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In the past few years there have been considerable and positive developments in important issues for the Muslim communities in Greece. The paper focuses on a number of initiatives and policies that have been taken by the Greek state in the last years, aiming at the improvement of Muslim education structures and the strengthening of the religious identity of the Muslim minority of Thrace; it also focuses on recent decisions and initiatives aiming at the improvement of the religious structures of Muslim immigrants in the metropolitan area of Athens. The paper shows the reasons behind these developments, namely the role of the European Union financial and symbolic resources, the changes in the priorities and the mentality of Greek governments since 1990 and especially in the very recent years.
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Antal Lovas Kiss: The Impacts of the European Union accesion to the situation and economic, social structure of several settlements of the Region of Bihar
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After the latest European electoral cycle, right wing parties on the far side of the political spectrum along with right-wing euro-sceptics and conservative anti-federalists won 112 seats. The presence of the radical right in the European Parliament (EP), has often been attributed to the second order election model theorised by Reif and Schmitt (1980). In European elections, turnout is traditionally lower compared to “first” order national elections, parties in government tend to lose vote-shares while smaller parties benefit from the European system of proportional representation. This article analyses the relationship between radical parties and the EP by examining the French and Danish results in the 2014 elections. Though both constitute the third political force in their countries at that time, Front National and Dansk Folkeparti’s electoral support is representative of a second order election. The former party benefited from a classic sanction vote while the second one owes its breakthrough to a particular Danish voting behaviour, somewhat singular in the European Union. The article offers an in-depth overview of the literature on both the radical right, the Second Order Election model as well as radical right parties’ dynamic at the European Parliament level.
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review of: ------------------ Gabriela Horoşanu. 2014. NATO-EU: A Smarter Collaboration, Bucharest, Tritonic Publishing House, 194 pages, ISBN: 978-606-8571-41-6.
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review of: --------------------- Dan D. Lazea. 2014. Suveranitatea statelor si integrarea europeana a Balcanilor: cazul Serbiei (The Sovereignty of States and the European Integration of the Balkans: The case of Serbia), Timișoara, Western University Publishing House, 257 pages, ISBN: 978-973-125-440-1
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This paper opens up the black box of enlargement, focusing on how the intra-organizational relationships among the Council of the European Union, the European Commission, and the European Parliament affect the process of enlargement. Formally speaking, enlargement is an intergovernmental process, suggesting that member states are firmly in control of its outcomes. However, the EU’s supranational actors, specifically the European Parliament and European Commission also attempt to influence enlargement at various stages. I posit that the process of enlargement to the Western Balkans has evolved, influenced by changing constraints which are operating on the aforementioned actors. The added value of this work is in disaggregating the enlargement process based on its institutionalized relationships in both a vertical and horizontal dimension. It provides a supply-side argument for how enlargement policy has evolved from within the EU, rather than simply as a function of external factors.
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After almost a decade since the enlargement of the European Union to Central and Eastern Europe, history can be read with the clarity that time offers. The context, strategies and negotiation methods of 1997-2004 can be analysed more carefully now, because the consequences of those negotiations are felt even today. Covering under the mask of enlargement, we notice the fear of the westerners towards the new Member States which brought in a different history and risked disturbing a system that has been painfully set up since the 1950s. But at the same time, we notice the desire for moral revenge of the candidate countries towards the old EU members. In this study, I analyse the merit of Günter Verheugen, the technocrat who found the right language and strategy to reconcile these two perspectives and who adapted to the present interests of the two parties.
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Evropa, posmatrana u istorijskom kontekstu ili prosto kao predmet istoriografije, jest pojava novijeg datuma. Do posljednjih deset do dvadeset godina nije bilo mnogo istoriografskih knjiga koje su je tretirale kao jedinstven istorijski prostor. Ovaj prostor se uglavnom istoriografski sagledavao kao mehanički zbir posebnih nacionalnih istoriografija te se u tom smislu stvaranje evropskih vrijednosti kroz jedinstveno istorijsko iskustvo može sagledavati i kao proces u začetku. Pričati o Evropi je izazov, ne zbog istoriografskih činjenica već zbog prepoznavanja društvenih procesa koji taj kontinent čine posebnim političkim subjektom i jedinstvenim istorijskim prostorom. Zaista, ako ona jest jedinstven prostor, zašto nema istoriju koja bi to legitimisala?
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Recenzie la volumul Ana Maria DOBRE, Ramona COMAN (coord.), România și integrarea europeană, Institutul European, Iași, 2005, 352 pagini
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Neki narodi imaju riječ Bog upisanu u himni, kao Englezi: God Save the Queen, ili Srbi: Bože pravde. Drugi na novcu, kao što mo žemo pročitati na američkim dolarskim novčanicama. Njemački bataljuni upisivali su riječ Bog na ratne stjegove, uvjereni da je Bog s njima: Gott mit Uns.
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The Eastern Journal of European Studies (EJES) seeks to provide a forum for multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary dialogue between ideas, and a framework for theoretical and empirical analyses covering major topics in European studies: European history, politics, European economy and European policies, EU community law, European culture and society.
EJES encourages studies focusing on Central and Eastern Europe (including Eastern Neighbourhood) in order to better understand its transformations induced by the integration process and to address its specific challenges by supporting scientific debates on the general European theory and practice. Furthermore, the editorial board regularly invites distinguished guest editors to coordinate thematic issues.
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Even since its beginnings, the EU manifested a constant concern for the development of a specific foreign policy pillar, at an institutional and strategic level, able to surpass the national one. This ambitious vision was progressively extended from a classical approach over foreign policy (a multilateral one, based on cooperation among the EU member states, within a field seen as “traditionally national”), towards a postmodern approach, with obvious supra-state elements. Today, EU diplomacy looks like one of the fundamental pillars of the ”United Europe” concept, of the ”Union” as distinct centre of power, with ambitions in developing a global strategic vision within the foreign policy field, at international level. The paper begins with the current EEAS organization, adding certain institutional innovations about EU diplomacy at the beginning of 21st century and about the way in which the general perception of EU, as global actor, could be improved.
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The ‘greater Nordic space’ between Great Britain, Germany and Russia has over time varied with the balance of power. The Baltic States e.g. have been in and out of the space, rejoining by regaining sovereignty after the end of the Cold War. Russia’s actions in Ukraine and beyond during 2014 mark the end of the Post-Cold War period and its aspiration to peaceful integration. The small states of the greater Nordic space are now rediscovering their inescapable geopolitical nearness to Russia. Drawing on RSCT and Nordic-Baltic integration literature, the article contributes to understanding the Northern European part of the Euro-Russian Regional Security Complex. Theoretically, the article links RSCT and integration logics through the twin concepts of a ‘security region’ (given outside-in as one part of a negatively defined RSC), and a ‘political region’ (created inside-out under the shield provided by the security region). To link the two concepts, Heidegger’s idea of Geworfenheit, or thrownness, is employed to capture how the states of the greater Nordic space are always already subject to the dynamics underlying that space and how this condition affects the states’ interpretation of their changing surroundings, including translation into political regionality. Empirically, the article therefore argues that Russia’s new foreign policy has created a greater Nordic space ‘security region’ – supported by the United States – that is paving the way for new integration initiatives to a strengthened ‘political region’ inside the space, possibly as a ‘greater Nordic region’.
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The vote by the British people to withdrawal from the EU – also known as a “Brexit” – means both the UK and the EU now face an unprecedented challenge. Brexit could have significant implications for the EU, the ideas and structures of European integration, and European geopolitics. The UK itself faces an uncertain future. This article examines why Brexit has come to pass and explores what it could mean for the EU, European integration, and Europe’s economics and security. It argues that as with many of the other problems the EU has faced, the EU and UK will muddle through a Brexit, coping but not solving the challenges it presents.
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The aim of the paper is to show the prospects of EU enlargement. The analysis takes into account both the intra-EU conditions of the process (the strengthening of the intergovernmentalism of integration processes in the EU and their politicization, “enlargement fatigue”, and the rise of Eurosceptic sentiments) and changing attitudes towards the EU exhibited by candidate countries, which are increasingly reluctant to integrate into European structures. In times of crisis, membership in the European Union becomes a less attractive objective, especially for countries with significant international or even global aspirations — the best example here is Turkey. The article also presents the consequences of further EU enlargement for decision-making in the European Union, and the strength of arguments expressed by individual states. The article also includes the Polish perspective and the Polish government’s position on the issue of further enlargement of the EU-28. The article concludes that the enlargement process will continue, but it may not be the main driving force of reform dynamics in the European Union.
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