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Moldovan Elections: still between State Capture vs. Russian Influence

Author(s): Denis Cenuşă / Language(s): English

Less than 1.5 million citizens voted to renew the legislative body of Moldova. This is only 49% of total number of voters or about 200.000 fewer votes compared to 2014. Neither the populist policies introduced by the government in 2018, nor the consultative referendum on reducing the size of the parliament that took place concomitantly with the elections, had much impact on stimulating higher participation.

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The Cost of Corruption in the Republic of Moldova and Who Covers It

Author(s): Dumitru Budianschi / Language(s): English

This comment paper gives a brief analysis of the cost of corruption in the Republic of Moldova, on the basis of the available meta analyses. Every year the Republic of Moldova loses from 8% to 13% of the Gross Domestic Product due to corruption, with about MDL 11.8-17.7 billion lost in 2016 only. These amounts exceed all the expenses made in 2016 for all pensioners and their social care allowances.

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Why Corruption Decreases the Efficiency of Public Spending?

Author(s): Alexandru Fală / Language(s): English

In the Republic of Moldova, the efficiency of public spending is low, compared to other states in the region. In 2017, according to the World Economic Forum's Global Competitiveness Report, the efficiency of public spending in the Republic of Moldova was marked with 2.7 points, which reveals an improvement compared to 2016 when the score was 2.6 points. Despite this progress, the Republic of Moldova ranks the 14th of the 20 countries in Eastern Europe and Caucasus in terms of public spending efficiency (see Error! Reference source not found.).

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Corruption Perception Index 2019: Thinking about Ukraine

Author(s): Igor Burakovsky / Language(s): English

According to new Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) 2019 published by Transparency International, Ukraine scored 30 points out of 100. It means that Ukraine gone back to the level of 2017 and now ranks 126th out of 180 countries alongside Kyrgyzstan, Azerbaijan and Djibouti. These results are more or less consistent with the domestic perception that during last two years the “internal anti-corruption drive” has significantly lost its momentum. It took a lot of time and efforts to create the system of special anti-corruption agencies such as National Anticorruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU), the National Agency on Corruption Prevention (NACP), Specialized Anticorruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) and High Anticorruption Court. However, their failure to act efficiently prompted the necessity to “re-launch” this system. The new Parliament rapidly adopted new laws on the NACP and the State Investigation Bureau. Even in a best-case scenario, these re-launched anti-corruption bodies will still need two-to-three years for fine-tuning to become up and running at full capacity, and for their political independence to be effectively preserved.

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NATIONAL PAR-MONITOR 2021/2022: Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Haris Ćutahija / Language(s): English

The PAR Monitor 2021/2022 is the result of monitoring work performed in 2021/2022 by the members of the Think for Europe Network, and it represents a compilation report of key findings from across the Western Balkans in the six areas of PAR defined by the Principles of Public Administration (SIGMA principles). As the third systematic PAR monitoring done in the region by civil society, this report offers not only comparisons between Western Balkan (WB) administrations, but also comparison with the baseline PAR Monitor findings of the the 2017/2018 and 2019/2020 monitoring cycle.

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NATIONAL PAR-MONITOR 2021/2022: North-Macedonia

Author(s): Juliana Karai,Angel Mojsovski / Language(s): English

The National PAR Monitor for North Macedonia 2021/2022 is the result of the monitoring carried out in 2021 and 2022 by the EPI team and shows the key findings of the six areas of RDA defined by the principles of public administration (SIGMA principles). It is the third systematic monitoring of the RJA conducted in the region by civil society, which offers not only comparisons between the administrations of the Western Balkans (WB) but also a comparison with the basic findings of the RJA monitor from 2017/2018 and 2019/2020 . The RJA Monitor reports are based on a comprehensive methodological framework designed by the WeBER research team, which combines quantitative and qualitative sources of evidence. With the SIGMA principles as the basis of monitoring, the reports are complementary to similar work by SIGMA/OECD and the European Commission, and differ in that they offer citizens and civil society perspectives on these principles. Along with this comparative regional report, the RJA Monitor package consists of six national reports with findings on a total of 23 complex indicators for monitoring selected SIGMA principles.

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NATIONAL PAR-MONITOR 2021/2022: Montenegro

Author(s): Ana Đurnić,Marko Šošić,Dragana Jaćimović / Language(s): English

When it comes to overseeing the implementation of the PAR Strategy and participation of CSOs, administrative structure for PAR coordination In Montenegro does not include representatives of CSOs, while the political level PAR Council does. Formal conditions of the Council’s work are commendable, particular compared to similar bodies in the region. However, the role and impact of the Council on the key PAR processes as well as its substantial contribution to the documents it discusses is assessed as negligible and it only held three sessions in two years.

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NATIONAL PAR-MONITOR 2021/2022: Serbia

Author(s): Milica Divljak,Milica Škorić,Sava Mitrović / Language(s): English

Public administration reform (PAR), as an integral part of the first cluster, is one of the fundamental conditions on the way to the EU membership. In the Western Balkans region, this reform has been assessed for years through the lenses of the SIGMA Principles of Public Administration, developed by OECD/SIGMA and endorsed by the EU. These Principles define what makes a well-functioning administration in terms of its ability to deliver transparent, efficient and effective services to citizens and to support socio-economic development. In the context of high external pressure for tangible developments in PAR, homegrown demand for better administration becomes even more important to keep pressuring the government to pursue reforms once the external conditionality dissipates as a result of a completed EU accession process. Civil society actors, with local knowledge of the administration’s functioning, can lead such domestic advocacy efforts aimed at better administration. Independent PAR monitoring and evidence-based dialogue with the government represent a good approach to achieving this goal.

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NATIONAL PAR-MONITOR 2019/2020: Albania

Author(s): Alban Dafa / Language(s): English

The report presents the results of monitoring work performed during February 2020 – December 2020 by the IDM research team. The methodological framework designed by the WeBER research team during the previous monitoring cycle (2017/2018) combines quantitative and qualitative sources of evidence. With the SIGMA principles as the building blocks of our monitoring work, this report – as well as the other national reports produced by our colleagues in the region – are complementary to similar work conducted by SIGMA/OECD and the European Commission. A crucial point of difference is this report seeks to highlight the civil society perspective on PAR implementation by assessing mainly SIGMA principles and indicators that measure civil society and the wider public perceptions on key issues such as transparency, accountability, and inclusiveness in policymaking.

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NATIONAL PAR-MONITOR 2019/2020: Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Anida Šabanović,Haris Ćutahija / Language(s): English

In the context of high external pressure for tangible developments in PAR, homegrown demand for better administration becomes even more important to keep pressuring the government to pursue reforms once the external conditionality dissipates as a result of a completed EU accession process. Civil society actors, with local knowledge of the administration’s functioning, can lead such domestic advocacy efforts aimed at better administration. Independent PAR monitoring and evidence-based dialogue with the government represent a good approach to achieve this goal.

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MACEDONIA’S PUBLIC SECRET: How Corruption drags the Country down. (ICG Balkans Report N°133)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Although this report contains specific examples, it has been written with care to respect the rights of individuals. ICG is prepared, however, to discuss a number of these matters in greater detail if requested to do so by appropriate, duly authorised governmental and legislative bodies. Also, while this report deals with the present and recent past and so may seem to concentrate on the parties now in power, corruption is an aspect of the country’s political culture, not the exclusive preserve of any particular group. For an attack on it to be effective, all political parties need to join in the effort, along with civil society and the international donor community. Corruption is emphatically not an issue that belongs to or should be misused for partisan political purposes, and it would be a major mistake to believe that a change of government after the September 2002 elections will automatically sweep away the problem.

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Политически брифинг № 76 на CSD: Управление на обезпечени и отнети активи в България

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

Civil forfeiture of illegally acquired assets is one of the most important tools in the fight against crime. Forfeiture is used by state authorities to strip criminals of their illicit proceeds, thereby preventing them from expanding illegal activities and reinvesting their proceeds into the legal economy. A secondary benefit of forfeiture is that forfeited property, or the proceeds of its sale, may be used to provide specialised services for the benefit of victims of crime. Moreover, the social re-use of forfeited criminal assets, which are transferred to local municipal authorities or non-governmental organizations, may serve as setting a public example for crime groups and is key in achieving transparency in the fight against crime.

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Политически брифинг № 78 на CSD: ТРАФИКЪТ НА ХОРА ЗА СЕКСУАЛНА ЕКСПЛОАТАЦИЯ В БЪЛГАРИЯ: ФИН АНС ОВИ АСПЕКТИ И ПРАНЕТО НА ПАРИ

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

Trafficking in human beings (THB) for the purpose of sexual exploitation has become one of the largest Bulgarian criminal markets since the beginning of the new millennium. After the lifting of Schengen visas for Bulgarian nationals in 2001, Bulgaria became a major country of origin for the trafficking in human beings exploited in the EU. THB and prostitution not only generate huge incomes for Bulgarian organised crime but also have detrimental social and economic impact on local communities. // There is an urgent need to develop effective mechanisms for coordination between criminal and financial investigations within the prosecution, as well as with the other relevant institutions.

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Политически брифинг № 82 на CSD: Измами с европейски средства в областта на земеделието: състояние и предизвикателства

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) budget for 2014 – 2020 amounts to a total of 408 billion EUR , while 40 % of the EU annual budget is earmarked for agriculture. In 2013 – 2017 the EC received reports of a total of 18 281 cases on counts of fraud and other irregularities in agiculture, amounting to a total of 1.360 billion EUR. EU funds fraud can be committed through acts constituting an infringement, such as corruption, falsification of documents, influence peddling, circumvention of the law, conflict of interests, bribery, making false statements and others. It is crucial to employ innovative methods in the fight against fraud, such as satellite and thermal imaging, automated prevention systems and multi-channel civil society monitoring.

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Политически брифинг № 84 на CSD: Интегриран индекс за Оценка на незаконния пазар на цигари

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

The proposed model for illicit cigarette market assessment at district level is the first tool to analyse the combined effect of two types of factors: the ones linked to law-enforcement bodies' performance and the district-specific drivers and barriers to the illicit trade in tobacco products.

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CSD Policy Brief No. 85: The Kremlin Playbook: Тhe Movie.

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The Kremlin Playbook 2: The Enablers revealed how Russia has developed and sustained state capture networks in Europe to enable the expansion of its economic and political influence. // Austria has been one of the most vulnerable countries in Europe. Russia has increased its economic footprint in the country significantly over the last decade. Russian entities have rechanneled billions of euro in Russia-owned banks in Austria. The latter received an exemption from the European sanctions to continue operating within the Eurozone system and facilitate loans and deposit operations involving Russian entities.

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Политически брифинг № 91 на CSD: Корупционният натиск и незаконният пазар на тютюневи изделия – движещи фактори и тенденции

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

Surveys of organised crime related to the illicit tobacco market in Bulgaria, conducted over the last 20 years, show an extremely intensive use of various corruptive practices at all levels of illicit trade. The record low level achieved at the end of 2019 - 3.3% according to the EPS, gave rise to a discussion regarding the risks of the market for illegal tobacco products growing again. // Expert estimates stipulate that unless there is an extremely dramatic change in taxation policy similar to these in 2006 or the 2009-2010 period, no significant shocks should be expected. The current analysis shows that criminal networks still active in the illicit trade in tobacco products have almost been completely destroyed at all levels. The fragmented residues that are still functioning do not have the capacity for significant expansion. In addition, market research shows that there has been a radical change in the attitude of Bulgarian consumers who have lost their habit of intensively searching for illegal tobacco products.

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CSD Policy Brief No. 97: The Chinese Economic Footprint in Central and Eastern Europe. Impact on Energy Transition and Climate.

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

In the past decade China has launched and promoted its first global infrastructure and economic development platform – the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It seeks to link China with Europe and countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Pacific. The BRI binds the countries along its way in large-scale China-financed infrastructure projects, which enhance China’s economic and political leverage. Around USD 14 billion in Chinese funds have entered the Central and Eastern European region in the form of grants, development loans, mergers and acquisition of domestic assets and concession agreements. To expand its economic influence in CEE, China has exploited a number of domestic governance deficits including lack of transparency of intergovernmental agreements, circumvention of national competition and public procurement law, and inconsistency with EU objectives. // The Policy Brief makes a comprehensive overview of the different patterns of Chinese economic influence. It measures the main indicators for the Chinese economic footprint in 12 CEE countries. The brief zooms in on the impact of Chinese investments on the overall quality of climate policies as well as provides targeted policy measures on countering the malign aspects of the Chinese economic presence.

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CSD Policy Brief №. 139: The State of Capture: The Risks to Distributive Politics in Southeast Europe

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The policy brief underlines the importance of proper governance of public finances, especially in countries with rule of law deficiencies. The analysis notes that intergovernmental transfers in Southeast Europe (SEE) are used to secure or change the political allegiance of mayors, build central and local leaders’ reputations, secure votes and re-election. The problems created by preferential fiscal transfers are further exacerbated by irregularities in local procurement. Statistical evidence indicates that when municipalities are politically aligned with the ruling party at the national level, they tend to receive larger public procurement contracts. The region needs an evidence-gathering mechanism to detect distortions in national and EU spending programmes caused by clientelist allocation of funds.

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Политически брифинг № 144 на CSD: ЗАВЛАДЯНАТА ДЪРЖАВА: В ТЪРСЕНЕ НА АНТИКОРУПЦИОННИ РЕЗУЛТАТИ

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

The escalating geopolitical tensions that led to increasing uncertainty around the world and to the devastating wars in Ukraine and the Middle East, threatens the development of democracy and well - that management. The challenges to establishment ven principles of the international community from member country of the UN Security Council as Russia and China encourage authoritarian and ptocratic regimes in their struggle against democratic tization and the rule of law. On this one way the action of multilaterals is weakened anti-corruption agreements such as the Convention of the United Nations against corruption, the OECD Convention on combating bribery of foreign officials of international trade transactions, as well as undermining the standards of rule of law in the expansion of the European Union.

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