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Erler szerint az irónia mint kifejezési forma Platónnál sok formában megtalálható: a cselekvés meghatározását, személyek jellemzését, vélemények viszonylagossá tételét (Relativierung von Meinungen) szolgálja, és megjelenik úgy is, mint önirónia. Erler megjegyzi, hogy Platónnál nincsenek iróniajelzések (Ironiesignale), amikor az ideákról van szó. Szerinte Platón az iróniát kifejezési eszközként használja, amely utalás lehet az olvasó számára, de nem teheti lehetôvé a felvetett probléma megoldását (aporia). A címzett itt is, mint a tragikus irónia esetében, a befogadó, aki számára a megjegyzések vagy a beszélgetést folytatók magatartása többletinformációt jelent.
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The author had already demonstrated in a previous essay of his, that Cicero’s De re publica was written in the period, when, either we take the new time of Atticus-Varro (753 BC) or the earlier time of Cato Senior (751/750 BC) as a basis, Rome celebrated the 700th anniversary of its existence. From this point of view the Ciceronian dialogue is an occasional work, which was made for the jubilee of Rome, yet in order to find a remedy for the Roman state facing such a crisis, so to speak a fatal danger. Cicero, from this viewpoint, would have been ready to take the special role of the moderator or the rector rei publicae (cf. rep., 2,52), of the person, who depends on his own honor and authority in the first place without any official commission. In this respect he renewed Cato Senior’s intellectual inheritance, who published his Origines in a last, revised form in 149 BC, because on the one hand he wanted to introduce the glory of Rome, which city was born exactly 600 years earlier according to Cato’s chronology, on the other hand Cato himself, not as a magistratus, but as the owner of his ancient authority, wanted to keep the state in balance, moreover to improve its situation. At the same time Cicero’s state ideal seems to be closer to Scipio Aemilianus’ conception indeed, that is why the author makes him the leading character of the dialogue, furthermore he dates the imaginary discussion to 129 BC, when Rome celebrated the 600th anniversary of its foundation according to Cincius Alimentus’ chronology. By so doing the author of De re publica uses more time levels, confronting 149 BC, 129 BC and 53/51 BC, and all of these dates can be understood as certain Roman anniversaries. This essay demonstrates that Cicero wanted to present actually his own consular year, 63 BC as annus fatalis, and by this he partly continued the initiative of Marius and Sulla, preparing at the same time Augustus’ ideology connected to the ludi saeculares of 17 BC, which considerably determined the whole mentality of Roman literature in the early period of empire. Therefore the saecularis idea can be rightly considered to be the Roman civilization’s literature creating factor.
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Analysing the Bacchus-ode of Horace, the unusual phrase Bacchum … docentem turns our attention to that level of understanding which does not seem obvious at the first reading. Horace’s ability for ciphering and his unequalled fidelity to his silenced friends enable him to work „wonders”. He pays hommage to Bacchus so that he conceals behind him Cornelius Gallus, teaching poetry and initiating into poesy who got out of the circle of his friends because of his political bravery and who had even to decease at the will of the princeps. Horace provides his Bacchus with linguistic and real fancy dress. The „word dresses” of the analysed poems make recognizable the teaching poet, condemned to disappearance and silence. Thus the correctness of this interpretation is proved by both linguistic means and authentic historical events.
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In some cases, in international nomenclature, there are parallel Latin and Greek terms denoting the same anatomical body, its part or some form. The paper is dealing with parallel Greek-Latin synonyms and their Slovak equivalents. The first group consists of „absolute“ equivalents, which cannot be changed arbitrarily.usage is crucial in these cases, e. g. tonsilla and amygdala, nervus hypoglossus and nervus sublingualis. The second group consists of Greek relational adjectives, which, however, do not have a founding noun in Greek, but in Latin, e. g. auris and oticus, cor and cardiacus. Slovak has successfully solved the problem of adjectives equivalents with the meaning „in the middle“, medianus, medius, medialis, centralis. Terminological pairs biventer and digastricus, cuneiformis and sphenoidalis, hypothalamus and subthalamus are other isolated attempts to differentiate these synonyms. The distinction between Greek-Latin equivalents using Slovak wordformation means is not convincing. In principle, the terms could be translated into Slovak in the same way, i. e. they would be homonymous terms.
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The formation of suffixes draws the great attention of turkologists. The negative suffix ma/-me is one the most interesting suffixes because it is not stressed. This fact led the researchers to assume that this suffix comes from an independent word, though ideas on the word that this suffix is original differ among the scientists. The following hypotheses deal with the origin of the negative suffix:1. W. Bang’s and Sh. Tekin’s hypothesis;2. G.J. Ramsted’s and T. Tekin’s hypothesis;3. B.A. Serebrennikov’s and N. Z. Hajiyeva’s hypothesis.In most of these hypotheses, it is stated that the suffix -ma/-me is connected to an auxiliary verb. The negative suffix used in the Old Turkish language and the one being used in the modern Turkic languages is the same - it has not been changed through time or has very few phonetic changes. Accordingly, all of the suggestions about its formation can only be accepted as hypotheses.
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The paper discusses two elliptical constructions introduced by subordinators of reason. These structures lack some of the main sentential elements, which is why it is difficult to consider them complete subordinate reason clauses as they are usually translated into the Bosnian language. Therefore, while at the same time analyzing the examples of these constructions in the French language, the author is also considering their translation equivalents in Bosnian, proposing a possibility of resorting to more precise translation equivalents in terms of the elliptical structure parce que / puisque + attribut.
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Since the end of the 19th century, the Chronograph of the 1261 attracted close scholarly attention. It used to be studied from two perspectives. Researchers of the Byzantine culture along with historians of the Slavonic writing used to turn to the legend of Sovius in order to date the record only. In the Baltic studies, the Chronograph initially acquired status of the most valuable source of the Baltic religion and mythology. The unique folkloric account used to be mechanically extracted from the texture of the whole narrative and studied irrespectively of its textual surroundings. The legend of Sovius started to be perceived as an “insertion”. However, close scrutiny of the manuscript proves the case to be quite the opposite: rather than being inserted sporadically, the folklore material used to be applied consciously and on the regular basis. The subject of the present article comprises texts of Sovius, which are constituents of the same Chronograph but still have been disregarded in the Baltic studies. We have been apparently acquainted only with one part of the folklore material, one recording of the folkloric narrative, although the Chronograph contains two of them. The attention is focused upon the connecting textual link of Sovius from the 17th part, which directly precedes the conventional myth. Also, the reference of Sovius from the 33rd part of the Chronograph in the apocryphal legend of Melchizedeq is studied, presenting grounds for etymologizing the proper name. Cases of the legend of Sovius affecting the textual interpretation in the Malala’s Chronicle translation are revealed. The linguistic analysis leads to the conclusion that the writer used to fully recount not only the content of the mythological legend, but also its authentic form.
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19 stycznia 2021 roku odeszła od nas Pani Teresa Iglikowska, która tworzyła podwaliny rodzącej się w połowie XX wieku warszawskiej glottodydaktyki polonistycznej, autorka cennych prac z tej dziedziny, zbiorów ćwiczeń, a także współautorka pierwszego podręcznika języka polskiego dla cudzoziemców opracowanego metodycznie z myślą o niezaawansowanych, czyli używając dzisiejszej terminologii – przeznaczonego dla poziomu A1. Była mistrzem akademickiej dydaktyki, nauczycielem wielu pokoleń polonistów zagranicznych, którzy dziś są pracownikami naukowymi wydziałów slawistycznych na uniwersytetach europejskich, amerykańskich i azjatyckich, tłumaczami polskiej literatury, autorami monografi i poświęconych polskiej kulturze i historii. [...]
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