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Balkansko imaginarno iznenada je ponovo iskrslo nakon završetka Hladnog rata. Region je ranije bio podeljen između različitih tipova fantazama. Neki su to videli kao potvrdu komunističkih teorija čudotvorne industrijalizacije i urbanizacije nazadnih ruralnih društava. Drugi su na jug poluostrva projektovali plemenitu odbranu slobodnog sveta od sovjetskog varvarizma.
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Out of 2.8 million Syrian refugees in Turkey, about 10% of these people reside in 22 refugee camps situated within Turkish cities (AFAD, 2013; UNHCR, 2016; Sirkeci, 2017). The remainder of the Syrian refugee population in Turkey lives in urban areas amongst the local population. Major cities such as Istanbul, Ankara, and Izmir, as well as the cities located on the Turkish-Syrian border such as Gaziantep and Hatay, host the highest numbers of refugees (Directorate General of Migration Management (DGMM), 2016). Consequently, Syrian refugees are highly visible in most of the Turkish cities where they reside.
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Bosniak literature in Ottoman period testifies to the case of how socio historical circumstances, which¸determined existence of Bosniaks as nation during the period of more than four centuries, did not cause¸cultural de-identification or ethnic assimilation of islamicized Slavs into the Orient. The sense of Slavic ethnicity remained present during the entire rule of Ottoman empire, which created and maintained¸specific, indigenous, Slavic-Islamic identity of Bosnian Muslims – Bosniaks.¸However, it should be emphasized that the affirmation process of the Slavic component of Bosniak¸identity in Ottoman period was not the result of organized strategy or prepared national or cultural¸program, but more instinctive, affective reaction to the socio-historical circumstances of national¸survival. Concrete activities in reference to the aformentioned process, started at the time of Austro-¸Hungarian occupation with Mehmed-beg Kapetanovic Ljubusak who was the first amongst Bosniak¸authors to separate ethnic and religious identity.
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Rarely inspiring book, Vedad Spahić’s: “Literature and Identity” presents us with determinants of the Bosniak identity, contained in the Bosniak and Bosnian literary narrative. Spahić’s kaleidoscopic display of literary narratives about Bosniak identity ranges from orientalist stereotypes of Islam, secularism and proletarian internationalism over nationalism, traumatic experiences of war destruction, victimization and self-victimization, to nomadism, globalization and the ontological and gnosiological relativism, which always raise the following questions: What do the Bosniaks know about themselves?; What should the Bosniaks do?; What may they hope for?; all of which can be summarized into a single question: Who are the Bosniaks? The fundamental question of every social collectivity, the question of identity, requires theoretical and categorical determination that Hegel placed in the second volume of his Logic. This categorical determination, which serves as our guideline, teaches about the “substance”, “essence” or “being”. The question of identity is a matter of “reflection-in-self “, an attitude towards self, not as a direct comparison but as a reflexive relationship. “Reflection in self” is a process of self-determination, but every determination does not constitute an identity. The very process of determination, or self-determination, is expressed as a narrative. Only essential definition allows identity: that which is the same in all different manifestations. Having identity means to be able to appear in different forms, but in a way that no form of appearance exhausts the nature of thing or its identity. Omnis determinatio est negatio. Every determination presupposes difference. We cannot talk about identity, without talking about (presupposing) difference. If we say that the Bosniaks are Muslims, then this determination assumes its difference, the non-Muslims: Christians, Jews. This difference (relation) between Muslims and non-Muslims must be overcome by the means of negation or mutual recognition. We interpret ourselves in relation to others, as others interpret us in relation to themselves. Only in this relation of identity and difference, i.e. by overcoming the difference, new forms of sociability as the basis or reason for existence of individual identity, are being established. Historical practice shows that religious, national and state determinants of Bosniaks, produce differences in relation to the Serbs and Croats, which cannot be overcome by mutual recognition at a higher level of sociability. The fundamental societal form that constitutes the Bosniak identity established by essential determinants, especially Islam which is a subject of nationalization attempts, is expressed as a pre-modern religious or confessional community unable to complete national and political emancipation of the Bosniaks. The relation between reality (identity of Bosnsiaks) and art can manifest itself in different forms. Essentially, art either represents reality of things – depicting phenomenon as it is, depicting it’s “surface”, or it succeeds in depicting the essence of things, by manifesting “that which is present in an absent”, thus bringing out the essence, or identity, of the reality it presents.
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For several months the public discourse has been centered around the category of the refugee/immigrant. For global societies, migration is by no means a new phenomenon; however, the mass influx of culturally foreign people and the dangers of that foreignness results in the emergence of new discourse distinguished on the basis of a thematic criterion. In humanist discourse, a newcomer arriving from a place which remains remote not only geographically but also culturally is designated as the Other. In the context of communication and its social outcomes, it is possible to differentiate between two mutually exclusive communication practices visible in the public sphere with regard to the Other: exclusion and tolerance. Subjects participating in the discourse (re)produce opinions and attitudes responsible for the shaping of the image of a visitor from the Middle East and their relationship with the Europeans. The subjects of the conservative discourse position the Other as a disruptive force destabilizing the moral and cultural way of life in Europe, bringing a promise of threat. However, in the discourse of “Tygodnik Powszechny,” those immigrants are perceived as equal to the Self. Both perceptions of reality and the attitudes of the subjects are connected by the fact that those perceptions and attitudes are created on the ideological level.
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U izveštaju koji sledi a koji se bavi uzrocima ubistava i kretanja izbeglica na Kosovu u periodu od marta do juna 1999. godine, potvrdili smo i proširili rezultate koje smo izneli u analizi iz 2002. godine. Opisujemo revidiranu i proširenu analizu mogućeg kauzalnog odnosa između dejstava OVK /Oslobodilačke vojske Kosova/ ili NATO snaga i perioda tokom kojih su ubistva, odnosno kretanja izbeglica dostizala najvišu vrednost. Obrazlažemo zašto je naša shema obeležavanja bila namerno konzervativna, kako bi se na najbolji mogući način ispitale tvrdnje da su OVK ili NATO bili glavni uzrok ubistava i kretanja izbeglica. Kao što ćemo prikazati, uz minimalan broj verovatnih pretpostavki, naši zaključci biće još čvršći. Naš zaključak prikazuje da uključivanje kompleta podataka o nestancima, identifikaciji posmrtnih ostataka i migraciji ne menja bitno naše prethodne rezultate. Ovim izveštajem potvrđujemo naše zaključke iz 2002. godine: smatramo da podaci ne idu u prilog tvrdnjama da bi OVK ili NATO mogli biti značajan uzrok ubistava i migracija na Kosovu u periodu od marta do juna 1999. Godine.
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The article is devoted to revealing regularities of formation of the Russian-nomadic frontier in the Middle Don region based on the analysis of the geographical location of the archaeological sites of the 9th—17th cc. The sites of Slavic Borshevskaya culture (the end of the I Millennium AD) are located in the lower reaches of the Voronezh river and on the right Bank of the Middle Don (Central Russian upland). The sites of the Saltov culture are located on the right bank of the Middle Don, to the North of the Tikhaya Sosna river. The left bank of the Middle Don (the Oka-Don plain, Kalacska hill) was not an area of active colonization by the bearers of the Borshevskaya and Saltov cultures.In 12th — first half 13th centurie, the Russian population is documented in the lower reaches of the Voronezh river, Semiluki area reaches of the Don. Polovtsian nomads used to camp on the right bank of the Middle Don and do not spread beyond the South of the Tikhaya Sosna river and on the left bank of the Middle Don to the Bityug river.In the Golden Horde period, the Russian population colonized the left bank of the Middle Don. There is archaeological evidence of the coexistence of different ethnic groups. Nomadic sites do not extend to the North of the Tikhaya Sosna river, on the right bank of the Don river, and the mouth of the Voronezh river, on the left bank.Belgorod defensive line reproduces the line formed by the fortified settlements of Slavic Borshevskaya cultures on the rivers Don and Voronezh, and fortified settlements of the Saltov-Mayaki culture on the Tikhaya Sosna river. The left bank of the Middle Don in the 17th century, just like in the time before that, was still the region of the original colonization by the Russian population.
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The case of Albania – a new NATO member and an aspiring EU state – reflects that of many Western Balkans countries which have seen their citizens, largely from Muslim-majority areas, join extremist organizations in the Middle East since the 2011 outset of the Syrian conflict. The number of foreign fighters hailing from Albania and the rest of the region peaked when Abu Bakr Al-Baghdadi, the alleged leader of the so-called Islamic State (ISIL), declared the formation of a new “caliphate” in 2014, in territories in Syria and Iraq, and called on Muslims from around the world to migrate there. Security and intelligence services in the region quickly took action against homegrown extremist cells that recruited and facilitated the travel of citizens in response to Al-Baghdadi’s call. However, questions remain over what motivated citizens from Albania to join extremist organizations and the pattern of their radicalization. [...]
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With the June 2014 establishment of a “caliphate” in the territories of Iraq and Syria, announced by the self-proclaimed “caliph” and leader of ISIL Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, his appeal to all Muslims to migrate to these territories has been viewed by some “true believers” in the Western Balkans as a mandatory religious duty. A new wave of Muslim men and women from the Balkans, motivated by a combination of religious and other factors, have left home for the “caliphate,” where the Balkan contingent has supported groups fighting the Assad regime since the beginning of the civil war in Syria. The number of Western Balkans citizens in ISIL territories is not precisely known, but up to 1,000 are thought to make up the Balkan contingent – including male fighters, a much smaller percentage of female fighters, women and children who accompanied their husbands and fathers, some women who traveled alone (often in order to marry), and a small number of teenagers, most of whom have left home without the consent of their parents. The motives and expectations of women in this contingent are difficult to grasp; for, despite ISIL propaganda that compares living in its territory to being at a “Disneyland for Muslims,” the group is among the most notorious terrorist organizations in the world, infamous for its brutal abuse, derogation, and mistreatment of women. [...]
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Germany’s Turkish communities have long been at the centre of vibrant political, academic and public deliberations. During the guest-worker years and the family reunification period that followed, and throughout their emergence as fixed attributes on German cities’ landscapes, Turks secured a firm place in debates in a Germany that was a reluctant and hesitant country of immigration. In recent years, they have been the prime focus of discussions and reflections on integration, citizenship, multiculturalism, segregation, social cohesion and the place of Islam in Germany. On the whole, the history of Turkish migration to and subsequent settlement in Germany during the post-1960s era has conventionally been associated with economic exploitation and hardship, residential difficulties and segregation, educational underachievement, confusion, uncertainty, shortsighted political strategies and ad hoc social provisions (Herbert, 1986; Abadan-Unat, 2011). Turks have gradually come to be perceived as the ethnic minority group least likely to achieve integration into German society, and as recognizable and clear Ausländer.
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People referred to as Turkish immigrants in Britain are comprised of Turks, Kurds emanating from the borders of the Turkish Republic and Turkish Cypriots. Turkish Cypriots migration to Britain started in the 1940s following the World War II and increased throughout the 1960s (Ladbury 1977; Robins & Aksoy 2001). Turkish migration from mainland Turkey to Britain started in the early 1970s (Mehmet Ali 2001; Issa 2005). Ethnic Kurds from Turkey began to immigrate in larger numbers during the late 1980s and early 1990s, often seeking refuge and asylum status (Robins & Aksoy 2001; Atay 2006). These increasing waves of migration have resulted in a significant social and cultural presence within British society (Çoştu, 2013a).
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The objective of this research paper is to examine the valorization of procedural rationality in the field of fundamental rights related to migration from non-EU countries. This is in the context of an EU which is strengthening its constitutional nature, which sees a transition from the concept of government to the concept of governance. In this legal environment it is crucial to guarantee the effectiveness of fundamental rights, thus increasing their normative scope with regard to migration. The challenge to European governance practices and structures is how to transform the valorization of procedural rationality to essential rationality. This leads the democratic praxis to re-appropriate its origin. Nevertheless, this concept of procedural rationality establishes soft law as the fastest and most flexible solution to the migration challenge.
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This chapter assesses whether national law, policies and practice in the field of unaccompanied asylum seekers are in compliance with international conventions including the UNHCR guidelines and UN convention of the rights of the child (CRC). We will discuss policy and practices on minors exposed to human trafficking, taking Norway as a case. The Norwegian Immigration Act of 2008 includes provisions and formulations intended to strengthen the legal position and rights of asylum-seeking children as children. The intention was to ensure that national regulations on immigration were in accordance with the CRC and in line with the Norwegian Human Rights Act 1999. The CRC as well as UNHCR guidelines mention human trafficking, including forced labour and sexual exploitation as one main threat to which children may be exposed. The chapter discusses three scenarios which represent distinct forms of how unaccompanied minors are recruited into exploitative relations on their way to or in Europe and how their cases are assessed when applying for asylum in Norway as unaccompanied minors. Ways into and out of exploitation may have decisive implication for how their asylum applications are assessed and for further access to rehabilitation measures.
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This chapter describes and proposes a new social inclusion model for supporting unaccompanied minors in becoming autonomous, as they are one of the most vulnerable groups of contemporary migration flows. According to the Committee on the Rights of Children “unaccompanied children (also called unaccompanied minors) are children, […] who have been separated from both parents and other relatives and are not being cared for by an adult who, by law or custom, is responsible for doing so” (Committee on the Rights of the Child, 2005).
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The destructive effects of the Second World War, which resulted in great loss and suffering in the not so distant past, still has an important place in the lives of countless people living in different geographical locations. German families constitute a population whose members witnessed the bitter outcomes of the war in no small measure. War-related memories of families have been handed down from generation to generation up to the present day. Despite many of the generation who actually lived through the war preferring to erase the traces of it from their day to day lives, their children and even their grandchildren have taken on board this memory (Koçyiğit, 2016).
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The aim of this policy paper is to outline the reasons for the shift towards restriction in the migration policies of Western European states in recent years, especially in the context of increasing immigration from non-EU countries and the Ukrainian refugee crisis. To this end, it presents factors that have an impact on the growth of anti-immigration attitudes among European citizens and, as a result, on the rhetoric of political representatives and the formulation of policies. These factors include the depletion of material capacities for immigrants, the economic costs associated with their arrival and subsequent integration into the host society, the perceived connection between immigration and an increase in crime, and the normalization of the far-right in the political mainstream. The above facts play a crucial role in formulating a new form of European immigration policies in the post-crisis period after 2015. Their importance is particularly evident in countries where, although it was always possible to observe a very open and welcoming approach to immigration, there has been a significant sharpening of migration rhetoric. Sweden and Germany can be included among these countries.
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The document Regulating the legal position of migrants in irregular status and access to the right to work and the right to education was created as a result of one of the activities on the project Guidelines for Migrants - a guide through the labyrinth, which aims to provide migrants with support in regulating their legal status and to ensure access to appropriate education and employment in the Republic of Serbia (RS) in accordance with their legal status. Project activities are divided into three groups and include: 1) direct support activities for migrants and migrant children; 2) advocacy activities (policies related to the legal and strategic framework of Serbia that protects the rights of migrants); 3) awareness-raising activities (local campaigns on the rights of migrants to employment and education).
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