„Spóźnieni przybysze” ery nacjonalizmów. Przyczynek do dyskursu na temat procesów narodowotwórczych w Azji

Author(s): Adam W. Jelonek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2017

As Anthony Smith notes in his classic work on nationalism, the modern world order is inseparable from the institution of the nation-state. However, as he repeatedly emphasized, the nation-state was not always and not everywhere a basic political entity. While according to Gellner, the era of nationalism in Europe has come in the 19th century, the 20th century in the history of East Asia was the time of mass process of emerging nations. Shaping of the system of theoretically equal sovereign states, described in not very adequate way as a „Westphalian system”, lasted in Asia much longer than in Europe. The Western concept of territorial sovereignty, considering the state as a source of autonomous law and the subject of relations with other sovereign states, for many centuries was not so obvious. The rule of internal sovereignty - which in local conditions was lost in various networks of feudal dependencies and complex relations of patronage and clientelism- seemed to be not obvious to anyone. This text is devoted to the complexities of nation-building process in East Asia from the perspective of classical (Western) theories of nationalism.

Michael Novak, Writing from Left to Right: My Journey from Liberal to Conservative, [Image Books Press, Bournemouth 2013, 336 pp.]

Author(s): Mark M. Michalski / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2014

Implikacje kryzysu Unii Europejskiej dla dalszego procesu integracji

Author(s): Mieczysław Stolarczyk / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2012

The Eurozone crisis, that made its presence felt especially between 2010 and 2011, illustrated that predicating the further European integration has become more difficult than it was a few years ago. Some of its consequences are already visible in a large scale; some will assuredly be noticed in a longer term. The aim of this case study is to indicate, according to the author’s opinion, which are the most important and direct implications of the EU crisis for the further development of the European Union integration. In the first part of the article, the author outlined the most probable results of the presumptive dissolution of Eurozone. In the second part, he demonstrated that the Eurozone crisis would lead to wider integration of the Euroland. Nonetheless, this closer integration will not mean building the United States of Europe, since among the EU societies there is no agreement to transform the EU into this kind of federal structure. In the present case study the author shows that the EU crisis has strengthen the differentiated level of integration, stressed the role of Germany in the EU, weaken significantly the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), strengthen the lack of democracy in the EU, contributed to slimming the welfare state and, finally, lowered attractiveness of EU model of integration.

Od wojny do postnacjonalizmu – kanadyjska tożsamość polityczna jako ewolucja antagonizmów narodowościowych

Author(s): Robert Borkowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2018

The reflection on the history of stabilization of countries that have experienced serious armed conflicts may be inspiring to consider the chances of stabilization of modern post-conflict areas. Canada is in the next phase of forming a national identity, which consists of searching for its own counterpart of the American civil religion. The current attempts at identity reconstruction of Canadian society in the political discourse are aimed at consolidating the consensus on the permanence of the federal system and social stability. These attempts are based, on the one hand, on the deconstruction of ethnic identity as unimportant in the modern society of the globalized world. On the other hand, political elites promote the ideas of political nationalism and expansionism in the Arctic. Therefore, Canada must be perceived not as a ‟national state” nor ‟nation nationalized”, but still as a ‟nation in the process of nationalization”.

Pro Katalónia:Igazságot a kisnemzetnek

Author(s): Zsuzsanna Fekete / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1/2023

Győri Szabó Róbert: Katalónia. A függetlenség álma. A katalán önállóság történeti nézőpontból. Osiris Kiadó: Budapest, 2021. 531 oldal

Eurocentrism and the Obstacles for Entrance of Western Balkans and Turkey in the European Union

Author(s): Mladen Karadzoski,Julijana Siljanoska / Language(s): English Issue: 1 (4)/2011

Turkey and Western Balkans, which includes Macedonia, Serbia, Croatia, Montenegro, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo, as candidate and potential candidate countries, explicitly declare their will and intention to join the European Union. Unfortunately, the severe standards and criteria which are required for fulfillment from these countries are not the only obstacles for their membership in EU, i.e. the so-called eurocentrism, the concentration of the decision-making and rule-making power in several states, the euroscepticism in some EU countries etc., are also obstacles for Western Balkans and Turkey towards their membership in the European Union. For these reasons, the main goal of this paper will be to identify which are the biggest obstacles for entrance of Western Balkans and Turkey in the European Union, which are the consequences of the eurocentrism for the enlargement policy of EU and to determine a “model” for a faster integration of the candidate and potential candidate countries into European Union, without jeopardizing the interests of the older EU countries, and relativizing the influence of the eurocentrism for the enlargement of the Union, at the same time. The comparative method, but also the inductive and deductive methods will be used in this paper.

Modele przemian politycznych w regionie Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej

Author(s): Jacek Wojnicki / Language(s): Polish Issue: 30/2021

The article discusses the issues of transformation processes in Central and Eastern Europe. The analysis took many factors into account: geographical, historical, political, political, social and economic. Internal and external premises decided about the course of political and political changes initiated at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s. Classical political theories about the Transition to democracy were included. A research hypothesis was put forward that the traditions of democratic political institutions have a positive impact on the pace and extent of consolidation of the democratic system.

Nacionalna identifikacija zakarpatskih Ukrajinaca početkom 20. stoljeća

Author(s): Oksana Timko Đitko,Julija Jusyp Jakymovič / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 8-9/2024

The history of Transcarpathian lands unfolded within the framework of three state entities, during which the Ukrainian language and Ukrainian identity crystallized in the struggle against Russophile and Ruthenian tendencies, each holding sway at different periods in history. Following the dissolution of Austria-Hungary and after nearly a millennium of being part of non-Slavic state formations (from 906 to 1918), our lands, due to historical circumstances, became a separate region within the First Czechoslovak Republic (until 1939). The incorporation of Transcarpathia into Czechoslovakia marked a positive change in all aspects of life, particularly in shaping the national-political consciousness, national identity of Transcarpathian Ukrainians, and their political and cultural realization.

Prisiljavanje na rusifikaciju i borba Moskve protiv ukrajinskog jezika: povijesni kontekst

Author(s): Maryna Beesonova,Kateryna Shymkevych / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 8-9/2024

The article presents the historical aspect of the development of Russification as a particular policy of the Principality of Moscow and the Russian Empire towards the Ukrainian language and Ukrainians from the middle of the 17th century until today. Russification has different meanings in different sources and books, which affects the appearance of similar definitions such as „Russification,” „Zrosyshсhenia,” „Russification,” „Pomoscalenia,” Moskalization, „Moscowization.” Russification of Moscow/Russia, according to Ukrainians and the Ukrainian language, has several meanings – ideological, philological, and historical-political. Despite the harsh measures implemented by the Moscow/Russian government, the Ukrainian people and their language have shown remarkable resilience. Russification was realized using assimilation, the banning of the Ukrainian language, displacement, and deportation, mixed marriages, and deprivation of national identity and self-awareness. A major role in these processes was played by the Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate, which existed since the 17th century as an assistant to total Russification and its spread to the Ukrainian people. Mandatory elements of Russification were the banning of Ukrainian literature and culture, the introduction of the Russian language in schools, the destruction of intellectuals, and anyone who fought against the Moscow/Russian and Soviet governments. These processes were characteristic of the Russian Empire and Soviet Ukraine, as well as in independent Ukraine, which Moscow now considers its territory. This is why Russia is trying to prove that the Ukrainian language, a rich and distinct culture, never existed as an independent one, and Ukrainians and their history are part of the Russian people and Russian history

Međunacionalni odnosi u Daruvaru početkom 20. stoljeća kroz prizmu „Veleizdajničkog procesa” u Zagrebu (1909.)

Author(s): Željko Karaula / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 8-9/2024

The paper uses published material and literature to analyze the events in the Daruvar area (Đulovac) through the lens of the 1909 „High Treason Trial“ in Zagreb. The testimony and accompanying material demonstrated the growth of Serbian national consciousness in this area as well as the local Orthodox population’s (led by intellectuals from the Serbian Independent Party) efforts to promote this region’s national Serbian identity

Unveiling the War and Constructing Identities: Exploring Memes in Ukrainian and Russian Social Media during the Russian Invasion of Ukraine

Author(s): Alina Mozolevska / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2024

The article examines the generation and deployment of visual narratives in Ukrainian and Russian digital participatory cultures, with a specific focus on internet memes in the context of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. It analyzes the form, content, and functions of these memes and highlights their similarity in mobilizing and conveying political messages despite variations in their visual components. The study indicates that Ukrainian memes are used not only to promote political agendas but also serve as trauma coping and collective identity construction mechanisms in times of crisis, helping to promote new war narratives that are engaged in the construction of the self and the other.

Ukrainian Wartime Posters as a Tool of Participatory Propaganda During the Russian Invasion of Ukraine

Author(s): Elżbieta Olzacka / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2024

Drawing inspiration from the Ukrainian poster boom during the Russianinvasion of Ukraine, this article explores the role of war-related posters intoday’s world, where printed media is no longer dominant, and images cantravel across different media platforms. The example of wartime Ukraineshows that the poster remains an essential tool of wartime propaganda,promoting patriotic and proactive attitudes and encouraging action tosupport the war effort, while experiencing substantial changes in its formand means of dissemination. Analyzing various types of grassroots andinstitutional initiatives related to creating and disseminating war-relatedposters in Ukrainian offline and online public spaces made it possible tofocus on two issues: firstly, how online media facilitate the creation anddistribution of posters in offline formats and allow them to transcend thetraditional printed form; and secondly, how posters become a convenient toolof participatory propaganda, involving various state and non-state actors intheir production and dissemination.

Degrowth from the East – between quietness and contention. Collaborative learnings from the Zagreb Degrowth Conference

Author(s): Lucie Sovová,Markus Sattler,Ágnes Gagyi,Eva Fraňková,Ottavia Cima,Thomas S. J. Smith,Ondřej Kolínský,Lilian Pungas / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2024

While degrowth as a plural and decolonial movement actively invites the Global South to be part of its transformative project, the current North South dichotomy threatens to miss the variety of semi-peripheral contexts. Against this backdrop, we aim to contribute to dialogues on degrowth fromthe often-overlooked ‘East’ – specifically post-socialist Central and EasternEurope (CEE). Instead of being viewed as a site for transformative examplesand inspiration for degrowth-oriented socio-ecological transformation,CEE is often portrayed as ‘lagging behind’. Problematising such reductionistnarratives, this essay explores CEE as a lively and rich site of postcapitalistalternatives. Based on two special sessions organised at the 2023International Degrowth Conference in Zagreb, we reflect upon insightsgathered on various degrowth-aligned traditions and practices in CEE witha goal to 1) advance an equitable dialogue between the global degrowthscholarship and the East, and 2) strengthen a context-sensitive degrowthagenda in CEE.

Degrowth in the Semi-Periphery: Ecology and Class in Central and Eastern Europe

Author(s): Josef Patočka,Martin Čech,Eva Fraňková / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2024

The aim of this extended review essay is to discuss the potential relevance ofdegrowth-aligned social-ecological transformation for the specific contextof Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). We frame this discussion aroundthree recent books which we consider especially useful for this debate:The Future is Degrowth by Schmelzer et al. (2022, in Czech 2023) for anup-to-date and comprehensive overview of the concept of degrowth; Marxin the Anthropocene by Saito (2023) for an ecologically grounded debateon anticapitalist strategies stemming from writings of late Marx; and ThePolitical Economy of Middle Class Politics and the Global Crisis in EasternEurope by Gagyi (2021) that empirically analyses the specific position ofthe CEE semiperiphery and its implications for a radical social-ecologicaltransformation. We introduce and interlink the main ideas of these books anddiscuss their implications for the degrowth movement in the CEE context.We argue that to deeply transform our socio-metabolic relation with nature,it is crucial to cultivate and expand spaces of reproductive autonomy, andlink them to struggles of labour and social movements. We conclude byemphasising the role of internationalism from below.

KOLEKTIVNA ILI INDIVIDUALNA KRIVICA I ŠTA NAKON ZLOČINA?

Author(s): Bernard Harbaš / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 4/2024

The paper deals with Hannah Arendt's attitude towards the concepts of collective and individual guilt with a special emphasis on her understanding of the discontinuation of criminal practice. The basic theoretical premise of Arendt's philosophy consists in the critique of work based on necessity and unfreedom. In contrast to work and production as non-free activities, she emphasizes action as a form of free activity that consists of communication between different but equal individuals. For Arendt, work and production are inherent in totalitarian political systems by their very nature. The basis of the totalitarian regime is automated and bureaucratic action, which is best demonstrated in the unquestioning execution of orders and respect for hierarchy. It identifies totalitarian projects with the evolutionary laws of nature, according to which the means is violence whereas the goal is survival of the fittest. Arendt attributes this type of relationship, characterized by the "absence of thought", to every criminal enterprise, such as mass murders, camps. This inability to criticize can be attributed to the individual or individuals, but not to the collective. For Arendt, the term collective guilt is a skillful concealment of individual responsibility and guilt.

Suleiman Al-Nabulsi and His Position on Arab Nationalist Causes

Author(s): Ibrahim Ahmad Al Shyyab,Ali Ibrahim Al-Bashayreh,Mohammed Salem Amayreh,Omar Saleh Al Omari,Khaled Hassan Al-Jabali / Language(s): English Issue: 7/2024

This study addressed the position of Suleiman Al-Nabulsi on many Arab and national causes, as Al-Nabulsi is considered one of the men of Jordan had a prominent role in the Jordanian and Arab political life. His life reflected to a large extent the reality of political life and its interactions in the Jordanian arena and the Arab world at large ,this study aims to underline Al-Nabulsi ’s position regarding all causes at Jordanian and Arab national levels , such as the Palestinian situation, Arab unity, the Algerian revolution, the Baghdad Pact, the tripartite aggression against Egypt and other Jordanian and national causes, in addition to clarifying Al-Nabulsi ’s philosophy of national loyalty, which stems from principle of Arab existence unity. he is one of the prime ministers in Jordan who did not limit nationalism just at Jordan’s level , besides his role in the social reform that aims to attain more of democracy and opposition to foreign mandates which he considered as a form of colonialism (Al-Mousa, 1986, p. 57), and therefore it was natural that this philosophy will be in conflict with the philosophy of the state which aims to maintain its entity and independence ,the descriptive historical method was used that relies on the historical events as they appeared in their sources ,and to apply critical approach and analyze them in a scientific ,rational and neutral objectivity far from prejudice .the study reached many conclusions some of which are :the national philosophy of Al-Nabulsi that transcends the political and geographical boundaries of Jordan ,because he upholds the high values and ideals in his calculations ,and in fact he tried to subject reality to those values , also President Nasser’s ideas regarding unity has a great impact on his personality ,so he experienced a conflict between the loyalty to the country ,and the loyalty to Arab nationalism by president Nasser ,so naturally he saw no conflict between the two loyalties to the country on the one hand and the larger Arab nationalism on the other hand (Al-Mousa 1986 ,P 58 ), but the two loyalties complimented each other and he defended this concept until the last day of his life.

Мюсюлманските общности в Западните Балкани

Author(s): Atanas Dermendzhiev / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3/2024

The article focuses on the place of Muslim communities in the Western Balkans on the example of Slovenia and Croatia. Special attention is paid to the attitude of the majority in these countries towards minority groups and their place in society. Activities in the field of integration policy are highlighted.

ОСОБЛИВОСТІ АКТУАЛІЗАЦІЇ СУЧАСНИХ УКРАЇНСЬКИХ ІСТОРИЧНО-КУЛЬТУРНИХ СВІТОГЛЯДНИХ КОДІВ

Author(s): Nataliia Deviatko / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 3/2024

The article is devoted to the issues of actualization modern Ukrainian historical and cultural worldview codes. Natural national identity protects the individual from hostile manipulative influences. This is very important subject during hybrid wars. The worldview codes, which are the basis of national consciousness, are usually studied precisely through the prism of national self-awareness and identification. The basic worldview codes are realized through historical memory and culture. Often these implementations are interrelated. The purpose of the article is the study of modern actualization of the basic worldview codes, which are responsible for the national self-identification of a person and form the national cultural space. During hybrid and information wars, it is worldview codes that are subjected to the most powerful attacks from the enemy, because their deep change significantly affects the worldview and national identity of a person.

THE GEOPOLITICAL MAPS OF THE ROMANIAN IDENTITY (II)

Author(s): Radu Baltasiu / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2022

Civilization also means a self-imposed order, as part of personal liberty. Personal liberty implies the awareness of the Other, as a person and as space. The Other is not merely an individual, it is a collective actor. That is, order is about mapping space – the shape of the collective Other. The highest social function of mapping space is culture. The specialized institution/instrument of culture to deal with the social order by mapping the actual, the past, and the possible social space is the Atlas, with its historical, sociological, anthropological, etc. maps. Culture offers people space awareness, that is, the ability to know the meaning of space and a sense of personal and collective belonging. The most obvious instrument for doing so is the Atlas. Here I will present some geopolitical maps regarding the Romanian Ethnic Space structured under three categories: ethnic evolution, geopolitical pressures on the Romanian space and the significant-densities of the Aromanians to the south of the Danube. Part Two will represent some of the most significant maps by Simion Mehedinti – the founder of modern Romanian geography and a forefather of geopolitics.

DECENTRALIZATION AND UNION OF MUNICIPALITIES IN CAMEROON: STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESSES

Author(s): Felicite PAHO NYA / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2023

In Cameroon, decentralization has enabled the establishment of local authorities which are administrative structures which, unlike the State, do not act in the name of the general interest, but in the name of the interests of the population of a specific territory. Intercommunality being an emanation of decentralization embraces many issues including local democracy, local development, and good governance at the local level. Thus, the management of public services, spatial planning and economic development are all issues at the center of intermunicipal collaboration, which is based on optimal satisfaction of the vital needs of populations despite the limited resources of a single municipality. The aim of this article is to provide, from a historical perspective, an analytical grid on the contribution of intercommunality, in this case the union of communes, to the development of populations. The central argument developed in this text is that the syndicates of communes which were born in Cameroon following decentralization (law of 2004), participated greatly in the development of the localities covered by the latter, but certain structural brakes, institutional and financial constraints have reduced the development impetus driven by this form of intermunicipal cooperation. Through a descriptive and analytical method, we show that the commitment of municipal unions, although bearing fruit for local populations in terms of water and sanitation, remains insufficient because it is littered with several obstacles.