Belgrade and Kiev between Brussels and Moscow

Author(s): Boris Varga / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Using a comparative analysis of media and interviews, the author investigates the geopolitical position of Belgrade and Kiev in Europe, whereby the relations between the EU and Russia under conditions of Ukrainian crisis have fallen almost to the Cold War level. The research is focused on Serbia and its foreign policy, and the paper is divided into five chapters: (1) The Ukrainian Crisis and Russia, (2) The Ukrainian Crisis and Serbia, (3) Serbia Between the European Union and the Eurasian Union, (4) Conclusions and (5) Recommendations. The research is concerned with the course of events in Europe after the Ukrainian crisis, leading to the division into two political and economic blocs – the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union – and their influence on the region of countries in transition, including Serbia and Ukraine. The author concludes that Belgrade and Kiev must be more resolute in implementing their refors and integrating into Euro-Atlantic structures if they do not wish to remain isolated or left to the influence of the growing power of the authoritarian states like Russia and China. This can also happen if Brussels ends its EU integration programmes for transition countries

Европейският съюз - днес и в бъдеще

Author(s): Zahari Biserov / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

Following the events in the last few years in Europe and the world and the behavior of the European Union in terms of geopolitics, some analysts are beginning to ask the following question: Ultimately, whose project is the European Union? After several terrorist acts in conditions of severe migrant wave, it becomes clear that the EU is in crisis. Moreover, this crisis is not security crisis only. There is a crisis in the vision of what EU will do with himself. Security breaches are breakthroughs in general in the idea of the European Union. In this context, we can summarize: EU countries in any case have the resources to conduct security policies, what they lack is the political will of the leadership of Europe to state as sovereign and subject of security.

Partnerstwo w przywództwie? Stany Zjednoczone i Niemcy (1989-2016). Perspektywa polska

Author(s): Jadwiga Kiwerska / Language(s): Polish

Stany Zjednoczone i Republikę Federalną Niemiec łączą stosunki, które stanowią ważny filar zaangażowania Ameryki w Europie. Stąd ich znaczenie dla bezpieczeństwa europejskiego i porządku międzynarodowego. Od momentu zjednoczenia Niemiec wiele się zmieniło we wzajemnych relacjach. Był to zarówno efekt nowych uwarunkowań międzynarodowych, jak i skutek odzyskania przez Niemcy pełnej suwerenności oraz ich rosnących aspiracji politycznych. Silniejsze Niemcy stały się bardziej asertywne wobec oczekiwań Waszyngtonu. Dynamika wydarzeń międzynarodowych spowodowała także redefinicję amerykańskich celów i metod działania na arenie światowej, co nie pozostało bez wpływu na kształt relacji z Berlinem. O tym wszystkim mowa jest w prezentowanej książce. Analizując ewolucję stosunków amerykańsko-niemieckich w ostatnim ponad ćwierćwieczu, próbowano odpowiedzieć na pytanie, czy RFN zyskała nowe miejsce w strategii Waszyngtonu. Czy jako silniejszy podmiot postępowała odpowiedzialnie i wiarygodnie w relacjach z amerykańskim supermocarstwem? Czy z kolei USA wyciągnęły właściwe wnioski z faktu, że ich partnerem jest państwo o dużym potencjale gospodarczym i znaczącej randze politycznej? Czy potrafiły optymalnie i skutecznie współpracować z nowymi Niemcami? Biorąc pod uwagę znaczenie dla Polski dobrych relacji zarówno z Niemcami, jak Stanami Zjednoczonymi, starano się określić implikacje stanu stosunków na linii Waszyngton-Berlin dla polskich interesów. Czy udało się te cele osiągnąć, pozostawiam życzliwej ocenie czytelników.

Russia’s best enemy. Russian policy towards the United States in Putin’s era

Author(s): Marek Menkiszak / Language(s): English

Relations between Russia and the United States are characterised by an asymmetry against Russia, whose expectations vis-à-vis the US remain unmet. The dynamics of Russia’s policy towards the US in the last sixteen years has been one of cyclic fluctuations. The recurrent scheme starts with a normalisation and positive developments in mutual relations at the onset of each new US president’s term, and end with an escalation of tensions and a crisis at the end of each presidency. Russia is too weak to be recognised by the United States as an equal partner or opponent, but too strong to be willing or able to accept the status of an inequitable, tactical ally of the US. Moreover, Moscow has hardly anything to offer the US in a positive sense, apart from possibly limiting the negative impacts of its policies on Washington’s interests. Making predictions about Russian-American relations at this moment is very risky. In the most likely scenario, the traditional pattern will again be repeated with Donald Trump’s new administration. However, that does not mean that Russia will inevitably suffer a strategic defeat, as Moscow may take advantage of the further weakening of the United States and the West.

Europa w strategii Baracka Obamy (2009-2012)

Author(s): Jadwiga Kiwerska / Language(s): Polish

During the presidency of Barack Obama, the European continent ceased to be a region of primary importance and an object of special concern in the field of security for the United States. For the American side, the main determinant of its European policy was Europe's readiness to play the role of an important player in the international arena and thus an effective partner that America needed in a world heading towards multipolarity and struggling with various problems. However, the expectations directed at the Old World were largely unfulfilled - in the American opinion, Europe remained too diverse and assertive. The balance of Barack Obama's first term in office in relations with Europe is, on the one hand, a sense of marginalization of the Old World in the global policy of the USA, and on the other - the continuing inertia of European states in relation to many challenges of the modern world, disappointing for the American administration.

Ekonomideki Yeni Dönüşümler Işığında Türkiye’nin Ekonomi Politiği

Author(s): / Language(s): Turkish

İktisat bilimi kıtlık ile mücadele amacından dolayı bir takım tercih ve seçimlerde bulunarak, bireysel ve toplumsal refahın nasıl artırılabileceğini araştıran bir çalışma alanına sahiptir. Bu amaç doğrultusunda, öncelikle “ne üretileceği”, “nasıl üretileceği” ve “kime üretileceği” sorularına doğru yanıtlar vermek gerekecektir. İşte iktisat biliminde bu sorulara cevap arayan ekonomik yapılara, iktisadi sistemler denir. Bir anlamda iktisadi sistemler ekonomik yaşamda, oyunun kuralının nasıl belirlendiğini ortaya koyan yapılardır. Genel olarak iktisadi sistemler iki zıt piyasa ekonomisi ve kumanda ekonomisi arasında yer alırlar. Buradaki temel ayrıştırıcı özellik, devlet-özel sektörün ekonomideki görev ve fonksiyonlarıdır. Ülkelerin iktisadi tarihi analiz edildiğinde, farklı zaman ve dönemlerde bu iki ekonomik sistem arasında gitgellerin yaşandığı görülebilmektedir. Dolayısıyla iktisadi sistemler üzerinde bir yandan ülke koşulları, diğer yandan dışsal bir unsur olarak dünya ekonomisinde yaşanan dönüşümler etkili olmaktadır...

Understanding Strategic Communications: NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence Terminology Working Group Publication No. 3

Author(s): / Language(s): English

When the founding treaty that would bring NATO into being in April 1949 was under-written by twelve signatory nations, the world looked a very different place. The backdrop was dire. The outlook even more so. George Kennan’s ‘Long Telegram’ in 1946 had already warned of a threat from an expansionist Soviet Union intent on exporting communism to the West and depriving millions of Europeans of their freedom. US President Harry Truman had come to the aid of those European populations—afflicted with hunger, homelessness, pestilence, and national bankruptcy. By launching an unprecedented public diplomacy policy, the Marshall Plan, freedom would be preserved through a rebuilding of economies and revival of cooperation be-tween trading nations. Barely two years before the treaty signing, at the invitation of the Austrian economist Friedrich Hayek, the Mont Pelerin Society had convened a body of august economists, philosophers, and historians committed to staving off the advance of tyranny. Their alarm was palpable: ‘over large stretches of the Earth’s surface the essential conditions of human dignity and freedom have already disappeared’. Red-baiting turned into witch-hunting in the United States as the House Un-American Activities Committee went about its business. Hot wars fought in Korea and Indo-China would eventually give way to proxy wars waged on the African continent—save for one confrontation over Cuba.

Strategic Communications and COVID-19: Exploring and Exploiting a Global Crisis

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Choose your metaphor. It was the perfect storm. It was an accident waiting to happen. Humanity on the move–the prosperous seeking leisure, the deprived migrating en masse, the desperate fleeing from war. Global supply chains so complex as to have enmeshed national economies into an international web. While the rise of Great Power politics was daily pulling the world apart. Then along came Covid.

Ustaše na Jadranu: uprava Nezavisne Države Hrvatske u jadranskoj Hrvatskoj nakon kapitulacije Kraljevine Italije

Author(s): Nikica Barić / Language(s): Croatian

The book deals with the policy of the Ustasha movement and the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) towards the Croatian Adriatic regions. Through the Rome Treaties of May 18, 1941, the NDH was compelled to cede significant portions of these regions, especially in Dalmatia, under the control of the Kingdom of Italy. After Italy's surrender in September 1943, the NDH had the opportunity to regain control over most of these territories. Based on numerous new and previously unused archival sources, the book examines the administration of the NDH in the former annexed parts of Dalmatia. This administration lasted until late 1944 when the German army and the NDH administration withdrew from Dalmatia, and the area fell under the control of Tito's partisans. The book also illustrates how the NDH attempted to extend its authority to Sušak-Rijeka, Istria, and the Bay of Kotor after Italy's surrender.

Dosije: Svetozar Andrić

Author(s): Katarina Maruna / Language(s): Serbian

SPREMNI ZA RATOVE SEĆANJA: SLUČAJ SPOMEN-PLOČE HOS U HRVATSKOJ

Author(s): Katarina Damčević / Language(s): Serbian

FROM FOUR PILLARS OF FOREIGN POLICY TO EUROPEAN INTEGRATION: IS THERE A WILL FOR STRATEGICALLY ORIENTING SERBIA’S FOREIGN POLICY?

Author(s): Igor Novaković / Language(s): English

Foreign policy priorities, the Republic of Serbia’s system for adopting and overseeing foreign policy decisions and harmonization with the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy

INDEPENDENT REPORT ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF NAP 1325 IN SERBIA

Author(s): Gorana Odanović,Maja Bjeloš / Language(s): English

This report evaluates the implementation of the National Action Plan (NAP) on UN Security Council Resolution 1325 in the Republic of Serbia during its first year (December 2010 to July 2012). The NAP was introduced to mainstream gender perspectives in security sector management and enhance Serbia’s role in promoting gender equality within the Western Balkans. While the adoption of the NAP marked a significant reform initiative, its implementation has faced numerous challenges, including delays in establishing institutional mechanisms, insufficient funding, and limited integration of existing gender equality frameworks. The report examines seven key thematic areas outlined in the NAP: institutional mechanisms, women’s representation in the security sector, participation in decision-making and multinational operations, legal protection against discrimination, education and training, media representation, and collaboration with civil society organizations (CSOs). Particular attention is given to institutional cooperation with CSOs, as they play a crucial role in advancing NAP objectives. Findings highlight persistent barriers, such as discrimination in the male-dominated security sector, inadequate institutional commitment, and the lack of robust media coverage promoting gender equality. Recommendations are provided for addressing these challenges, including strengthening institutional accountability, improving funding mechanisms, and fostering collaboration between state and non-state actors. The report underscores the importance of integrating gender equality policies into security sector reform to improve institutional efficiency, bolster Serbia’s international standing, and enhance citizen security.

INDEPENDENT REPORT ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF NAP FOR UNSC RESOLUTION 1325 IN SERBIA: JULY 2012 – JULY 2013

Author(s): Maja Bjeloš,Tamara Skrozza / Language(s): English

This is the second independent report on the implementation of the National Action Plan (NAP) for Implementing UNSC Resolution 1325 in the Republic of Serbia. The first report was published in 2012. It covered the period from the NAP adoption in December 2010 to July 2012. The aim of the second report is to present the greatest achievements in the process of NAP implementation for the period July 2012 - 2013, to point out the challenges faced within this process, and to suggest the measures to overcome these challenges and advance the implementation of the NAP. Looking at the progress made in the implementation of the NAP during the relevant period, we will focus on the main accomplishments of the previous period, and particularly on the challenges, with the intention to see whether they were addressed by public authorities in the past year. Taking into consideration that three years have passed since the adoption of the NAP, key findings and messages of this Report will hopefully generate discussion and prompt a review of the NAP to ensure a better understanding of what has been completed done thus far, while equally identifying priorities for the coming period of the NAP implementation.

Women, Peace and Security in the Western Balkans : Independent review of translation of UNSCR 1325 in to the policies in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia

Author(s): / Language(s): English

The adoption of UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security was heavily influenced by the experiences of gender-based violence, exclusion of women-led peace initiatives, and the reinforcement of traditional gender roles during the Yugoslav wars. Women’s civil society organizations (CSOs) and the international community spearheaded efforts to increase women's roles in conflict resolution and security governance. Despite the resolution's adoption, it took over a decade for its principles to be integrated into national policies in the Western Balkans. Women's CSOs played a critical role in advocating for human security and gender equality, although they were often marginalized and labeled as adversaries by nationalist political regimes. Momentum for mainstreaming UNSCR 1325 only grew after international actors supported its agenda in the region, particularly during the resolution's tenth-anniversary preparations. Governments in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Croatia, Macedonia, and Kosovo developed National Action Plans (NAPs), while Montenegro and Albania chose alternative approaches. These efforts primarily focused on internal reforms aimed at gender equality and security sector transformation, rather than addressing the legacies of conflict or prioritizing foreign policy. This study reviews the initial implementation of UNSCR 1325 in selected Western Balkan countries, analyzing the effectiveness of NAPs and alternative strategies. It highlights the challenges and opportunities encountered in aligning gender equality with security reforms. The findings offer insights for countries in the region and beyond as they continue to develop or refine their approaches to the Women, Peace, and Security agenda.

PrEUgovor : Report on Progress of Serbia in Chapters 23 and 24

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

Over the past six months, the coalition PrEUgovor has been monitoring the state of play regarding the key policy areas in the process of Serbia’s accession to the EU. These areas include the political criteria and policies covered under chapters 23 and 24 of the European acquis in the negotiation process. The monitored period was marked by two key events: the release of Screening Reports for chapters 23 and 24 by the European Commission, and drafting of the Action Plans for these two chapters. Additionally, the Progress Report for Serbia for 2014 was released by the EC in October, so this report is envisaged as a commentary and an update to this document. This report presents concrete case studies, well researched and documented by the coalition’s members, in order to illustrate problems in the areas covered. Lastly, it also contains comments on the Action Plan draft for chapter 23. Generally, the progress in the areas covered by the PrEUgovor report can best be described as uneven and erratic. When it comes to normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo no progress was achieved, mostly due to elections and the inability to form the government in Pristina. Although there was change in legislation regarding civilian oversight of the security sector, the opportunity to systematically regulate this area was missed. The area of the fight against corruption witnessed partial progress with the adoption of new regulations, although the opportunity was missed to fulfil anti-corruption goals to a greater extent. In the area of the protection of women from gender-based violence, protection of children and protection of the victims of violence there was no further progress. In the migration and asylum policy areas no substantial progress was achieved. The same goes for the fight against human trafficking where there still exist numerous obstacles on the path towards full harmonization of domestic legal system with the European standards.

DILEME DEMOKRATSKE NACIJE I AUTONOMIJE - ogledi o političkoj tranziciji u Srbiji

Author(s): Jovan Komšić / Language(s): Serbian

This book comprises essays on political transition in Serbia, written in the 1997 – 2006 period. Twenty-four works are devoted to sociological and politicological-legal aspects of the great changes in the now already considerably differentiated world of post-communism. Particular attention is focused on the problems of an overdue and deformed transition in Serbia, meaning that in the centre of the analysis there are complex interactions of culture and institutional structure in a society that has not yet emerged from the grip of a deep crisis of the change and has not resolved still numerous dilemmas in the confrontation with the many “shocks of the reality”. This relationship may actually be taken as the “red thread” of the topically various reflections of political controversies and theoretic-ideological dilemmas concerning the aims, contents, pace and means of building a modern state and nation, as well as of consolidation of democracy in a heterogeneous (multicultural, pluralist) social setting of Vojvodina and Serbia as a whole. All this has, therefore, caused the essays, the majority of which have so far been published in thematic anthologies and periodicals, to be grouped in this book in five topical wholes.

Monitoring Transparentnosti u Radu nacionalnih Saveta Nacionalnih Manjina

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Zaštita životne sredine – uslov za održivi razvoj

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

The aim of the project "What brings the European Union - case studies on the effects of Serbia's accession to the European Union in the fields of ecology, agriculture and cross-border cooperation" is to investigate and to indicate to citizens and decision-makers at the national and local level in Serbia whether, in what way, to what extent and under what conditions the processes of europeanization and Serbia's approach to the European Union increase the prospects of Serbia to accelerate its development and make better use of its development potential. Research was carried out in three areas: protection of the human environment, cross-border cooperation and agriculture. Research was done on the examples of specific local communities using the "case study" methodology, which allows one to easily observe the possible effects of europeanization on examples from practice and in a recognizable environment in which the citizens of Serbia live, face certain problems and try to solve them. The aforementioned three areas were selected for research because they are either spoken of as an essential development resource, regardless of the limits for their use (agriculture), or without a sufficient understanding of their function (cross-border cooperation), or without a clear observation of how and under what conditions they have a limiting or stimulating effect on other development potentials (protection of the human environment) and development resources.

Tri scenarija odnosa Srbije i Kosova i bezbednost Jugoistočne Evrope

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Almost twenty years have passed since the end of the war in Kosovo and more than ten years since Kosovo declared its independence. To this day, not only have the future and stable relations between Serbia and Kosovo not been finally defined during that time, but sometimes one gets the impression that they are still further away from that. And the reason is not in the absence of conversation. The Brussels dialogue, the current format of negotiations on the normalization of relations between the two sides, began in 2011, first as a dialogue on "technical issues", and in 2012 it was continued at the highest level. The outcome of this process was the so-called The first Brussels agreement in April 2013, which opened the way for Serbia to start negotiations on membership in the European Union from January 2014. Since then, the two sides have conducted negotiations and reached agreements on concrete issues - the status of the police force, the judiciary, the education and health systems, energy, etc. with different degrees of application.