K problematice počítačového zpracování úřední agendy na příkladu Informačního systému Masarykovy univerzity
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This article will analyse the Europeanization process of antidiscrimination protection in post-communist Poland and Croatia, and assess the influence of the Catholic Church as a potential veto player in this process. This article will therefore contribute by exploring the much disputed nature of the Europeanization process, as well as give an indication on how the European integration process is influencing the fundamental normative framework in the European area for justice, security and freedom sought created by the EU. It concludes that traditional patterns of discrimination are still widespread in both Poland and Croatia, and that EU still has some way to go before its area of freedom, security and justice is fully realized.
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Adopting two strategies and several bills in the area of defense and security has marked the closure of the legislative reform of the security sector in Serbia, thus creating a legal framework for the next steps in the reform process. Nevertheless, despite the fact that adopting these strategies and bills has perhaps been a step forward in the security sector reform, the problem remains that a quality public debate has not taken place thereon. The opinion of the author being that the lack of quality public debate was due to tight deadlines for public discussion, as well as an insufficiently proactive attitude of the Ministry of Defense (MoD) in the discussion itself and finally the absence of a longer tradition of carrying out public debate with the participation of citizens and their associations in public oversight of the the security sector. Due to identified deficiencies, the article also comprises recommendations to the party proposing the bill, in order to improve the existing practice of organizing public debate.
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One of the most significant challenges of an historical anthropology of the visual with regard to Balkan countries has to be seen in the study and analysis of the amalgamous concurrence of various forms of Balkan visual cultures and those of ‘the West’ in the second half of the 19th and in the first half of the 20th century. This was the period when processes of secularization intensified in the Balkans, and Western visual modernity became an alternative to previously religiously coined ways of seeing. This was especially the case with the early popular media of photography and cinema. // My article focuses on the short period of time between the first film presentations in the region (1896) to the outbreak of the Balkan Wars (1912-13) because these 16 years were the formative ones of Cinema Balkanica. The initial two sections look at the appearances of the mobile and the permanent cinema in the Balkans, the third one focuses at the urban population by asking whether or not it was already affected by a ‘culture of modern life’ and therefore prepared for the new visual adventure of the cinema. The fourth section investigates the emerging European cinema business and the role of the Balkans in it. // One of the article’s conclusions is that early cinema met the Balkans unprepared, although the auditory was already familiar with cinema-like visual pleasures such as the theatre or the panopticon. However, mobile cinema-shows were almost exclusively organized by foreigners from Central Europe, France or Italy; the technical equipment for the establishment of permanent cinemas as well as cameras had to be purchased in Western countries and also cameramen and film projectionists had to be hired abroad. In other words: Western technology and technicians amalgamated with expectations and desires of regional cinemagoers and actors.
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In meinem Artikel habe ich versucht, die tschechischen und deutschen Vereine vorzustellen, die sich auf dem Boden von Böhmen und Mähren etabliert haben, und zwar mit dem Ziel, eine national ausgerichtete Schutzarbeit eigener nationalen Werte zu betreiben. Während ihrer etwa 100jährigen Tätigkeit entfalteten sich wurden ihre Bemühungen nach der entweder stärker oder schwächer, je nachdem in welcher sozialen und politischen Stellung sich des jeweiligen Volkes innerhalb des gegebenen Staatsgefüges befand. Ich habe mich bemüht, eine Auswahl in der Unmenge von diesen Vereinen zu treffen und die Organisation und Aufgaben der wichtigsten darzustellen bzw. sie gegenseitig zu vergleichen.
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Reaction to the article : Filip Ejdus, „And God Created Civil Rights: Serbian Resistance to the Introduction of Biometric ID Cards“, WBSO, no. 4, January-March, 2007.
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Article “Performativní aspekty stalinské kultury v Československu” (Perfomance aspects of Stalin culture in Czechoslovakia) was devoted to problem of theatrical aspects of public life in the fifties. According to this general problem author discussed the matter of rituals in the mass political events. She was focused on the one of most important – First of May. Analysis of the First May parade as perfomance activity leaded to description of its place in the rituals system, which was the way of the communication between dominated and subordinated social groups in the fifties in Czechoslovakia. Script of the First May parade cointained elements, which were supposed to create atmosphere of sacrum and fair and folk gala as well.
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The article addresses three problems and one cluster of observations. The first section analyses the challenge of globalization for area studies, the second, more specifically, pays attention to the emerging global history approach for historical area studies and the third one questions the heuristic value of categories such as .Southeastern Europe. and .Balkans. as well as the traditional disciplinary division of Balkan studies and Near East studies, which is only perforated by disciplines such as Byzantine and Ottoman studies. In the fourth section selected observations about the longterm imprint of the Ottoman Empire on post-Ottoman Balkans and post-Ottoman Near East will be offered. // There is an urgent need for re-thinking of Balkan and Southeast European Studies as well as of Middle/Near East studies. The historically grown division of these two big fields with all their sub-divisions becomes contradictious to many ongoing developments. Certain imprints of the Ottoman Empire on the post-Ottoman world are obvious . even nine decades after. Only three examples can be presented here: state autonomy with its low level of mutual social cohesion between the state and its citizens, only weakly rooted institutions of political participation as well as comparatively weak developed economic institutions still constitute remarkable imprints of the Ottoman Empire.
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Adopting two strategies and several bills in the area of defense and security has marked the closure of the legislative reform of the security sector in Serbia, thus creating a legal framework for the next steps in the reform process. Nevertheless, despite the fact that adopting these strategies and bills has perhaps been a step forward in the security sector reform, the problem remains that a quality public debate has not taken place thereon. The opinion of the author being that the lack of quality public debate was due to tight deadlines for public discussion, as well as an insufficiently proactive attitude of the Ministry of Defense (MoD) in the discussion itself and finally the absence of a longer tradition of carrying out public debate with the participation of citizens and their associations in public oversight of the the security sector. Due to identified deficiencies, the article also comprises recommendations to the party proposing the bill, in order to improve the existing practice of organizing public debate.
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The NATO summit in Madrid will find its place in the history books. Unprovoked Russian aggression against Ukraine shocked security architecture in Europe, leading to tectonic changes in defense policies all around the continent and above. The Vilnius summit will be the fifth (out of twenty-six) NATO summit since 1990 that is taking place on the Eastern flank.
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Since the beginning of Russia’s renewed and full-fledged war of aggression against Ukraine beginning this February, and President Putin’s announcement in December 2021 that he intends to reverse the previous European security order, questions about deterrence – and, if necessary, defense – on NATO’s eastern flank have increasingly come to the fore of the Euro-Atlantic agenda. The Baltic States, which are particularly exposed from a geostrategic point of view, are the focus of special attention in this context since Estonia and Latvia border directly on Russia. While Lithuania, the third Baltic Republic, is not an immediate neighbor of Russia, it shares a border with Belarus – a country that is in the firm grip of the Kremlin. All three countries on their own would be outnumbered by Russian troops.
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The ongoing Sino-Lithuanian diplomatic standoff has already demonstrated how China might use its economic leverage to coerce countries into submission. It shows that a joint response by the European Union is the best way to counter China’s bullying. In Lithuania, Taiwan is seen as an increasingly important partner that could help to offset the politically motivated costs. Still, both sides must work to ensure the sustainability of the relationship.
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