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In her research, the author examines the particular traits of the social and political processes from Bukovina (mostly from the northern part) from the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty first century through the terms of the reciprocal relations of these with the processes related to the formation of civic identity of the inhabitants of the region. The article draws attention on the role and significance of the First World War on the formation of the national identity of the Ukrainians in the region, the activation of the national liberation movement from the region. A special attention is given to the Soviet period, where the so-called "Soviet Man" (Homo Sovieticus) concept was formed, who was lacking national patriotism and has lost his national identity. The processes which formed the independent Ukrainian state are analyzed and also the relationship between the democratization of the social and political life and the increase in the level of civic identity. The author also highlights the importance of educational activities in order to develop civic identity.
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The present article is focused on separate aspects of the political skirmish between two prominent representatives of the Bulgarian and Greek communities – Nayden Gerov (1823 – 1900) and Georgios Tsoukalas / Γεώργιος Τσουκαλάς (1804 – 1872). At the beginning of the 50s of the XIX century, the establishment of the Bulgarian school in Plovdiv gave rise to one of the first public disputes between the two ideologists in the context of the development of nationalisms. The article depicts some moments from the Bulgarian-Greek arguments on the pages of periodicals – ‘Tsarigradski vestnik’ and ‘Bosphorus Telegraph’. In a word duel, the two intellectuals resort to the specific pejorative rhetoric of subversion and slander. This strategic rhetoric is characterized by an intensified ideological load and lavish figurative argumentation, often accompanied by expressive ideologies, with a multitude of offensive words, provocations and critical comments. Through the use of such rhetorical techniques, the prominent socio-political figures aim not simply at the personal undermining of their opponent, but above all, at defending their own ideology and contestation of the alternative opinion. In the confrontation between the text strategies (some of them deliberately anonymous, allowing the identification of the people with the text) of N. Gerov and G. Tsoukalas, the two political programs are revealed in their contrast and convergence to the own / foreign ideological code.
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This paper examines the attitude of socialist groups in Ottoman Salonica from different ethnic backgrounds to the conflict between empire and nation-state during the first term of the Second Constitutional Era (1908 – 1912) in the aftermath of the Young Turk Revolution. Following the stories of Abraham Benaroya (1887 – 1979), the renowned Jewish printing worker, and Dimitar Vlahov (1878 – 1953), the esteemed Macedo-Bulgarian political activist, and their interactions with like-minded socialists from Bulgarian, Greek, Jewish, and Turkish origins, I analyze how these particular socialist organizations in Salonica integrated Ottomanism, or the imperial nationalism which pursued the equality of Ottoman citizens and the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire, into their class politics. Using a wide array of sources which include parliamentary minutes, newspapers and memoirs, I argue that socialist activists in Salonica, in the heyday of nationalism, believed in the possibility of a socialist future within the Ottoman Empire. Notwithstanding their disagreements with the elected Ottoman government, Salonican socialists openly opted for the constitutional and ethnically heterogenous empire rather than its disintegration and territorial accession to the homogenized Balkan states.
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The article describes the general situation of the roma living on the Left Bank of the Dniester, and the manifestation of a discriminatory attitude towards representatives of the roma community. Presented are some of the results of a study carried out by UNHCHR consultants on the left bank of the Dniester in July-August 2020, the findings and recommendations of the UN Senior Human Rights Adviser Thomas Hammaberg, reflected in the 2013 and 2018 Reports, and the start of their implementation through the creation of a network of roma community mediators operating in various localities.
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Religious identity represents one of the most sensitive topics, especially in the context of a conflict, so religious identity and confessional aspects can be bridges for resolution and de-escalation, or on the contrary, they can block and stiffen the regulatory process. The confessional reality on the two banks of the Dniester has so far not been analyzed from the perspective of the regulatory process, but more from the historical perspective of the evolution of religious life in the Transnistrian region. The Soviet period made it practically impossible to discuss religious life in the region, it was almost annihilated. But even in the context of special and internationally unregulated political realities after 1991 and which still bear strong traces of the Soviet period, religious and confessional life developed and diversified. In this situation, a series of questions arise regarding the specifics of religious and confessional life as well as confessional freedoms in the region, as well as the role they may or may not have in the effort to regulate the Transnistrian file.In general, the confidence-building measures considered and are undertaken by international actors, but also by the authorities on the two banks of the Dniester, where they have focused in recent years especially on elements specific to human security and less on elements of national security and state consolidation, as many expected or counted on in the regulatory process, a fact that somewhat displeased the political decision-makers. In the context of the war in Ukraine, the negotiation format has stalled, and the process of settling the Transnistrian file has entered a very dangerous minefield. That is why it is important to analyze the opportunity or, on the contrary, the risk, that religious identity can generate the continuation of measures to strengthen trust and maintain dialogue, especially when political channels of communication close.
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The “special military operation” launched by the Russian Federation in Ukraine at the beginning of 2022 had a strong impact on the European security environment. The full-scale invasion marked an unwelcome return of armed conflict within the continent and an unprecedented humanitarian situation. It was also the first time that members of Generation Z are seeing what war really looks like. The existing literature provides extensive studies about Gen Z’s perception of various issues like social and political values, workplace, and quality of life. However, very little is known about young citizens’ perception of security, safety, and freedom after the war in Ukraine started. This study seeks to address this gap in the literature and analyses how Gen Z’s perception of security, safety, and freedom has changed in the current security environment. The analysis is based on a single case study – in Romania, and semi-structured interviews conducted in September-October 2022 with young citizens coming from different socio-demographic profiles. The main purpose is to explain how the conflict affected the perceptions variation of the abovementioned indicators, in a post-communist state where those under 25yo did not experience a large-scale military conflict so close to our borders.
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In the last decades the issue of refugees and immigrants has become more transparent and a subject of interest for the common citizen. Many authors discuss and analyze how people perceive immigration and the issues related to them. However, we know very little about what young citizens, members of generation Z, think about refugees and immigrants. The paper addresses this gap in the literature and analyzes how young citizens perceive immigrants and refugees that arrive in Romania. It uses Romania as a single-case study and semi-structured interviews conducted in September 2022-October 2022 with young citizens coming from different socio-demographic profiles, to explain the variation in how they perceive the recent Ukrainian refugees and other immigrants. The main purpose is to explain the perceptions variation related to the current crisis generated by Russian Federation. The findings indicate that young citizens’ perceptions are influenced by a combination of general attitudes toward the political system and society, education, and specific attitudes about potential external threats.
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This study explores how sectarian language prevalent on Arabic media shapes common Arab people's perceptions of sects such as Sunni, Shiites, and others. A sample of Arabic sectarian expressions was collected from social media, print media and TV channels. A sample of students and faculty was surveyed. Sectarian language was analysed according to the components of perception (perceiver, target, and situation), the factors that affect each, and the social amplification and attenuation risk framework. Sectarian language used by students, faculty and Arab media is characterized by contempt, hostility, hatred, and intolerance of the sect(s) they disapprove of as they constitute political and ideological threats. Many Sunnis are afraid of the Shiite tide and Shiite Crescent. Hezbollah, Houthis, and Muslim Brothers are considered “terrorists” and “militias”.
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The everyday life of the deportees was orchestrated by the authorities through work, education and leisure and through intrusion in their family life. Under constant surveillance, people submitted themselves to the demands and executed the chores established by the regime. However, from the very beginning they struggled to preserve their agency. This article, based on the memories of former deportees, underlines their capacity to resist repression, to overcome the social constraints and to create social groups parallel to the official ones.
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Cet article analyse les rapports entre la domination politique de l’État roumain, pendant le socialisme et le post-socialisme, et les stratégies et tactiques de résistance et d’adaptation des gens ordinaires (common people) aux politiques étatistes. Cette relation dynamique sera observée à partir des réalités de la vallée du Jiu, l’une des régions les plus touchées par le projet de l’État, axé d’abord sur l’industrialisation accélérée et, ensuite, sur la désindustrialisation, également, accélérée, avec des répercussions majeures sur les relations sociales. En corroborant les entretiens et les récits de vie avec des articles de presse de l’époque, nous entendons comprendre le contrôle de la production et de la population par l’État, l’appropriation et l’aménagement du territoire, le licenciement de la main-d’œuvre lors de la transition du communisme au capitalisme, tout comme les répercussions de ces mesures étatistes sur la vie quotidienne des gens et la résilience de ces derniers à l’ordre politique.
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This paper examines the ideological ranges of contemporary stories about Kosovo, as reflections on the social, political, and cultural background in which they arise, as well as the processes of establishing or abandoning the dominant identity matrices, based on the Kosovo myth. As Kosovo is our great story, the constitutive narrative of our national being, but also of Serbian literary-historical consciousness, it proved necessary to shed light on how contemporary Serbian prose reflects this narrative, but also to elucidate the diachronic perspective, which gives ideologies a mythical or symbolic dimension. The five authors and texts I am analyzing are Branislav Janković, “Nightingale the Chicken” (Slavuj-pile), Muharem Bazdulj “From Prizren the tame place” (Iz Prizrena mjesta pitomoga), Dejan Stojiljković, “No cour- age” (Nema hrabrosti), Vesna Kapor “What would you like to remember” (Čega bi voleo da se sećaš) and Ana Radmilović “Kosovo - three hundred miracles” (Kosovo– trista čuda). Among the selected contemporary stories, a range from establishingand empowering to challenging the dominant ideological discourse on Kosovo and its mythology is noticeable. The common intention is to constitute “small” stories by referring to a “private” view of Kosovo resulting from a fragmentation of the world image, and hence deconstruction or rethinking inherited identities based on new policies and ideological constructs represented in our era, which produce internal dissonance in the text itself.
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Homi Baba, American-Indian literary theorist and philosopher of cul- ture, is one of the key figures in postcolonial theory. His original contribution is in the introduction of the terms „hybridization“, „mimicry“, „cultural difference“,„ambivalence of colonial discourse“ and „third space“, which enriches the repertoire of postcolonial theories and problematizes these theories in the key of poststructur- alist philosophies, especially those of Jacques Derrida, Jacques Lacan and Michel Foucault. As a postcolonial literary and cultural theorist, Baba opposes binary divi- sions of theories / policies in The Location of Culture (1994) to try to show the true meaning of postcolonial theories. Of course, in order to arrive at this new practice, it was necessary to discuss some aporia into which his thought often falls, especially to develop a complicated dialectic of the ambivalence of post/colonial discourse. In parallel with postcolonial thought, Baba develops philosophy of culture, which is thematized in the second part of the text. In the essay „DissemiNation“ (1990), as a poststructuralist-inspired thinker he does not derive a systematic transcultural theory, but only deconstructively points to the „splitting points“ of the unison-understood Culture as a monolithic and monopolistic Western narrative.
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When in the novel Migration by Miloš Crnjanski the idea of the Serbian choice is articulated in one unfinished, interrupted sentence – „You Serbs prefer to choose military work, so ...” (Crnjanski 2008: 25) – an example of this articulation ironically marks the historical role of the nation. it is not possible to make a choice within the socio-political system of the Austrian monarchy that would stabilize the position of the community in the empire, ensure it in an appropriate way. The incompleteness, the interruption of the sentence that formulates the perspective of the Serbian choice, indicates a strong narrative sense of the historical conditioning of identity. The political affirmation of the military identity of Serbs delegitimizes the heroic ethos that is the basis of the Serbian historical being. The ideological use of the Serbian warrior discourse indicates that a modern mechanism of identity regulation is active in the world of the novel Migration. The nation learns about the experience of ontological deprivation to be realized in the dimension of dying in war, which would provide it with historical and metaphysical meaning. Crnjanski’s novel reveals the fundamental difference between an ideologically constructed stereotype of identity and an ontological inversion of historical experience.
More...Episodes of Antisemitic Violence in the Stadiums of the Capital and the Provinces before and after World War II (1922-1948)
In 1922, in Romania, fascist youth organizations began to undertake actions of intimidation and annihilation of Jews and of those accused of supporting them, through the use of physical and verbal violence, manifestations that continued and radicalized year after year. Sports and sports venues were among the spaces where Romanian antisemitism seemed tobe allowed to manifest itself unhindered. The systemic spread of the antisemitic ideology led to an increase of such occurrences. As of the 1930s, the foundations of the anti-Jewish legislation continued by the Antonescu regime were laid, and the war of the far-right groups against Jews and Judaism was total and concerned all aspects of life, including sports. Step by step, athletes and officials of Jewish origin were excluded from this field, meaning that the Maccabi association, as well as other Jewish sport teams, were banned from all official competitions of the Romanian State. this situation lasted four years, until the end of the Antonescu regime. Jewish associations were categorized by the police and military authorities as a cover for communist activity. In Romania, just like in other countries, persecution and discrimination of Jews continued after the end of World War II, given that stadiums in Bucharest and in the province witnessed reprehensible deeds against Jewish soccer players and sports clubs, done by the other athletes and especially by the audiences. In this article, I will present several such cases in detail, in order to show a lesser known side of Romanian antisemitism before and after the Second World War.
More...Young, Dannagal Goldthwaite (2020). Irony and Outrage: The Polarised Landscape of Rage, Fear, and Laughter in the United States. New York: Oxford University Press.
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The Jewish cultural tradition, which within the framework of the Bosnian habitus went through stages - from assimilation, concretization, activation, and even fusion - represents a paradigm of intracultural processes in the complex Bosnian society. These processes take place through various interactions, which have not been bypassed by local literature, and are representative of one part of the literary oeuvre of Isak Samokovlija. Based on the theoretical starting points of intercultural interpretation and psychoanalysis, the work questions Samokovlija's short stories in which the characters act through the suppressed own versus the foreign. This is especially expressed in the stories “Od proljeća do proljeća” (From Spring to Spring) and “Plava Jevrejka” (The Blue Jewess).
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The paper focuses on the divergent national perspectives – Croatian and Serbian – regarding the reasons behind Yugoslavia's unification (the Kingdom of SHS), moreover on the causes of its disappearance from the historical scene, both as the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes and as the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. From the perspective of Serbian „nationally conscious“ historians, it was the Croatian separatism that should be blamed for the downfall of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia during the Italian and German occupation in 1941 as well as the inner disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1991. From the Croatian perspective, the reason behind the downfall of Yugoslavia is in Serbian unitarism, which, through Yugoslavia, aimed to dominate over the other nations. While condemning the nationalistic politics of other nations for the breakup of Yugoslavia, both of these nationalistic perspectives consider Yugoslavia an artificial creation. Miroslav Krleža, a Croatian and Yugoslav writer, criticized the politics of Croatian national separatism and Serbian unitarism in the texts he wrote during the time of the Kingdom of SHS (Yugoslavia). These writings also represent his efforts to open a possibility for a new political community based on socialistic principles. Although his polemic thought was based on the recognition of national particularities, Krleža was looking for ways to overcome the national antagonisms within socialist Yugoslavia. Although Yugoslavia disappeared, his thought on nationalistic antagonisms is relevant in the current political framework, the one in which national exclusion is dominating.
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Starting from the premise that contemporary crisis is a pervasive continuation of the modern “series of interrelated crises” (Fernández-Caparrós and Brígido-Corachán vii), this article examines the manner in which the US theater has responded to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. Simultaneously considering crises as “agents of change and transformation” (xvii) and bearing in mind the #MeToo, and Black Lives Matter movements, the article questions the likelihood of contemporary American theater overcoming its own crisis of representation. Relating modern and current crises, the essay first outlines twentieth century dramatic literature and theaters against the backdrop of the World Wars, the 1918 health crisis, economic depression, and post-war (racialized) society, focusing on plays by American women of color. The study then centers on dramatic and theatrical developments brought about by the annus horribilis of 2020, surveying new genres, authors and performances, and discerning no significant improvement in systemic discrimination on Broadway stages. The essay also offers complementary reading of Trouble in Mind (1955), a meta-drama mirroring systemic racial and gender discrimination in American theaters, and By the Way, Meet Vera Stark (2011) which unravels similar issues, albeit in the film industry.
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The reconstruction of the past and memory is examined in the feature film Italia 90: The Movie (2014) by Miguel Gómez, which depicts the first participation of a Costa Rican team in a World Cup. The analysis includes the narrative, visual, and sound operations with which the past and memory are recreated (... or created), as well as the ways in which the story involves the viewers, particularly those who remember the episode. It is explained that, although the story resorts to certain topics of sports cinema, it is presented more as an adventure of the community, which would eventually include an entire country, and favors the exploration of the intimate over the epic. Italia 90: The Movie appeals to nostalgia, through recognizable images and sounds, as well as figures anchored in the hegemonic Costa Rican imaginary (such as the “common peasant”), to narrate an episode that, in addition to being central in the history of sports in Costa Rica, it is among the events that symbolically mark the country’s entry into the globalized world.
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