Cookies help us deliver our services. By using our services, you agree to our use of cookies. Learn more.
  • Log In
  • Register
CEEOL Logo
Advanced Search
  • Home
  • SUBJECT AREAS
  • PUBLISHERS
  • JOURNALS
  • eBooks
  • GREY LITERATURE
  • CEEOL-DIGITS
  • INDIVIDUAL ACCOUNT
  • Help
  • Contact
  • for LIBRARIANS
  • for PUBLISHERS

Content Type

Subjects

Languages

Legend

  • Journal
  • Article
  • Book
  • Chapter
  • Open Access
  • Politics / Political Sciences
  • Corruption - Transparency - Anti-Corruption

We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.

Result 1781-1800 of 2286
  • Prev
  • 1
  • 2
  • 3
  • ...
  • 89
  • 90
  • 91
  • ...
  • 113
  • 114
  • 115
  • Next
Business under supervision – pathologies serving the system of power in Russia
0.00 €

Business under supervision – pathologies serving the system of power in Russia

Author(s): Maria Domańska,Piotr Żochowski / Language(s): English

The relations between Russia’s authorities and business circles are subordinated not so much to rational economic calculations as to the interests of political elites. The key interest in this case is maintaining the current model of government. The formal and informal supervision of business by law enforcement agencies is an important element of Russia’s economic reality. Despite the rhetoric of high-ranking officials, intended to suggest that the state is taking care of businesspeople’s interests, it is evident that there is no will to devise a systemic solution to the most urgent problems, including the state institutions’ disrespect for the rights of ownership.

More...
Combating corruption in Ukraine – awaiting the results
0.00 €

Combating corruption in Ukraine – awaiting the results

Author(s): Piotr Żochowski,Marta Jaroszewicz / Language(s): English

Systemic corruption has been the dominant problem of an independent Ukraine for more than two decades. The takeover of the state by a political-business group led by Viktor Yanukovych had been one of the principal causes for large-scale street protests during the Revolution of Dignity. Following the 2014 power shift, slogans calling for combating corruption and cleaning up the elites have featured among the most important priorities announced by President Petro Poroshenko and two consecutive prime ministers – Arseniy Yatsenyuk and Volodymyr Groysman. Moreover, the fight against corruption remains the West’s main condition to support Ukraine.

More...
The NSA: the impact of the wiretapping scandal on German-American relations
0.00 €

The NSA: the impact of the wiretapping scandal on German-American relations

Author(s): Marta Zawilska-Florczuk,Kamil Frymark / Language(s): English

Edward Snowden revealed that America’s National Security Agency (NSA) had tapped Chancellor Angela Merkel’s mobile phone and had collected date en masse. This has caused the largest crisis of confidence in relations between Germany and the US since the Iraq war. Due to the technological advantage which American intelligence services have, Germany wishes to continue close co-operation with the US but is making efforts to change the legal basis of this co-operation dating back to Cold War times.Berlin would like to secure part of provisions similar to the Five Eyes alliance – agreements signed between the US, the UK, Canada, New Zealand and Australia in the second half of the 1940s, aimed at intelligence sharing and a ban mutual bugging. This could spell the end of the last (not including the military presence) relic of Germany's dependence on the US which emerged following World War II and took shape in the shadow of the Cold War. The process of Germany's emancipation in trans-Atlantic relations, which began after Germany's reunification, would be complete. The US is however opposed to such far-reaching changes as it is interested in continued co-operation with Germany without limiting it. Were it not to sign agreements satisfactory for Berlin, this would lead to a protracted crisis of confidence in German-American relations.

More...
Big business in Belarus - its genesis, conditions and prospects
0.00 €

Big business in Belarus - its genesis, conditions and prospects

Author(s): Kamil Kłysiński / Language(s): English

Over the past ten to twenty years, Belarus has seen a steep rise in the number of local dollar millionaires. This has somewhat undermined the myth of an egalitarian model of society promoted through the Belarusian state propaganda.There is a small group of businessmen among the top earners who, in exchange for their political loyalty and their consent to share profits with those in power, have enjoyed a number of privileges that allow them to safely conduct business in an environment typically hostile to private enterprise. The favourable conditions under which they are operating have enabled them not only to accumulate substantial capital, but also to invest it abroad. However, since such businesses are seen as providing a financial safety net for the regime, in 2011 and 2012 some of their directors received an EU travel ban, while their companies were subjected to economic sanctions by Brussels. At the same time, fearing that Belarus’s big business could become powerful enough to influence the country’s political scene (as has been the case in Russia and Ukraine), Alexander Lukashenka has actively prevented such players from becoming too independent. Consequently, Belarus has so far not developed its own elite class of oligarchs who would be able to actively influence government policy. The current informal agreement between the government in Minsk and big business has proved stable and is unlikely to change in the near future. Nonetheless, a reordering of state power giving Belarus’s big business significant political influence would be possible should Mr Lukashenka lose power in the next presidential election.

More...
Turbulence ahead: disputes within the Russian ruling elite are gathering force
0.00 €

Turbulence ahead: disputes within the Russian ruling elite are gathering force

Author(s): Jadwiga Rogoża / Language(s): English

The last month has seen a public confrontation between Igor Sechin, the president of Rosneft, and Arkady Dvorkovich, the deputy prime minister, concerning the consolidation of the energy sector. This is the latest in a series of disputes between the Kremlin & businessmen from Putin's inner circle on one side, and the government & Prime Minister Medvedev on the other.These disputes have been wide-ranging in nature, concerning economic policy, the scope of competency of individual members of the elite, but also the 'tough line' adopted by the Kremlin since Vladimir Putin’s return to the presidency.The Kremlin, which is still the main decision-making centre in Russia, has been effectively forcing its opinions through in its short-term disputes with the government. However, a new element in the ongoing conflicts, which is unfavourable to President Putin, is their exceptional strength, their much more public nature, and their wide range (which has included criticism of the president himself) and ever-changing context, especially the worsening socio-economic situation. These conflicts have been overlapping with signs of dissent among Putin’s business supporters, and their declining political willingness to support the leader unconditionally. The Kremlin's response to the unrest consists of intensifying efforts to discipline the elite and weakening those groups in which Vladimir Putin has limited confidence. The elite’s support is crucial to the stability of his government; to maintain this support, the Kremlin is ready to introduce restrictive and repressive actions against both parliamentarians and government officials. In the short term, such a policy will force the Kremlin’s supporters back into obedience, but fears of a further increase in repression are also starting to be expressed on the sidelines.

More...
The internet in Russia: the cradle of civil society
0.00 €

The internet in Russia: the cradle of civil society

Author(s): Jadwiga Rogoża / Language(s): English

In the last decade, along with economic and technological growth, Russia has seen a dynamic development of the internet. Today the net is an everyday tool of work, information and entertainment for 40% of Russians – the most educated, active and affluent part of the society. The spread of the internet (known in Russia as the Runet) has, in turn, brought about significant political and social consequences. With the political and social sphere in Russia strictly controlled by the government, most of this activity has moved to cyberspace. The internet has become an alternative to the state-controlled media, a site for the free exchange of views and a home to numerous social initiatives. In this way, it has become a school of citizenship for Russians, and a kind of ‘test tube’ that has spawned social and political activity. This activity went beyond cyberspace in the election period in 2011/2012, and turned into massive street protests.The potential of the internet has also been used by the Russian government, both to shape public opinion (via loyal online media) and to monitor civil initiatives, especially opposition ones. The state has many instruments of technical control and supervision of the internet and its users’ activity. This control was used in the election period 2011/2012, when selected sites were blocked and pressure exerted on independent websites. These actions were a warning sign from the government, aimed at discouraging internet users from any opposition activity. However, it does not seem feasible that any restriction of such activity can be effective. The scale of this activity is now enormous, and attempts to censor the net and resorting to repression against internet users on a wider scale would only fuel resentment towards the government.

More...
Systemic crisis in Alexander Lukashenko's regime
0.00 €

Systemic crisis in Alexander Lukashenko's regime

Author(s): Kamil Kłysiński / Language(s): English

Measures undertaken by the Belarusian government in the areas of the economy, internal affairs and foreign policy in recent months have proven increasingly ineffective. Despite the deteriorating macroeconomic situation, Minsk is not implementing the reforms necessary to combat the crisis and its activity is limited only to feigned actions and administrative regulations. As a result, the economic situation is worsening but the chances of obtaining external loans as support, for example from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), are decreasing. At the same time there is mounting fear among the regime of social unrest, therefore by raising salaries of the least well-off groups of citizens it is trying to compensate for the increased costs of living. On the other hand, the government is extending the scope of control over society and competences of enforcement bodies.

More...
Romanians Protest Changes in Anti-Corruption Law

Romanians Protest Changes in Anti-Corruption Law

Author(s): Jakub Pieńkowski / Language(s): English

The largest protests in Romania since 1989 have been caused by the interpretation of two emergency government ordinances as an attempt to paralyse the fight against corruption, which has been effective for a few years now. Although the government withdrew the projects, the demonstrations have continued, with protesters seeing it as just a temporary concession. They fear the ruling parties, which have politicians threatened with criminal trials, will undertake a new attempt to change the country’s anti-corruption laws. The credibility of Romania as an international partner could be undermined by a deterioration of its image in this respect and that also would have negative repercussions for Poland.

More...
Russia’s Attempts to Influence the Presidential Election in France

Russia’s Attempts to Influence the Presidential Election in France

Author(s): Łukasz Jurczyszyn / Language(s): English

Russia has built in France a network of political, economic and media influencers, which have an impact on a significant part of the French elite and general public. Moscow has been using this network in the French presidential election campaign, to support those politicians who sympathise with Russian politics. Yet the rising popularity of socio-liberal candidate Emmanuel Macron, who is least favourable for Russia, could prove a real test for the effectiveness of these influencers.

More...
Strengthening Putin’s Political Position in Russia

Strengthening Putin’s Political Position in Russia

Author(s): Łukasz Jasina / Language(s): English

The result of the presidential election in the United States will strengthen the political position of Russian President Vladimir Putin, both in terms of internal political power and international relations. Putin’s aim is to extend his regime’s hold on power, via re-election in 2018. He will seek to gain from the electoral defeat of foreign politicians who condemned his actions in Ukraine and Syria, and on the domestic front his party in the September parliamentary election will prove an important instrument for strengthening his power.

More...
A pseudo-multi-vector policy. Moldova under the Socialists
0.00 €

A pseudo-multi-vector policy. Moldova under the Socialists

Author(s): Kamil Całus / Language(s): English

In November 2019 a new government took power in Moldova under Ion Chicu as prime minister. Formally non-partisan, the new cabinet is in fact controlled by President Igor Dodon and the pro-Russian Party of Socialists of the Republic of Moldova (PSRM). The establishment of this government brought an end to the five-month political experiment of Maia Sandu's coalition government, which was composed of the pro-Western ACUM bloc and the Socialists. In essence, the takeover of power by the latter means a halt to any real reforms, a worsening of relations with the West, and a far smaller chance that the legal proceedings currently underway into the country's biggest corruption scandals will have a positive outcome. Also, the multi-vector foreign policy declared by the government and President Dodon, which is aimed at maintaining good relations with both Russia and the EU, will in practice increase the Kremlin's influence in Moldova.Although President Dodon has gathered quite a significant amount of power, his situation remains uncertain. He does not control the parliamentary majority, and is forced to rely on the support of the Democratic Party of Moldova (PDM), which has been weakened by the crisis. The main challenge for Dodon is the presidential election which is scheduled for the end of this year. However, the weak and increasingly fragmented pro-European opposition plays into the hands of Dodon and his group.

More...
Attempts to Weaken Romania’s Anti-Corruption Law: Implications for Internal and European Policy
0.00 €

Attempts to Weaken Romania’s Anti-Corruption Law: Implications for Internal and European Policy

Author(s): Jakub Pieńkowski / Language(s): English

On 29 January, the third cabinet of Romania’s ruling coalition of the Social Democratic Party (PSD) and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats (ALDE) was established. Prime Minister Viorică Dăncila’s intention is to weaken the country’s anti-corruption laws. These changes are criticised by the U.S. and in the European Union as undermining the rule of law in Romania. This may strengthen EU supporters of the idea to connect structural fund payments to adherence to the rule of law.

More...
Próby zmian prawa antykorupcyjnego w Rumunii: implikacje dla polityki wewnętrznej i europejskiej
0.00 €

Próby zmian prawa antykorupcyjnego w Rumunii: implikacje dla polityki wewnętrznej i europejskiej

Author(s): Jakub Pieńkowski / Language(s): Polish

29 stycznia został powołany trzeci już gabinet rządzącej od roku koalicji Partii Socjaldemokratycznej (PSD) oraz Sojuszu Liberałów i Demokratów (ALDE). Zamierzeniem nowego rządu premier Vioriki Dăncili jest złagodzenie prawa antykorupcyjnego. Zmiany te są krytykowane w USA i w Unii Europejskiej jako mogące podważyć rządy prawa w Rumunii. Może to wzmocnić w UE zwolenników powiązania wypłaty funduszy strukturalnych z przestrzeganiem zasad praworządności.

More...
Charges against Prime Minister Netanyahu: Implications for Israeli Domestic and Foreign Policy
0.00 €

Charges against Prime Minister Netanyahu: Implications for Israeli Domestic and Foreign Policy

Author(s): Michał Wojnarowicz / Language(s): English

Israeli police, after investigations into corruption allegations, have recommended the country’s Attorney General indict Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Netanyahu rejects the allegations. The leaders of the parties forming the government support the head of government and did not take any action that would lead to a breakdown of the coalition. However, the results of the investigations combined with public pressure may affect the government’s stability and speed up Knesset elections. The political struggle between the parties may lead to stronger actions and rhetoric in Israeli foreign policy.

More...
Oskarżenia wobec premiera Netanjahu – implikacje dla polityki wewnętrznej i zagranicznej Izraela
0.00 €

Oskarżenia wobec premiera Netanjahu – implikacje dla polityki wewnętrznej i zagranicznej Izraela

Author(s): Michał Wojnarowicz / Language(s): Polish

W efekcie prowadzonych śledztw izraelska policja zarekomendowała prokuraturze postawienie premiera Benjamina Netanjahu w stan oskarżenia. Netanjahu odrzuca zarzuty, również liderzy partii koalicyjnych poparli szefa rządu i nie podejmują działań mogących doprowadzić do rozbicia koalicji. Jednak niekorzystne dla premiera rezultaty śledztw w połączeniu z presją społeczną mogą uderzyć w stabilność rządu i przyspieszyć wybory do Knesetu. Międzypartyjna walka polityczna może doprowadzić do zaostrzenia działań i retoryki w polityce zagranicznej Izraela.

More...
Konsekwencje protestów antykorupcyjnych dla kampanii wyborczej w Rosji
0.00 €

Konsekwencje protestów antykorupcyjnych dla kampanii wyborczej w Rosji

Author(s): Łukasz Jasina,Agnieszka Legucka / Language(s): Polish

W marcu br. odbyły się najpoważniejsze od 2012 r. antyrządowe protesty w Rosji – przeciwko korupcji. Ich największym beneficjentem został opozycjonista Aleksiej Nawalny, który zamierza wystartować w przyszłorocznych wyborach prezydenckich. Zmusiło to Władimira Putina do poszukiwania strategii wyborczej. Oprócz spraw socjalnych i gospodarczych władze będą chciały mobilizować społeczeństwo wokół innych ważnych tematów, jak np. zagrożenia terrorystyczne. Oznacza to, że rosyjską kampanię wyborczą w 2018 r. zdominują kwestie bezpieczeństwa państwa oraz hasło walki z korupcją.

More...
University Walls - Analysis of transparency of work of higher education institutions in Montenegro
0.00 €

University Walls - Analysis of transparency of work of higher education institutions in Montenegro

Author(s): Mira Popović,Daliborka Uljarević,Matej Babič / Language(s): English

In the landscape of Montenegrin higher education institutions, which do not stand out on any dimension of contemporary education, the lack of transparency is an additional cause for concern, especially taking into account more visible trend of “raising walls” around universities. So far, there were no researches of transparency of higher education institutions in Montenegro that could offer overview of these institutions’ attitude to transparency based on indicators, as well as of the availability of information on their websites, which are the main source of such information to the public. Hence, this study has twofold objective: to offer an overview of the current state of affairs with regard to availability of information on university websites and to provide the starting point for monitoring future progress. The overall purpose is to improve the quality of education, to which transparency is essential. Higher education institutions have the public responsibility to provide educational services, and there is no reason to keep any information about their functioning secret.

More...
Transparency index of Montenegrin municipalities
0.00 €

Transparency index of Montenegrin municipalities

Author(s): Mira Popović,Maja Marinović,Ana Nenezić / Language(s): English

Fight against corruption requires a multidisciplinary, continuous and multifaceted approach, and one of the preconditions is a high degree of transparency in the work of public sector bodies. Local self-governments are the closest service to the citizens which is expected to respond directly to their needs. However, openness is still not an integral part of their work, which can to a large degree make it more difficult for citizens to access these services, and for the civil society to monitor public policies at this level. It also does not help to dispel the existing unethical and corrupt patterns and practices. Regular monitoring with annual scores for each Montenegrin municipality can also serve as an incentive to improve the transparency. The Transparency Index of Montenegrin municipalities, which systematically and methodologically frames earlier activities in this area, is a direct contribution in this direction. Several years of close monitoring of municipal websites, presumably the simplest method to inform the citizens about their work, shows that Montenegrin municipalities have made some progress. These websites are today visually better, more functional and richer in content than they were a few years ago. However, they still do not provide sufficient coverage of information and do not publish all of the documents, they are legally obliged to publish, nor many of those which they should be publishing proactively. The Transparency Index of Montenegrin municipalities provides an overview of the current situation, with detailed explanations that can be instructive to each municipality individually. In addition to this information, the Transparency Index of Montenegrin municipalities also presents the findings of public opinion polls that survey citizens’ perceptions of corruption in Montenegro. The Transparency Index of Montenegrin municipalities emerged as part of the project ‘Let’s Put Corruption into Museum’ implemented by the Centre for Civic Education (CCE) with the non-governmental organizations CeMI from Podgorica, Za Druga from Petrovac, Bonum from Pljevlja and UL-info from Ulcinj, in cooperation with the Agency for Prevention of Corruption and the Ministry of Public Administration, and with the support of the EU Delegation to Montenegro and co-financing by the Ministry of Public Administration. We hope that the future annual reviews will find Montenegrin municipalities scoring much better on transparency, and thus contributing to archiving corruption in our society.

More...
Indeksi i transparencës së komunave Malazeze
0.00 €

Indeksi i transparencës së komunave Malazeze

Author(s): Mira Popović,Maja Marinović,Ana Nenezić / Language(s): Albanian

Eliminimi i korrupsionit kërkon qasje multidisiplinare, të vazhdueshme dhe shtresore, e një nga parakushtet është edhe shkalla e lartë e transparencës në punën e organeve të sektorit publik. Vetëqeverisjet vendore janë shërbimi më i afërt i qytetarëve dhe qytetareve prej të cilit pritet që t’i përgjigjet nevojave të tyre në mënyrë të drejtpërdrejtë. Mirëpo, transparenca vazhdon të mos jetë pjesë përbërëse e punës së tyre që kjo mungesë ia vështirëson, konsiderueshëm, procedurat e ndryshme qytetarëve dhe qytetareve, por edhe mbikëqyrjen e politikave publike nga ana e shoqërisë civile. Po ashtu, në këtë mënyrë nuk kontribuohet as në eliminimin e formave dhe praktikave joetike dhe korruptive. Transparenca e komunave malazeze mund të nxitet edhe me monitorimin i cili si rezultat ka gjendjen vjetore. Indeksi i Transparencës së Komunave Malazeze jep kontributin e drejtpërdrejtë në këtë drejtim duke sistematizuar dhe kornizuar, në aspektin metodologjik, aktivitetet e mëhershme në këtë lëmi. Monitorimi shumëvjeçar i faqeve të internetit të komunave, të cilët duhen të jenë mënyra më e thjeshtë e informimit mbi punën e tyre, tregon se komunat malazeze kanë bërë një hap përpara. Domethënë, sot këto faqe janë më të mira nga ana vizuale, më funksionale dhe më me përmbajtje sesa në periudhën para disa vitesh. Por, ato vazhdojnë të mos ofrojnë sasinë e mjaftueshme të informatave dhe dokumenteve, si të atyre që janë obligim ligjor i komunave, ashtu edhe të atyre që duhet të publikohen në mënyrë proaktive. Indeksi i Transparencës së Komunave Malazeze jep një pasqyrim të gjendjes momentale me shpjegimet e hollësishme të cilët mund të konsiderohen si udhëzime për çdo komunë. Po ashtu, Indeksi i Transparencës së Komunave Malazeze prezanton edhe rezultatet e hulumtimit të opinionit publik i cili ka të bëjë me perceptimin e qytetarëve dhe qytetareve për korrupsionin në Mal të Zi. Indeksi i Transparencës së Komunave Malazeze u krijua në kuadër të projektit “Ta vendosim korrupsionin në muze”, të cilin e realizon Qendra për Arsimim Qytetarë (QAQ) me organizatat joqeveritare QMH nga Podgorica, “Za Druga” nga Petrovaci, Bonum nga Plevla dhe UL-info nga Ulqini, në bashkëpunim me Agjencinë për Parandalimin e Korrupsionit dhe Ministrinë e Administratës Publike. Shpresojmë se në matjet e ardhshme vjetore komunat malazeze do të arrijnë rezultate shumë më të mira sa i përket transparencës, e si rrjedhojë të kontribuojnë kështu edhe në arkivimin e korrupsionit në shoqërinë tonë.

More...
Balkanization instead of europeanization - Fight against corruption in Montenegro
0.00 €

Balkanization instead of europeanization - Fight against corruption in Montenegro

Author(s): Vladimir Vučković / Language(s): English

Montenegro was granted candidate status in December 2001, and in June 2012, the European Union (EU) opened accession negotiations with Montenegro. After eight years, the European Commission (EC) country report notes limited progress in 25 chapters, good progress in seven chapters, while for one chapter it noted that no progress has been made. Accession negotiations with Montenegro started with the so-called new approach of the European Union, which referred to Chapter 23 (Judiciary and Fundamental Rights) and 24 (Justice, Freedom and Security), as starting and ending points. Thus, the advance in these chapters has become crucial for the overall dynamics and quality of Montenegrin EU accession negotiations. This study, the first one in a series of three, aims to scrutinize one of three political membership indicators that the EU closely monitors during the accession process - the fight against corruption. Judicial reform, strengthening regional cooperation and the improvement of good neighborly relations will be additionally addressed. These EU membership conditions are included in the most important strategic documents on the enlargement policy, starting with the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA), i.e. the Stabilization and Association Process (SAP), as well as the new negotiating framework adopted in 2012, according to which Montenegro started negotiations. At the same time, they represent the basis for further progress on Montenegro’s path towards the EU. Finally, these are three dependent variables that must be kept in mind for the systematic analytical framework. Over the past eight years, Montenegro has not achieved the expected measurable results in combating corruption. However, the EU has also demonstrated political inconsistency regarding the continuous and necessary external pressure to Montenegro. Hence, Montenegro, despite of all, has been making progress in the accession process for a long time, with an evident deficit of political will to effectively approach the prevention and suppression of corruption. Consequently, corruption remains widespread and a matter of serious concern. There was also a visible change in the recent approach of EU conditional policy through a strategy of conditionality in strengthening anti-corruption policy, i.e. allowing the candidate country to progress in the EU integration process, although it does not achieve satisfactory results in the fight against corruption. Therefore, given the limited progress in the fight against corruption, Montenegro has paradoxically made for long time progress in the EU accession process. However, the fact that only eight years after opening the accession negotiation all 33 negotiation chapters have been opened and only three provisionally closed, as well as the fact that a new methodology is in force, points to the need for a significant change in the approach of the Montenegrin authorities to dynamize this process and use it effectively for the process of internal democratization and Europeanization.

More...
Result 1781-1800 of 2286
  • Prev
  • 1
  • 2
  • 3
  • ...
  • 89
  • 90
  • 91
  • ...
  • 113
  • 114
  • 115
  • Next

About

CEEOL is a leading provider of academic eJournals, eBooks and Grey Literature documents in Humanities and Social Sciences from and about Central, East and Southeast Europe. In the rapidly changing digital sphere CEEOL is a reliable source of adjusting expertise trusted by scholars, researchers, publishers, and librarians. CEEOL offers various services to subscribing institutions and their patrons to make access to its content as easy as possible. CEEOL supports publishers to reach new audiences and disseminate the scientific achievements to a broad readership worldwide. Un-affiliated scholars have the possibility to access the repository by creating their personal user account.

Contact Us

Central and Eastern European Online Library GmbH
Basaltstrasse 9
60487 Frankfurt am Main
Germany
Amtsgericht Frankfurt am Main HRB 102056
VAT number: DE300273105
Phone: +49 (0)69-20026820
Email: info@ceeol.com

Connect with CEEOL

  • Join our Facebook page
  • Follow us on Twitter
CEEOL Logo Footer
2025 © CEEOL. ALL Rights Reserved. Privacy Policy | Terms & Conditions of use | Accessibility
ver2.0.428
Toggle Accessibility Mode

Login CEEOL

{{forgottenPasswordMessage.Message}}

Enter your Username (Email) below.

Institutional Login