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Izvod iz jednog članka u »The Saturday Evening Post« od 11. avgusta 1928 u Filadelfiji. Prema »Die Auslese« za februar 1929.
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Izvod iz jednog članka u »The Saturday Evening Post« od 11. avgusta 1928 u Filadelfiji. Prema »Die Auslese« za februar 1929.
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Die Geschichte der ungarischen unabhängigen Friedensbewegung hat am Höhepunkt der Auseinandersetzungen um die Stationierung der neuen Mittelstreckenraketen in Westeuropa für einige Verwirrung gesorgt: weder hatte sie sich offen zu oppositionellen Positionen bekannt, noch aber war sie vom Regime gesteuert. Die Gruppe „Dialog“ verfolgte ihren eigenen Kurs der „Unabhängigkeit“ gegenüber Bürokratie und Opposition. Eine Bilanz dieses Kurses läßt sich erst in letzter Zeit ziehen.
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Länderübergreifende Kontakte zwischen verschiedenen osteuropäischen Briedensgruppen werden zunehmend häufiger: Gab es bisher vor allem Treffen von Friedensaktivisten aus Ungarn und der DDR — was auch relativ einfacher zu bewerkstelligen ist —, so liegt nun erstmals eine Erklärung vor, die Vertreter von autonomen Friedensgruppen aus der Tschechoslowakei und der DDR unterzeichnet haben, wobei auffällt, daß bei den CSSR-Vertretem sämtliche Unterzeichner aktive Charta 77- bzw. VONS-Mitarbeiter sind.
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One of the main areas of struggle between the reborn Polish state and Bolshevik Russia was the territory of Belarus. In 1919–1920, the war swept through these lands several times. The Byelorussians’ attitude to the warring sides was varied. At least part of the Belarusian community took the side of Poland. In October 1919, a group of Byelorussian activists cooperating with Poland obtained Józef Piłsudski’s consent to form Byelorussian military units as part of the Polish Army. The organisation responsible for the formation of Byelorussian units was the Byelorussian Military Commission (BKW). Byelorussians were Poland’s first allies in the war with Bolshevik Russia. Polish-Byelorussian cooperation in the formation of Byelorussian units encountered numerous difficulties and, consequently, did not bring the expected results. In the face of the Red Army offensive in summer 1920, the Byelorussian Military Commission was evacuated to Łódź, where it continued its activities until the beginning of 1921. The peace treaty in Riga (March 1921) finally resolved the liquidation of the Byelorussian Military Commission and the Belarusian units within the Polish Army.
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The article attempts to rationalise the functioning of the League of Nations High Commissioners in the Free City of Danzig (Gdansk). It focuses on the person of High Commissioner Manfredi Gravina of Italian nationality, active in the Free City in 1929–1932, trying to remove from him the label of an anti-Polish politician.
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The article aims to present the fate of the State Police officers from Gdynia during World War II, after the Germans occupied the city in September 1939. The policemen from Gdynia did not evacuate to the east in the first days of the war campaign, mostly remaining in their duty places. This situation had an impact on their fate during the occupation. Gdynia police officers became victims of repression by the German and Soviet occupiers.
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The article systematises the previously unknown aspects of the biography of the Russian peasant Ivan Krivozertsev (1915–1947), who was the most important witness of the Katyn massacre after 1945 until the disclosure of this crime in the 1990s. The article presents details of the repression and death of the witness’s father, currently available information about his family, escape from his place of residence, complete testimony to the Polish authorities and writers, and the investigation undertaken after the unexplained death of Ivan Krivozertsev. The article’s subject is also the legal analysis and verification of testimonies made by Ivan Krivozertsev, the assessment of the witness’ motives and the reconstruction of the witness's character in connection with the recently made feature film.
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One of the most well-known expressions defining the role of Afghanistan in history is "the cemetery of empires." The withdrawal of the US military ahead of schedule and the rapid recapture of this formidable fortress by the Taliban long before the date agreed in the US agreement are events of global geostrategic importance. But these events correlate with a new geopolitical reality that this paper addresses: the global game for power, influence, and control between America and China, now seemingly in favor of the latter. In the author's view, China's counterbalancing of Xinping is a matter of common interest to the European Union and the United States, and the best course of action would be a multi-sectoral and multi-vector consolidation of the transatlantic alliance.
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On 26 February 2011, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) adopted the Resolution 1970/2011. Operating under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, the UNSC unanimously decided to refer the situation in Libya to the International Criminal Court (ICC) according to article 13(b) of the Statute of Rome. Amongst all countries where “Arab springs” took place, this is the only country that fell under the jurisdiction of the ICC. Since then, three cases were opened and five warrants of arrest were issued. Libya is not party to the Statute of Rome, and in fact, with the exception of Tunisia1, no other countries where “Arab springs” took place have ratified the accession to the Statute of Rome. Libya therefore represents the second time2 in the whole history of the ICC, where the latest is investigating and judging over a country that is not a member of the ICC. However, the ICC is still investigating in Libya and information about collected probes are still concealed. Seven months after the referral to the ICC, on 16 September 2011, the UNSC decided to activate the political mechanism: United Nations Support Mission in Libya, UNSMIL. In the meantime, a series of transitional authorities have taken over the leadership of Libya, authorizing the production of interesting laws related to transitional justice and the establishment of truth and inquiry commissions. The situation in Libya shows as UNSC activated two mechanisms, to some extend working in parallel, that must find a way to coexist: in one hand, the ICC criminal proceeding, in the other hand, the transitional justice process supported by the UNSMIL.
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Since the ICTY, the role of international criminal courts has become more than the punishment of perpetrators. The Tribunal has been greatly praised, but also criticised for its inefficiencies, especially by local populations. The ICC tried to correct the ICTY’s model, but did it succeed? Through a comparison of the ICTY and its impact in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the ICC and its impact in the DRC, some recurring criticisms appear. Some criticisms are strictly legal, but many are strongly intertwined with the perception of these institutions as transitional justice mechanisms. This situates these institutions into the larger context of transitional justice, rather than only forming criminal courts. This should not come as a surprise as these courts operate mostly in post-conflict societies in need of transitional and not only criminal justice. Without, the impact of the trials will remain meaningless because of the lack of an appropriate closure of the conflict. Hence, today, the ICTY and the ICC are perceived as the first step of transitional justice towards sustainable peace.
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In this study on “Genocidal anti-Bosnianism”, five elements of anti-Bosnian ideology are looked at with reference to past and potential genocides: (1) orientalism and self-orientalization and Turkification and self-Turkification as applied to the Muslim section of the Bosnian people; (2) the ideological justification of the war against Bosnia and her people by reducing it to a Civil War; (3) the ideological inversion (and so undermining) of any potential politically conscious Bosnian identity (Bosnianhood); (4) the means and mechanisms for anamnesis in understanding the genocidal anti-Bosnian project; and (5) psychological and epistemological shortcomings in current research into genocidal ideologies. In the author’s view, this analysis at least suggests potential ways to overcome our failure to come to terms the present and future threat of genocide and other crimes being repeated.
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In this article, the author briefly presents some of the more important aspects of "The Role and Place of Informational Systems and Technologies in Current and Future Military Conflicts," taking into account lessons learned from recent military conflicts that have taken place in recent years, including (although partially) from the war launched by the Russian Federation on 24.02.2022 against Ukraine. I hope that the political and military authorities in Romania will study and deepen the realities of this unfortunate war, drawing the necessary conclusions for the Romanian Army and for our entire society.
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There have been numerous ways in which intercultural education has been conceptualized, but most definitions focus on the abilities to accurately understand and act accordingly in a cultural context that is different from one’s own. We find that one of the most important dimensions of intercultural education is the ability to effectively participate in interactions of all sorts, with members from other cultures or within the social parameters of another culture. Thus, we have identified an increased need to acquire intercultural communication skills, by developing intercultural competence, alongside and as an integrated part of the language. Through this paper, we intend to highlight aspects related to the concept of intercultural education and of the communication thereof, focusing on its dimensions, skills to be acquired, and the modalities of acquiring and developing intercultural competence in the military academic environment. We will conclude by reiterating the importance of intercultural communication in the context of the “global village” of the 21st century, and especially in the military environment, as it is a requirement for all military and civilian personnel to be able to interact with people from other cultures, as part of their profession.
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The author explain the importance of the conditions and circumstances under which the state constitution is adopted and their reciprocal impact on the applicability of the constitution in practice. The focus of the analysis is on considering the possibility of exercising the sociological functions of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina (symbolic, legitimizing and integrative function), in the context of the conditions that led to the signing of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as in connection with subsequently established and court-verified facts confirming the violation of international law. Arguments for the possibility of achieving and strengthening the sociological functions of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the author finds in the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is characterized by centuries of tradition of coexistence and tolerance. The paper concludes that the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina performs sociological functions in the basic elements, but that these functions can be developed and strengthened over time. However, the author emphasizes that there is a danger of the emergence of opposite tendencies that can lead to the disintegration of society, which is confirmed by the current political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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The text uses the theory of nationalism to analyse the basic ideas of the conservative revolution. This is done through the reconstruction of the basic theses of the political thought of Thomas Mann, Arthur Moeller van den Bruck, Ernst Jünger, Oswald Spengler, and Carl Schmitt. The analysis is focused on the way in which the relationship between language and nation, war and nation, liberalism and nation, and the nation’s relationship with the West were interpreted. It can be concluded that language was considered to reflect the spirit of the nation, that war was considered as the foundation of national identity, that liberalism was considered to be the main ideological enemy of German national identity, and that the West was rejected while Russia and Dostoevsky were praised. According to this analysis, it can be stated that the German nationalism and the rejection of liberalism were the basis of the ideology of the conservative revolution. Finally, it can be pointed out that though conservative revolutionaries advocated dictatorship, they didn’t advocate a return to the old regime of the monarchy, but an authoritarian conservative utopia. Precisely because of the utopian features of the conservative revolution, its ideas are still appealing to the radical right.
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The main goal of this paper is to analyze the strategic role of Cistercian abbey of Blessed Virgin Mary in Topusko (medieval Toplica) in anti-Ottoman defense during 16th century, especially because it is rather exceptional of usage sacral complex in anti-Ottoman defense system in rather long period. In order to do so it is determined and analyzed strategic importance of the monastic complex in anti-Ottoman defense line and the change of it according to ever going Ottoman conquest of new territories, i.e. approaching of the bordering line. Furthermore, the organization of defense of the rather large estate of Topusko abbey as well as the changes of the monastic fortifications are addressed. Even more, the role of the commendatory abbots of the abbey, as well the serves of the abbey, in the larger efforts in composing and functioning of the anti-Ottoman defense line are analyzed. Finally, the proximate time and context of the final abandoning of the former Cistercian abbey is determined.
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Kaitseväe Akadeemia (KVA) on Kaitseväe juhataja vahetus alluvuses riigikaitseline rakenduskõrgkool, mille põhiülesanne on valmistada ette Kaitseväe ülemaid ja arendada sõjateadust, et tagada Kaitseväe jätkusuutlik juhtimine. KVA tegevusvaldkonnad põhiülesande täitmisel on järgmised: 1) kõrgharidus- ja kutseõpe; 2) täienduskoolituste tegemine; 3) riigikaitsega seotud teadus- ja arendustegevus. Aruanne keskendub 2019. aasta tulemustele viimati nimetatud tegevusvaldkonnas.
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Teaduspõhise võimearenduse toetamiseks vastutab KVA nelja üldpädevuse ja neile tuginevate uurimissuundade eest: 1) eestvedamine, 2) operatsioonianalüüs, 3) ressursihaldus ja 4) tehnoloogiad. Need üldpädevused suunavad teadus- ja arendustegevust ning esitavad sellele järgmisi kaalukaid ülesandeid. 1. Eestvedamine üldpädevuse ja uurimissuunana hõlmab suutlikkust luua ja analüüsida võimelünga lahendeid juhtimisobjekti, -meetodite, -õppe ning kasutatavate vahendite ja meetodite vaatepunktist ning anda hinnang, kas ja mil määral kõrvaldavad uurimisprojektides leitud lahendused võimelünga. 2. Operatsioonianalüüs üldpädevusena on sõjateaduse valdkond, mille põhifunktsioon on toetada juhtimisotsuseid ja mis võimaldab võrrelda alternatiive teaduslike analüüsimeetodite abil. Operatsioonianalüüsi saab kasutada kõikidel sõjapidamistasanditel: 1) strateegiatasandil otsuste langetamisel, nt sõjalise kaitse strateegia arendamisel, ressursside olemasolu hindamisel, väevõimete kombineerimisel ja ajakohastamisel või võtmeülesannete määramisel sõjalise kampaania üleselt; 2) operatsioonitasandil väeüksuste hetkeseisu hindamiseks, inimvara planeerimiseks, logistika jms prognoosimiseks või oma jõudude ja vastase kriitiliste haavatavuste leidmiseks; 3) taktikatasandil sihtmärgistamiseks ja jõudude võrdluseks, optimaalse teekonna leidmiseks jms. 3. Ressursihaldus üldpädevuse ja uurimissuunana hõlmab suutlikkust luua ja analüüsida võimelünga lahendeid 1) finantsküljest ning anda hinnang, kas lahendeid on võimalik saavutada kavandatud eelarvega; 2) isikkoosseisu vaatepunktist ning anda hinnang, kas lahendeid on võimalik saavutada eeldatud isikkoosseisuga; 3) järjestatud ja sünkroniseeritud tegevuste vaatepunktist ning anda hinnang, kas lahendite saavutamiseks kuluv aeg on vastuvõetav. 4. Tehnoloogiad üldpädevuse ja uurimissuunana hõlmavad suutlikkust 1) analüüsida võimelünga lahendeid soorituse ja taktikalis-tehniliste parameetrite vaatepunktist; 2) anda hinnang, kas ja mil määral lahendid võimelünga kõrvaldavad ning 3) pakkuda välja tehnilisi lahendusi, kaasates ja kasutades vajaduse korral koostöövõrgustiku partnerite pädevust.
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Without the slightest doubt, the contribution that Romanian state has brought to Afghan society development enjoys a major recognition and capitalization worldwide. This theoretical and practical involvement of Romanian army in Afghanistan operations theater was figured in obligations and benefits as a result of belonging to such an international project. The exceptional performance of Romanian staff in several thousand missions successfully completed has demonstrate its ability to stand out with its partners and to implement fighting techniques and tactics in missions of great complexity and commitment. It is important to specify and recognize Romania’s role in major projects established at a high level by NATO member states, its loyal involvement in large-scale plans carried out positively at Kabul International Airport or in Afghan provinces. Despite the modest technical endowments of military arsenal, Romanian army has highlighted its ability to self-sustain and achieve strategic transport for moving contingents to various operations theaters throughout Afghanistan. Romania's participation in world conflicts management, in the fight against terrorism and its effects, supposes first of all a participation in war prevention, in ensuring stability at regional and global level and in consolidating security environment that allows the development of states democratic principles, borders inviolability, economic and social development, progress and prosperity etc.
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Review of: Marek Bogdan Kozubel - Ołeh Stecyszyn, Landsknechci Armii Halickiej, Lwów, Czasopys, 2012 (Олег Стецишин, Ландскнехти Галицької Армії, Львів, Часопис, 2012), 480 s.
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