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This book addresses issues connected with Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea that are both of key current relevance and crucial from the point of view of both international law and international relations. It not only offers a comprehensive elaboration of the subject, but also presents it from the points of view of states directly engaged in the conflict. For the authors in this book include researchers from many European countries, albeit first and foremost from both Ukraine and Russia. In this way the collected work represents a contribution of undoubted value where the ongoing international debate on the Crimean annexation is concerned. /// From the review by Prof. Anna Wyrozumska
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The fifth volume, the last of the Under the shadow of Stalin and Hitler series dedicated to the fate of the European nationas during Stalin's alliance with Hitler, describes the military coup in Belgrade, the preparations for the attack and destruction of Yugoslavia, the occupation regime in Belgium, the surrender of Greece, the bargain for the new boundaries of Southeastern Europe, the anti-British uprising in Iraq, and Stalin's decision to take over the post of a leader of the Soviet Union, the fall of Crete, Hitler's talks with Boris III, Ante Pavelic and Ion Antonescu, and the German Declaration of War against Russia. In the final "Conclusions and lessons", the author shares: "Without the Soviet-Nazi Alliance created by the Nazy-Soviet Pact of August 23, 1939, World War II in Europe would never have erupted. This alliance predetermines the position of forces on a global scale for the next half century. The ultimate winner of World War II is Stalin. The strategic winner, however, is the United States, but democracy will fully realize its victory only with the fall of the Berlin Wall on 9 November 1989 and the end of Communism in Eastern Europe. "
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The period after the North or Winter War between Soviet Union and Finland was shorter than a month, but allowed the Soviet-Nazy Alliance to regroup and better plan their strategy of invading Europe. While the public interest was still focused on the situation in Poland, allies freely expanded the front line, whereas Germany seized Denmark, Luxembourg, Belgium and the Netherlands, and the culmination of their campaign - the occupation of Norway and France; and Russia took full control of the Baltics, after crossing over Lithuania. Some European countries to escape worse fate declared neutrality. The paralysis of Europe and the inability of the European governments to react and take adequate measures against this aggression seemed as the end of Europe and democratic ruling. At that period, Winston Churchill became a Prime Minister of the United Kingdom and nobody could envision how significant influence his policy will have and lead to a turnabout on the global political scene.
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It is hard to perceive modern world without knowing the history of the European countries in the twentieth century to be remembered as the bloodiest century in the history. Most significant events at the time took place on the European continent. Europe has turned over the last hundred years from the cradle of the Judeo-Christian civilization, democracy and humanism into a proving ground for the most sinister ideologies - Russian Communism, German National Socialism and Italian Fascism. With Stalin's victory over Hitler in World War II, Europe not only lost its leading role in human progress, but also remained on the periphery of the Soviet empire. Only the fall of the Berlin Wall and the "gentle revolutions" of the end of 1989 gave Europeans a new chance to unite and take a decent place in world civilization progress, but the problems and challenges Europe is facing can be resolved in a more efficient way, if we know our past better.
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It is hard to perceive modern world without knowing the history of the European countries in the twentieth century to be remembered as the bloodiest century in the history. Most significant events at the time took place on the European continent. Europe has turned over the last hundred years from the cradle of the Judeo-Christian civilization, democracy and humanism into a proving ground for the most sinister ideologies - Russian Communism, German National Socialism and Italian Fascism. With Stalin's victory over Hitler in World War II, Europe not only lost its leading role in human progress, but also remained on the periphery of the Soviet empire. Only the fall of the Berlin Wall and the "gentle revolutions" of the end of 1989 gave Europeans a new chance to unite and take a decent place in world civilization progress, but the problems and challenges Europe is facing can be resolved in a more efficient way, if we know our past better.
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Myth and mythology may be defined as an attempt of the human being to put some order in the way of perceiving the surrounding world that appears as chaos. However, those who want to justify their absolute power by a simple and self-evident explanation can easily manipulate this longing for myths, the more so as myth is also a kind of fairy tale. On the other hand, a lie is never hundred percent untrue: it is a combination of obvious facts with half-truths and with sheer untruths.
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The report explores the scope, means and reach of Russia’s sharp power influence through the phenomenon of media capture in Southeast Europe, including EU members Bulgaria and Croatia as well as EU aspirants Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Albania and Kosovo. The comparative assessment uncovers the instruments, channels and narratives of Russian disinformation, the impact of Kremlin messaging on societal perceptions and the increasing overlap of influence tactics between Russia and other authoritarian states operating in the Balkans, particularly China.
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Qatar, a small Sunni Arab state located between Saudi Arabia and Iran, has increasingly become the center of media and diplomatic attention in recent years and months, far exceeding the importance of its power position. Qatar's al-Jazeera television and, more recently, Qatar's involvement in the NATO operation in Libya show that this small oil monarchy has big regional and international ambitions, which it does not hesitate to realize. // Qatar's current position is the result of several years of efforts by the ruling Emir Ash-Sheikh Hamad Bin Khalifa Al Thani. Behind it stands a sophisticated concept of foreign policy, which this briefing paper analyzes. At the same time, it focuses on Qatari interests and goals, the principles on the basis of which they are achieved, and the means used to realize them. The effort to capture the dynamics, perspectives and possible pitfalls of Qatar's foreign policy in the future is not left out.
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The current developments in Syria would have been unimaginable before the events of the Arab Spring, but the main local ingredients of the conflict existed before. An amorphous combination of street gangs and religiously defined Shabiha militias have violently pursued the interests of members of the ruling clan on Syria's streets for years past. The social influence of Islamists in ostensibly secular Syria has also slowly grown as state institutions have been weakened by the corruption and cronyism of the ruling clique. The influence of the Islamists was tolerated by the regime to a certain extent in the interests of peace. It was not better even with the suppression of ethnic-religious sectarianism, although the Syrian regime under the guise of pan-Arabism boasted about it. In recent years, belonging to a religious sect as the primary identity of Syrians began to strengthen, although paradoxically, as a result of the development of communications and media, the awareness of a common Syrian national identity also grew.
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This paper provides a brief overview of Chinese investment in Africa by looking at available data. The debate on China’s engagement in Africa culminated roughly about three years ago, so, with a benefit of distance, now seems to be the right time to examine it from a critical, fact-based perspective. The paper starts with the presentation of general features of China’s investment abroad, then shifts its focus specifically to Africa and examines several specific features related to the investment there.
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Prior to the Forum, researchers at EUROPEUM published a background paper titled “Evaluating Transatlantic Relations – for better or for worse’’. The goal of background paper was to evaluate the new transatlantic agenda and goals of both EU and the US and assess how the two sides can work closer together to tackle geopolitical challengers, align on security, trade, climate, and digital policies. The paper also offers recommendations on how to strengthen the transatlantic relationship, with special emphasis placed on the Central and Eastern European region. This policy paper builds upon those ideas and those discussed at the Forum. It aims to provide a debrief and analysis of the discussions that were held, respecting the Chatham House Rule and, therefore, preserving the anonymity of participants. The aim of this analysis is to highlight and develop the main findings among the participants. The Forum provided a wide range of inputs and interesting takeaways, including recommendations and a transatlantic “To-Do list”, which outlines action points and suggestions for the transatlantic partnership moving forward.
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This background paper seeks to understand and to identify additional areas of convergence and conflict among the transatlantic partners. It delves into their joint efforts to navigate a Europe entangled in conflict, with a particular focus on supporting Ukraine's victory, which is intrinsically linked to establishing security assurances for Central and Eastern Europe. In addition, it will examine the diverse perspectives regarding economic resilience amidst China’s growing influence, which encompasses finding common ground in areas, such as the future of Technology and Trade Cooperation and energy resilience enhancement.
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2019 will certainly go down as a year when the political unity of the Alliance was tested - and when NATO held together strong. The year ended with a NATO Leaders Summit that centered around the comments made by French President Emmanuel Macron a month prior, where he declared NATO to be in a state of “brain death” and cast a shadow on whether the collective security guarantee would still hold strong in the near future. That was not the only moment of transatlantic tension: tensions flared over European 5G markets, which may be built by Chinese companies, and trade has become an inflamed issue between Europe, the U.S. and China. It is at this critical juncture that EUROPEUM Institute for European Policy (Prague, Czech Republic) and the Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA, Washington D.C.) organized the second Transatlantic Policy Forum, held under the patronage of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Czech Republic.
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This analysis will examine the US and EU’s diverging approaches to global issues, challenges and external challengers, such as Russia and China. As demonstrated by the Trump administration, the US is retreating on many of its multilateral and international commitments – how will the Transatlantic relationship look like if there is a second Trump term as opposed to if Biden takes over? Is the relationship irreparably damaged or can it be repaired? Finally, this paper will examine the future of transatlantic security under the framework of NATO’s 2030 reflection process and appraise how the new security landscape will look like post-COVID, especially as external threats mount and impact the Central and Eastern European front.
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As the world continues to watch how the US develops its new foreign policy orientation, one thing is certain – if Central and Eastern Europe want to play a strategic role in building the new transatlantic agenda, they should focus on areas including: strengthening their security posture especially under the framework of NATO, countering geopolitical threats such as Russia and China, and addressing the growing democratic backsliding and rule of law in their neighborhood. If not, the region can become susceptible to further division by internal and external actors and undermine EU cohesion. This remains a core aspect of building the new transatlantic relationship as the US wants to engage with a cohesive EU, not a fragmented one. This analysis will take a snapshot of Biden’s foreign and security policies towards the EU and in particular, the Central and Eastern European region. It will provide a range of recommendations on how they can engage closer as partners over the next four years and beyond.
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The transatlantic relationship has faced many trials and tribulations over the years, often questioning the strength and resilience of the alliance. However, on February 24, 2022, the allies found quick resolve and newfound purpose in response to Russia’s illegal invasion into Ukraine. The global response to the conflict was, and remains, unprecedented. Instead of dividing, the war has reunited global allies and put aside grievances to provide decisive and swift reactions. The war has demonstrated unparalleled level of political will and unity but also displayed a rejuvenated NATO (The North Atlantic Treaty Organization) and displayed the European Union (EU)’s advancing security capabilities. This background paper will evaluate the current transatlantic agenda and goals of both the EU and US as they, for the first time since World War II, navigate a war-time Europe. It will assess how the two sides can work closer together as the EU establishes its new security architecture, tackle geopolitical challengers such as Russia and China, pursue strategic economic and energy autonomy, and reinforce the democratic values that bind the allies. Finally, the paper aims to provide insights on how to strengthen the transatlantic relationship with special emphasis placed on how the Central and Eastern European can play a pivotal role.
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The latest appeals of Pete Hegseth – newly appointed US Secretary of Defence – to “European allies to step into the arena and take ownership of conventional security on the continent” represent a renewed clear call to Europe that should not go unheard. Against this backdrop, the EU can be instrumental in achieving this goal without necessarily becoming a mere cashbox to fund the Allies’ build-up of capabilities. The EU has the tools to concert and coordinate the efforts of the European Allies whilst incentivising its Member States that are not part of the Alliance to invest more in defence. Both organisations can jointly work in a common framework created with a shared purpose: increasing readiness and preparedness to counter external threats. From this perspective, the aim of this policy brief is to answer the question, “How to elevate the EU-NATO cooperation to strengthen European defence?”. The content of this paper is a result of research and interviews with officials from both the EU and NATO, as well as distinguished experts in the field of security and defence.
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