Tasavvuf ve Hanbelî Gelenek: Kādî Ebū Yaʿlâ el-Ferrâ’nın Tasavvufa Yaklaşımı Bağlamında Bir Değerlendirme

Author(s): Hacı Bayram Başer / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 1/2021

Understanding the developments in the early period when Ṣūfism became widespread in the Islamic society, both necessitates studies on other disciplines from Ṣūfism, and requires the consideration of Ṣūfism from the perspective of other religious sciences. In this regard, one of the important names is the famous Ḥanbalī scholar Abū Yaʿlā al-Farrā (d. 458/1066). Abū Yaʿlā al-Farrā who was interested in ḥadīth, Islamic law (fiqh) and tafsīr as well as Ṣūfism and theological issues, has an important place especially with his works in the Ḥanbalī tradition. Abū Yaʿlā, who grew up in a period when the Sunnī theology schools were formed, spread and exercised its influence, he maintained the Ḥanbalī viewpoint and criticized both some schools of kalām and the Ṣūfis by using the kalām method. Therefore, analyzing his views is important for understanding the formative conditions of the first period of religious science tradition, as well as giving clues about the relationship between Ṣūfism and Ḥanbalī tradition. In this article, his views of zuhd (renunciation), tawakkul (trusting in God) and Ṣūfism in general is examined in the context of his works Kitāb al-Muʿtamad fī uṣūl al-dīn and Kitāb al-tawakkul, and his importance in understanding the relationship between Ṣūfism and Ḥanbalī tradition is emphasized.

Bej‘at el-imam: ugovor o postavljenju poglavara islamske države

Author(s): Fethi Osman / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2015

Tamim Ansary, Ometena sudbina: Historija svijeta u očima muslimana

Author(s): Emina Mostić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2021

Review of: Tamim Ansary, Ometena sudbina: Historija svijeta u očima muslimana, s engleskog prevela Azra Mulović, Sarajevo: Centar za napredne studije, 2020

Byzantine and Arab Iconoclasm - a Comparative Look

Author(s): Caius Cuțaru / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2020

In its first part, the study presents the Byzantine iconoclasm, the causes of its appearance, the historical period in which it appeared and manifested, the main representatives of the fight against the Holy Icons. The second part refers to the iconoclastic measures taken by the Arab caliphate, measures justified from the Muslim point of view, because Islam is by definition against any iconic representation. Therefore, the measures taken against the Holy Icons were against all Christians in the East, whether they were within the borders of the Byzantine Empire or outside these borders, that is, in the Arab Caliphate.

Mukâtil Tefsirinde Mekkî Sûrelerde Bedir Gazvesine Yapılan Atıflar

Author(s): Nurdane Güler / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 3/2021

The Tafsīr al-Muqātil (d. 150/767) is the oldest available complete commentary text. In this respect, it has been a focus of attention. In this tafsīr, the references to the Battle of Badr in the explanation of some Makkī surahs are remarkably numerous. Badr was the first war that the Prophet made with the polytheists of Makkah, and it took place in the second year of the migration to Madīna (A. H. 2). The polytheists were far superior to the Muslims in terms of both equipment and numbers. Therefore, the success achieved in this expedition meant a lot not only in terms of survival but also in terms of morale of Muslims. Details of this war are included in Surah Anfāl, and various aspects of it are referred to in other Madanī surahs. It is not difficult to understand the mention of such an important war in Madanī surahs. However, the references to the Battle of Badr -which has not yet taken place- in the commentary of the Makkī surahs, are particularly challenging. In this tafsīr, 66 verses of various Makkī surahs are explained through the Battle of Badr. This study was carried out in order to reveal the background of the Badr references of the Makkī surahs in Muqātil tafsīr. Muqātil stands out in the Hadith in terms of reliability, and in the Kalām as a widely discussed personality with his various views. Although he has been criticized from various aspects of his Tafsīr, it is generally considered a great authority. His work is easy to understand; it combines narration and insight. The similar of every possible verse has been given. The author's mastering at the Arabic language showed itself in the words of the Qur’ān. Almost no words remained unexplained. Muqātil is closely related to the Arabic language that had been in effect in the era of revelation, and he generally carried out his tafsīr activities by considering the era of revelation. In Muqātil's view of tafsīr, no verse is independent from the experiences of the period, and each verse gains meaning with its context. In his tafsīr, Muqātil draws a view of Badr without alternatives. While other tafsīrs include other achievements of Muslims in addition to Badr, such as the victory of the Battle of the Ditch and the conquest of Makkah, in the tafsīr of Muqātil the difference of Badr as the biggest blow against the polytheists of Makkah is clearly stated. It may not be very convincing to explain his insistence on Badr as random touches and sometimes anachronistic mistakes, given his skill in tafsīr and his command of the Qur’ān in terms of both content and language. Badr stands as a conscious choice, not a mistake in Muqātil. As it can be seen in examining the verses, the forward-looking statements present in the majority of the verses; this emphasis also prepared the ground for Muqātil's explanations. In any case, Muqātil sometimes did not care about falling into historical inconsistency. If we exclude these 5 verses, which can be explained with Badr although they are Makkī, the attitudes of other commentators regarding the emphasis of Badr in the Makkī verses in the remaining 61 verses are as follows: al-Ṭabarī (d.310/923) included the views pointing to Badr in only 3 of the 61 verses in his tafsīr. This shows us that the emphasis of Badr in the Makkī verses was not generally adopted by other early commentators except Muqātil. Because in al-Ṭabarī's tafsīr, the views on tafsīr from the era of Aṣ-ṣaḥābah (the Companions), Tābiʿūn (the second generation following the Companions) and Tābiʿū al-Tābʿīn (the third generation) are mentioned together with isnad (the chain of reporters), except for Muqātil and al-Kalbī. al-Zad̲j̲d̲j̲ād̲j̲(d. 311/923), who was contemporary of Ṭabarī, included Badr in only two of the 61 verses in his philological tafsīr. In other words, al-Zad̲j̲d̲j̲ād̲j̲is on a very different line from Muqātil regarding Badr. al-Māturīdī (d. 330/944) included Badr among other explanations in only 4 of the 61 verses in his tafsīr, and did not mention Muqātil's view even among the possible meanings of the other verses. al-Rāzī (d. 606/1210) included Badr in 10 of 61 verses among other explanations. In the remaining 51 verses, he did not find it necessary to mention Muqātil's view along with other possibilities. Apparently, al-Rāzī, like others, did not consider Muqātil's explanations reasonable. Nevertheless, Razi was the commentator who gave greater place to the Badr emphasis of Muqātil in his tafsīr. In this case, how can the passion for Badr, seen in the Muqātil tafsīr, be explained? We think it would be correct to seek the reasons of Muqātil's -sometimes reasonable, sometimes inappropriate, and sometimes anachronistic- explanations of Badr in the importance he gave to this expedition and in the method of relying on concrete data in the interpretation of the Qur’ānic verses. In his view of tafsīr, no verse is independent of the experiences of the period. He takes care to include information reflecting the historical situation in almost every verse. Apparently, within the scope of this path he followed in his tafsīr, Muqātil felt the need to remind Badr, which the polytheists of Makkah regarded as the greatest torment they had ever seen in their worldly life, by mentioning it in verses containing torment, threat, and revenge.

Hanefî Usul Düşüncesinin Temellendirilmesinde Sahâbe Uygulamasının Rolü: Serahsî Örneği

Author(s): Ahmet Numan Ünver / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 3/2021

Along with the legal opinions, the juristic proofs presented to underpin these legal opinions also occupy an important place in uṣūl al-fiqh. Thus, scholars of uṣūl al-fiqh strived to propound the proofs indicating the relevant theoretical principles in an apparent and definite way. As a result, the disputed and undisputed proofs ranked among al-adilla al-shar‘iyya have been abundantly addressed in the classical uṣūl al-fiqh works. However, although it is not mentioned as a part of legal sources in the uṣul literature, there has been another proof subjected to legal reasoning (istidlāl): the practice of the companions. In this study, “the practices of the companions” is used in the contextual meaing of the verbal and practical positions of the entire companions or some of them on a specific topic of uṣūl al-fiqh. By this definition, the concept of the practice of the companions is separated from the concepts of qawl alṣaḥābī, ʿamal ahl al-Madīnah and the ijmāʿ al-ṣaḥābah. As a matter of fact, the concept of qawl al-ṣaḥābī signifies an opinion narrated from a single companion and neither supported nor opposed by other companions, and subjected to use of legal inference for obtaining practical legal rulings. In return, the concept of the practice of the companions signifies the position that the companions hold on a topic of uṣūl al-fiqh and does not stipulate the conditions that it must be an opinion of a single companion and be neither supported nor opposed by other companions. In addition, as being related to the legal theoretical issues and not restricted to a certain region, the concept of the practice of the companions is distinct from the ‘amal ahl al-Madīnah. Likewise, it also differed from the ijmāʿ al-ṣaḥābah because the latter concept indicates the consensus of all companions on a practical legal ruling whereas the practice of the companions amounts to both the consensus of the companions and their individual opinions on the matters of uṣūl al-fiqh. Having said that, the concept of the practice of the companions has some overlaps with the qawl al-ṣaḥābī and ijmāʿ al-ṣaḥābah. It is observed in the Hanafi tradition of uṣūl al-fiqh that the practices of the companions are presented as a proof of many principles of uṣūl al-fiqh. This is because of the fact that the companions have a significant role as being the first practitioners of the revelation and the leading figures of the tradition of fiqh. Due to these significant roles of the companions, a central position is given to their interpretation method of the divine text and the technique of issuing legal opinions in determination of theoretical principles. In this study, I examine the impact of the practices of the companions on the Hanafi legal theory focusing on the work of al-Sarakhsī (d. 483/1090), al-Uṣūl, and try to identify how Hanafi legal theory was grounded, departing from, overall or particular, companions’ practices. This study consists of two main parts. First, I provide the conceptual framework by analyzing the concepts of the companion and the companions’ practice. Second, I discussed the theoretical issues rested evidentially on the companions’ practice. Hence, this study excludes the instances of qawl al-ṣaḥābī, ijmāʿ al-ṣaḥābah and the companions’ practice if they are not resorted in proving the uṣūl al-fiqh principles. This work deals with issues on which theoretical principles grounded in reference to the practice of the companions under the headings; Kitāb, Sunnah, qıyās, naskh and alfāz. When instances of the companions’ practice are in abundance in a case, I just focus on the highly representative ones and shortly refer to the others. In the conclusion part, I provide the consequences achieved by this research and some final remarks on the topic.

Саркофагообразный надмогильный памятник с куфической надписью мусульманского некрополя Дербента XI—XII вв.

Author(s): Murtazali Gadjiev,M.A. Gasanov / Language(s): Russian Issue: 13/2021

In 2020 during secure and rescue archaeological observations in Derbent, the Muslim burial ground, representing once vast separate section of medieval urban necropolis of Derbent outside the architecturally allocated shahristan, was identified. This site has more than 80 sarcophagus-shaped tombstones, which are conventionally referred to by their shape as “sarcophaguses” and dated to the last third of the 11th — 12th centuries. Among them there is a single sarcophagus, on the southern longitudinal side of which there is an inset inscription — epitaph, written in Arabic in Kufi handwriting. Its text reads: “This is the grave of Muhammad, the tinsmith. May Allah have mercy on him!”.The monument is a rare example of sarcophagus-shaped tombstones with inscription. According to the epitaph, the buried man was a tinker and this information expands the range of craft specialties that existed in Derbent in the 11th — 12th centuries, and indicates the specialization of handicraft work in the processing of non-ferrous metals, taking into account the existence of manufacturers of copper objects, coppersmiths in Derbent. At the same time, the text of the epitaph shows not only the profession, but also the nickname of the buried man — Muhammad Lahim “Muhammad Tinsmith”. It’s possible that this sarcophagus was installed over the burial of one of the respected representative of the Sufi community in Derbent of the last third of the 11th — 12th centuries.

Стела XVI в. из с. Кумух — высокохудожественное произведение исламского искусства

Author(s): M.M. Mammaev / Language(s): Russian Issue: 13/2021

The article examines the features of decorative decoration of the tombstone of the beginning of the 16th century from the village of Kumukh (Lak district, Republic of Dagestan). Earlier this stele drew attention of art critics, historians, epigraphists, but as the monument of stone-cutting art and highly artistic work of Islamic art not studied in detail. Proceeding from a skillful carving of the stele, the accurate, clear, well thought decor composition, calligraphic Arab inscriptions in a harmonious combination with a vegetable ornament, the author considers it as highly artistic work of medieval stone-cutting art of Dagestan. The author admits the possibility of dating the stele a little earlier than previous researchers, namely the beginning of the 16th c. taking into account the features of its artistic. Judging by the size, decoration of the stele and epitaph, it can be believed that the buried man had a high lifetime social status and died as a martyr (Arab. shahid al-sa'id) in the battle during the military confrontation between the Ghazi-Kumukh shamkhals and Kabarda princes.

ORTAÇAĞ İSLAM MEDENİYETİNİN YÜKSELME DÖNEMİ ve AVRUPA RÖNESANSI: TARİHSEL PARALELLER

Author(s): Yegane ÇAĞLAYAN (GÖZELOVA) / Language(s): Russian Issue: 54/2022

One of the most discussed topics among historians is the development of Eastern and Western civilizations, their similarities and differences in different periods of history. According to most Western historians, the historical path of development of European countries is classical, “correct”, while at the same time, countries developing along a specific path are “non-traditional”. Some historians, trying to find analogues of European institutions in the East, create even more confusion in the process of studying the history of the development of various civilizations. By looking for institutions similar to those of Europe in the Eastern countries, these historians thereby actually reject the possibility that these countries have their own path of development. One of these events is the Renaissance. In the article, we focus on the features of the development of medieval Muslim culture and its origins, as well as on the question of whether the Renaissance is a universal event, and to what extent this term is applicable to medieval Eastern civilizations.

Radikal Dini Hareketlere Kaynaklık Açısından Vehhâbîliğin Temel Görüşleri

Author(s): Hüseyin Şahin / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 1/2022

Towards the middle of the 18th century, a new trend derived from the Hanbali school emerged in the Najd region of the Arabian peninsula, which was then a part of the Ottoman state. This new movement, which developed around Muhammed b. Abdülvehhâb’s ideas and was basically based on tawhid and opposed shirk and bid’ah, was called Wahhabism. The Wahhabis, who interpreted bid’ah quite broadly, regarded the killing of Muslims, whom they considered as possessors of bid’ah, as blasphemy and shirk, and saw it as legitimate. Wahhabism, which acts in line with the Salafist understanding and sees attacking Muslims as legitimate, is the most important source of nourishment for radical religious movements, which are pro-regime violence, who say that they are fighting against Muslims, whom they define as innovators, and against other Western powers, especially the USA. This situation is used by circles that aim to create the perception of Islam equals terrorism and Muslims equals terrorists, thus trying to create Islamophobia all around the world. In this study, the main views of Wahhabism, which constitutes the last period interpretation of Salafism, which also provide the legitimation of violence against Muslims, are discussed.

Ibn al-Nafīsova kritika Ibn Ṭufayla

Author(s): Samedin Kadić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 19/2021

The subject of this paper is Ibn al-Nafīs’ critique of Ibn Ṭufayl’s conception that truth can be known by reason‒without the necessary mediation of the authority of Revelation or Prophethood. One century after Ibn Ṭufayl wrote the Ḥayy ibn Yaqẓān, Ibn al-Nafīs in the Al-Risālah al-Kāmiliyyah fī al-Sirah al-Nabawiyah takes a similar narrative framework to develop a conservative discourse claiming that tradition is the most important topos of cognition. While Ibn Ṭufayl encourages the reader to dare to think, Ibn al-Nafīs calls for caution: knowledge and belief come through tradition. His hero spends most of his life looking for the wisdom of the Prophethood, unlike Ibn Ṭufayl’s hero who understands the world and the knowledge of the Creator through experience and reason.

Sjećanje na profesora Samira Beglerovića

Author(s): Adnan Silajdžić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 25/2021

The aim of this paper is to present the most important texts written by Professor Beglerović in which very complex, diverse and interesting theological, religious and cultural-anthropological topics are discussed. In the first place, texts related to the classical Muslim tradition of interpreting the basics of Islamic belief are analyzed and critically valorized, followed by texts that problematize numerous issues from the history, theory and practice of tasawwuf, and ending with Beglerović’s thought, i.e. his theology of culture and dialogue, which examines all important forms of the transformation of religion and the challenges facing great religions and cultures in the geopolitical and ideological stratification of today’s world.

Savremene motivacijske teorije u sučeljavanju s izvorima islama

Author(s): Zuhdija Hasanović,Adnan Srebrenica / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 25/2021

Trying to draw attention to the importance of motivation in all spheres of human activity, after having published the text entitled “The Meaning and Significance of Motivation From an Islamic Perspective”, we continue our discussion on modern motivational theories, questioning them through the fundamental sources of Islam, the Qur’an and Sunnah. Since a human being is very complex, it is important to question all the factors that drive us to activity, whether we act in order to protect our true values (faith, life, intellect, family, homeland, property), meet our basic needs (physiological requirements for air, water, food and sleep) or our secondary needs (such as the need for self-esteem, achievement, self-expression, power, connection with others, love) or something else. We question all these theories through the texts of the Qur’an and the authentic paradigmatic life (sunnah) of Muhammad, p.b.u.h., emphasizing in particular the importance of the spiritual motives observed and insisted on by Muslim authors.

Razumijevanje islama u Islamskoj deklaraciji Alije Izetbegovića

Author(s): Samedin Kadić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 25/2021

This paper presents the political genesis and basic ideas in the work Islamic Declaration by Alija Izetbegović. The theoretical background and discourses that influenced the author are being examined. The hypothesis is that Islamic Declaration is an eclectic work, and that Izetbegović essentially synthesizes the key concepts of the most dominant figures of Muslim religious reformism and political modernism, moving along the Afghan-Mawdudi-Qutb line, to coincide at many points with the discourse of the Muslim Brotherhood movement (alIĥwān al-Muslimūn). The work Islamic Declaration is a kind of intersection of these lines, and in that respect Izetbegović’s contribution to the global debate of the Muslim intelligentsia on the problems of the Muslim revival that were essentially determined by the colonial context and the secular persecution of Islamic symbols in the hearts of already humiliated and defeated Muslim countries, cities, institutions.

Izvorište i temeljna obilježja islamske religijske pedagogije

Author(s): Dina Sijamhodžić-Nadarević / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 25/2021

The definition, subjectivity, content, interdisciplinarity and basic features of religious pedagogy in the Islamic perspective can be fully viewed through the primary sources of Islam, i.e. the Qur’an and Sunnah, and the rich classical theological tradition of Muslims. Therefore, our aim is to shed light on these sources, and subsequently to analyze the base in which today’s scientific field of “religious pedagogy” finds its content, goals, subject, etc. while elaborating its theological and pedagogical foundation. As a separate scientific field, Religious pedagogy is characterized by a number of fundamental features that make it specific, due to the background of the Islamic worldview and unique understanding of life, the world and human beings. Some of these features stand out, and are analyzed in this paper.

Arapska leksikografija: al-Zamaḫšarī i njegov doprinos

Author(s): Amrudin Hajrić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 25/2021

The Arabs started dealing with language issues very early and continuously worked on compiling manuals specific to orthography, grammar, and lexicography as standardizing language disciplines. The first lexicographical works appeared in the 2nd century AH, and subsequently, over the next few centuries, dictionary editing techniques were perfected to that degree that in the 6th century, in the lexicographical achievements of Al-Zamaḫsharī, these techniques became so advanced and revolutionary that they are still being applied today. Al-Zamaḫsharī was primarily a theologian and commentator on the Qur’an, but also someone who, in a way, dealt with stylistics and the Prophet’s, p.b.u.h., tradition, and having in mind his comprehensive and thorough lexicographical work, he can certainly be considered one of the greatest authorities in the field of Arabic lexicography.

Rodna senzitivnost u arapskom jeziku

Author(s): Zehra Alispahić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 25/2021

Traditional Arabic grammarians clearly point out that masculine gender is the basis, that it is primary, and that feminine gender is derived from it. This is the reason why masculine gender comes first and is used more frequently in communication. Nevertheless, it is possible to say that the Arabic language today belongs to the group of languages with a particularly pronounced sensibility in the context of the distinction between masculine and feminine gender. Determining the grammatical gender of nouns in Arabic is done on the basis of semantic (natural gender), formal (morphological) and usage (pragmatic) criteria. The phenomenon of gender in Arabic is deeply rooted in the history of language and God’s Will to “create everything in pairs - male and female”, so is the use of masculine and feminine as grammatical gender regulated by clear grammatical rules. In addition to the theoretical review of numerous divisions between masculine and feminine gender, this paper not only points out some particularities in the construction of nouns and verbs along with the implementation of grammatical principles of gender agreement (concord) between the main sentence parts, but also draws attention to the Qur’anic context and examples of exceptions to the these principles.

Ümeyye b. Ebü’s-Salt’ın Hayatı ve Tarih Konulu Bazı Şiirleri Üzerine Bir İnceleme

Author(s): Mücahit YÜKSEL / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2022

The History of Islam, which makes use of the Qur’ān, ḥadīth and many auxiliary sources, did not ignore the different elements that would shed light on the events of the periods it studied. At this point, the poem draws attention as an important source containing much data on the history of the prophets, sīrat, genealogy, and socio-cultural life. Umayya b. Abū l-Ṣalt (d. 8/630) is an important poet who has witnessed both the Jāhilī Period and the Islamic period, and has poems containing the abovementioned themes. There are different opinions about his belief status. In this context, there are discourses that consider him as Christian, Jewish, Hanīf, and monotheist. However, although it is a fact that Umayya was a ḥanīf in Jāhilī Period, his oppositional attitude with the advent of Islam is another fact. In the historical sources, there are many poems which are attributed to Umayya and contain different subjects. When these poems are examined, especially the poems that deal with the belief of oneness and the hereafter; it is seen that the creation of the world, the lives of past tribes and prophets, sīrat, some cultural elements, elegy, praise, and lineage were also handled by him. However, when the content and style of Umayya's poems, especially about the lives of the prophets, are examined, there are doubts as to whether these poems belong to him. For example, his poem about the story of Adam is as follows: “And they all prostrated to Adam by His permission / Only the damned, the sinner, and the expelled refused it /The Lord of the servants said to Iblis: / Get out of there fired, cursed and vilified.” When compared with the verses of the Qur'ān, it is seen that the information presented by Umayya about the story of Adam does not contradict with the information in the Qur'ān. “It is We Who created you and gave you shape; then We bade the angels prostrate to Adam, and they prostrate; not so Iblis; He refused to be of those who prostrate.” “(Allāh) said: "Get thee down from this: it is not for thee to be arrogant here: get out, for thou art of the meanest (of creatures).” In Umayya's poems, the story of Noah is discussed in with more details: “In the evening the flood was sent and the water overflowed. / There was no container to hold it. / He swims like an arrow seeking revenge. / And crossing the sea. / Everything began to speak with a miracle. / And the crow responded to the rooster's trust with treason. / After seven days the dove was sent / That; was unafraid of dangers and showed courage. / It was said, let's search the earth / Can you find a dry place with a water source in its furthest part? / Flew away fast. / Then he brought a cluster of black sticky mud on it.” In the poems of Umayya, in which he talks about the stories of the Prophet, many words and stories that the Arabs do not know are used. The story of the crow, rooster, and pigeon in this poem is one such example. It is said that Umayya was influenced by the old books and the words of the People of the Book in the story about the crow, the rooster, and the pigeon. Because, although there are differences in the details, it is seen that this issue is mentioned in the Torāh. Cevād Ali, who touches on this issue, states that “if it is true that these poems belong to him” and says that the available data is evidence that Umayya met with the People of the Book and knew the content of their books. While evaluating this issue, Behcet Abdulagafur referred to the 49th verse of the Surah Hūd and he emphasized two possibilities, pointing out that the story was not known to people before, including the Prophet Muḥammad: Umayya recited them from the Qur'ān and sang his poems according to the Qur'ān. However, this is a low probabilirty. Or, this poem does not belong to him and was later made up for him. He saw the second option more strongly and said that the poem did not resemble Umayya's style as a reason. The Prophet avoided a wholesale approach and evaluated Umayya's poems according to their content. Because while approving some of his poems, he also banned his poems that he sang as a lament for the polytheists killed in Badr, which did not comply with the Islamic understanding. The Prophet said about him: “His poetry became a Muslim, but his heart denied it.” Thus, while revealing that the content of Umayya's poems is generally suitable for Islam, he also stated that he was not a Muslim. At the same time, he banned his poems that were against Islam

Endülüs Şiirinde Hz. Peygamber Methiyeleri

Author(s): Harun Özel / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2022

The first eulogies (Qaṣāīd) about the Prophet Muḥammad (pbuh) appeared when he was still alive. Ḥassān ibn Thābit (d. 60/680 [?]), ʿAbd Allāh b. Rawāḥa (d. 8/629) and Kaʿb b. Mālik (d. 50/670), important Muslim poets of the period, praised the Prophet and inspired future generations of poets. Depending on the developments in the following centuries, there had been a great increase in the number of poems sung to express enthusiastic feelings towards the Prophet and to defend him and his Prophethood. Andalusia is one of the places where this genre increased the most. The first examples of the praise of the Prophet appeared in Andalusia during the Mulūk al-Ṭawāʾif period (1031-1090). The praises of the Prophet, which were processed in the poems of asceticism, dirge and elegy until the end of the 5th/11th century, became an independent genre called al-Madāʾiḥ alNabawiyyah/Nabawiyyāt thanks to the ever-increasing Ṣūfī thoughts penetrating literary circles. The turning point of the praise of the Prophet in Andalusia, as in the East, is the period of the The Almohads (1147-1238), which coincides with the 7th/13th century. The mawlid celebrations, which were first initiated by the Fāṭimids in the 4th/10th century to give legitimacy to their rule, and held every year in North Africa on the twelfth of the month of Rabi'ulawwal, moved to Andalusia at the end of the The Almohad period and gradually became one of the largest official and religious holidays in Andalusia. Giving awards to high-quality poems read on the mawlid festival and celebrations made all over Andalusia has greatly contributed to the literary richness in this field. In praise of the Prophet, talented poets such as Abū Zayd al-Fāzāzī (d. 627/ 1230), Ibn al-Jannān al-Anṣārī (d. 650/1252), Ibn Jābir (d. 780/1378) and Ibn Zumruk (d. 797/1395) emerged. Abū Zayd al-Fāzāzī, one of the most distinguished Prophetic ode poets of the Almohad period is said to have first pioneered the spread of Prophetic praises in Andalusia before the Iraqi poet Yaḥyā al-Ṣarṣarī (d. 656/1258) and the Egyptian poet Būṣīrī (d. 695/1296). He has a dīvān called al-Wasā’il al-mutaqabbalah, which he wrote in alphabetical order and dedicated to the praise of the Prophet. The fame of the odes he uttered about the Prophet spread as far as North Africa, and it has become a tradition to read his odes on special days. Because of the abundance and quality of Prophetic odes, Ibn al-Jannān, who witnessed the glorious days and the collapse of the The Almohad state, also commemorated the poet Ḥassān ibn Thābit, The Prophet’s Odic Poet. Ibn Jābir al-Andalusī, on the other hand, wrote the second ode in this field after Ṣafī al-Dīn al-Ḥilli (d. 749/1348), the inventor of the axiomatic odes, and became the pioneer of axiomatic odes in Andalusia. The effect of political instability on Prophetic odes in Andalusia, which entered its collapse with the end of the Almohad state, is obvious. According to many poets, salvation from this plight of Muslims in Andalusia is possible by once again adhering to the Sunnah of the Prophet. Probably as a reflection of this idea, many poets from 7th/13th centuries onwards devoted their odes to narrating the Prophet and his Sunnah. Poets who describe the Prophet elaborately in their poems hope to be saved from the troubles they have fallen into and to reach the highest rank in heaven. Poets who touched upon the physical characteristics of the Prophet often likened his smiling face to a bright sun and a full moon. In terms of oratory, they stated that he had a fluent language and never uttered bad words. Andalusian poets, who praised the Prophet with moral virtues such as tolerance, justice and courage, stated that there was nobody more merciful and generous than him due to the abundance of his blessings resembling torrential rain. Andalusian Prophetic ode poets adhered to the traditional forms of Arabic poetry in terms of the structure of eulogy. In the introductory parts of odes, they generally express longing for the Prophet and the holy places. The main theme is mostly the Prophet and his outstanding virtues, and they usually end their eulogies with salutation to the Prophet. Save a few Sufi poets, it can be said that they used simple and understandable language in their poems. The sources of inspiration for their poems are the Qur'an and hadiths. Andalusian poets used non-material axiomatic arts in their poems without disturbing the structure of eulogy. In addition to the art of pun, they provided musicality in the poem with the ‘tent-frame’ meter and rhyme scheme, sometimes supporting it through repetition. It is possible to see all kinds of repetitions in, Ibn al-Jannān's odes. In this study, the place of the Prophet in Andalusia and odes, which are reflections of the love for him, will be examined. In addition, the concept of the Prophet in Andalusia will be explained within the political, social and cultural framework of the period.

Abbâsîlerin Horasan ve Mâverâunnehirde Kurulan Vasal Devlet Hükümdarlarına Verdikleri Payeler ve Siyasi Karşılıkları

Author(s): Nuri Köse,Metin Yilmaz / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2022

We understand from the oldest sources that have reached us that according to their status, racial characteristics, culture, religion etc. people called their adressees with many different names besides their own names. The Arabic nicknames and titles, which are the main subject of our research result of this necessity. Before the formation of Islamic culture and civilization, different titles were used in all civilizations, especially in the Byzantine and Sassanid empires, for the members of the group, which were considered as the elite class, apart from their names. Of course, the Arab society of jahiliyyah was also greatly influenced by his. In the political and bureaucratic structure created by the rapid spread of Islam and the interaction from different civilizations, a new naming, or rather nicknames, were made by using religious figures. This happened to such extend that the original names of many rulers remained in the shadows. The strict centralist structure of the Umayyad state required an authoritarian state administration that would not need excessive credit or definition. Therefore, the caliph did not need an extra nickname or title to define himself. At the same time, it would be appropriate to say that they never had any thoughts of praising the politicians and bureaucrats affiliated with them. The radical change in the political understanding with the Abbasid revolution also led to a great change in naming strategies. In fact, it is possible to explain the differentiation in this management approach through titles in the shortest way. The famous names of the Abbasid caliphs are nothing but nicknames. These names, which are adorned with the words of Allah, are actually an effort to show religious sensitivity to the subjects. The sensitivity in the language of diplomacy has come to the fore even more with the special divans established. The language of religion and the language of politics have been intertwined, and the caliph, who is the representative of the creator on earth, has been giving nicknames/titles around him. We see the actual situation of this practice as concrete in relation to the vassal states. During the Abbasid period, the level of relations between the states, which first emerged as semi-independent and later independent, and the caliphate differed according to time and conditions. In proportion to the political power of the Abbasid state, these heads of state were given different ranks. In this research, we try to reveal the background of the ranks given to the heads of vassal state established in the Khorasan and Transoxiana region and carrying out very important activities in the political sense. Additionally, we aim reveal to find out the political, religious and social structure of Tahirids, Saffarids, and Samanids, who are also very important in terms of Turkish history and serve as a bridge between the region and the center of the caliphate, Baghdad. We think that the subject discussed is important in order to discover the unknown aspects of the historical process in the political and bureaucratic formation of the Turkish empires established after the collapse of these three vassal states. In fact, it can be said that even today, the historical anatomy of the ranks used in terms of status determination and the arrangement of the political field in different Islamic geographies is being explored. Most importantly, in this study, we try discover the cornerstones of the communication dimension of the mawali with the Arab power. The location of the Transoxiana and Khorasan geographies before the Islamic conquests and the population fluidity accelerated by the Turkish migrations were an important factor in the political formation of the region during the Abbasid period. The historical background was taken into consideration in the titles given to the vassal state rulers. It is remarkable that the caliph gave the old Turkish title “ıhsid” to a Turkish leader of a state established in Egypt. There are many other examles such as this with regard to the vassal states in the East. The conclusion we have obtained from our study is that titles play a decisive role in the political connection between the center of the caliphate and the affiliated states. On the one hand, this regulates the balance between the center and local administrators, on the other hand, it determines the moral as well as the material rank of the sultans in the eyes of the people. In fact, the successes in the conquests led the caliphs to rank the vassal sultans with titles. This situation is a kind of password that determines the balance between the religious authority, the caliphate, and the worldly authority.