Empire, lost power against Europe, began to question its own civilization due to the regression experienced and saw the solution in the integration with the Western civilization. Although at the beginning, innovations in the field of military and education aimed at exploiting Europe’s science and technology: in progress of time, westernization activities reflected on all social, cultural and artistic fields. Even if all the initiatives undertaken by the Palace leadership have aimed at keeping the Ottomans alive, abandoning traditional institutions of hundreds of years and attempting to bring western-style institutions to their places has not been welcomed by the Ottoman society. In this period, tradition-modernity, old-new, eastern-western discussions gained momentum and public-intelligentsia conflict caused social dualism.
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The goal of present study is to increase understanding of evaluation of political parties by exploring their relations with dispositional constructs conceptually related to political behavior. These are: personality traits, social attitudes and the Ethos of conflict, which emerges from protracted violent conflict between societies. The conflict examined in this study involves Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo. Principal components analysis conducted on parties’ preferences isolated two dimensions which can be broadly interpreted as Socio-liberal and National-conservative orientation. Regression analyses have shown that these two dimensions are explained mostly by the Ethos of conflict, followed by social attitudes and personality traits. Personality traits of Honesty and Originality predict evaluation towards Socio-liberal parties. High patriotism and a positive evaluation of one’s own nation characterize supporters of National-conservative parties, while Socio-liberal participants have low patriotic attitudes and do not consider that the aims of Serbian politics in Kosovo automatically exclude the Kosovo Albanian aims.
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U ovom radu baviću se korenima antijevrejskog obrazovanja kakvo forsira cionizam i potrudiću se da objasnim zašto pokušaj da se ljudi a Izraelu obrazovanjem senzibilizuju za patnju drugih nije imao uspeha. Time što “Jevrejina” shvata kao istinsku žrtvu ljudske istorije i što instrumentalizuje sećanje na holokaust, stavljajući ga u službu izraelskog etno-centrizma, ovaj vid obrazovanja sukobljava se s glavnim motivima jevrejske tradicije i vodi do nasilja nad Palestincem kao Drugim i do njegovog ugnjetavanja. Ovo dvostruko nasilje prema autentičnom judaizmu i prema Palestincu kao Drugom, može se prevazići samo ako se preispita transcendentna dimenzija neophodna za istinsko radikalno obrazovanje.
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Kad je u februaru počelo suđenje Slobodanu Miloševiću u Hagu pojavile su se, u Srbiji i van nje, spekulacije o tome može li proces nekadašnjem predsedniku Srbije i Jugoslavije da približi “Srbe” suočavanju s njihovom najnovijom prošlošću i zlodelima činjenim sa srpske strane tokom ratova 1991-99. Domaći mediji uglavnom su se bespomoćno pitali “zašto kod nas suočavanje sa istinom ide toliko sporo”, dok su strani ponavljali staru tvrdnju da “Srbi” i sada, kao i do sada, tu istinu odbijaju da vide i prihvate. [...]
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Suđenje Slobodanu Miloševiću pred Međunarodnim tribunalom za zločine počinjene u bivšoj Jugoslaviji dočekano je s velikim nadama. Dugo, sve od trenutka kad je Tribunal osnovan pa do 2000. godine, izgledi da Milošević stane pred haške sudije činili su se malim. Samo idealisti koji veruju u međunarodno krivično pravo mogli su se nadati da će se jednom aktuelnom šefu države zaista i suditi. Protiv toga su govorili mnogi razlozi, između ostalog i mogućnost da se ponovi 1995, kada je dotadašnji “balkanski kasapin” odjednom postao “nezaobilazan faktor mira”, pošto je u ime Srba u Srbiji i Crnoj Gori, ali i Srba u Republici Srpskoj, potpisao Dejtonsko-pariski sporazum o miru u Bosni i Hercegovini. [...]
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Sukob u prethodnoj Jugoslaviji velikim delom je rezultat strahova njenih glavnih etničkih grupa (kako “naroda” tako i “narodnosti”) od toga da će u novim nezavisnim državama postati manjine. Često se tvrdi da su ti strahovi proistekli iz “stare etničke mržnje” i oživljavanja uspomena na užase Drugog svetskog rata među jugoslovenskim etničkim grupama. U ovom tekstu izložiću drukčiji stav. [...]
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U ovom pogovoru želim da razradim i preformulišem teze iznesene u knjizi, samo što se neću pozivati na naučne tvrdnje drugih ljudi, već na dva istorijska događaja koja sam lično iskusio: na nacionalsocijalističku diktaturu s jedne, i poraz i okupaciju Nemačke s druge strane. Na opštepoznate okolnosti ovde ću podsetiti samo u grubim crtama. [...]
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The 1980s saw a rise in critical discourse in the field of international relations, while feminist theory gained a foothold thanks to its contributions to the discipline. The emergence of a social gender perspective in international relations has increased the debate on many fundamental gendered issues, including the distinction between high/low politics, the state, war and security. On the issue of security, in particular, efforts to give women visibility and the contribution of the female experience have deepened security perspectives in international relations, ensuring that the discipline’s masculine values are questioned. This study will attempt to analyze the feminist approach to concepts of violence, security and peace and to explore feminist critiques of international relations. The literature review will be followed by the methodology in which the conditions of Syrian women as a result of the Syrian Civil War will be examined together with statements from the women themselves. Thus, the study will use both theory and practice to evaluate feminist conceptualizations of security, violence and peace in the discipline of international relations.
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After the Bolshevik Revolution, Azerbaijan eztablished its goverment and on 28th May declared its republic. Azerbaijan tried to develop relations with its Caucasus side neigbours who were following the same path. Azerbaijan gained its natural capital city Baku, on September 15th, tanks to İslamic Army of the Caucasus. İt has acted together with the Republic of Georgia and Republic of Armenia to allow its independence to be accepted at the internatial level and to take its place among to contemporary states. The Ottoman Empire was indispensable not only for Azerbaijan but also for the other two contries. They first came to Istanbul then took to road to the Paris. They stayed there for days even months. In particular the delegates of Azerbaijan and Gergia expressed their hopes and wishes in the presence of the High Council. They promoted their independence, and received a promise of helping against Bolsheviks. They were hoped for what they gained even under minimal conditions. The developments regarding Azerbaijan and its beside Georgia plased Istanbul. However, the vestern world used the perference of Great Russia.
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