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Lovro Kuhar - Prežihov Voranc v italijanskih zaporih, 1943

Lovro Kuhar - Prežihov Voranc v italijanskih zaporih, 1943

Author(s): Janko Jarc / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 2/1958

As early as in his first literary attempts Lovro Kuhar, by his pen-name Prezihov Voranc, tended to deal with proletary motives from farmers-' and workmen's life. During the First World War 1914—1918 he became as a prisoner acquainted with the scientific -bases of Marxism, and. after his return immediately joined the newly founded Communist Party of Yugoslavia, At Guštanj, where he was an employee he organized the first cells of- the Communist Party among the workmen of the Steel-Works, and founded assistance, economical and cultural organizations for them. After the dissolution of the Communist Party in the year 1920 he continued working illegally. When King Alexander's dictatorial regime came into power, Kuhar avoided arrest and judicial procedure by escaping abroat, where he developed an extensive propagating and organizing activity in various European countries in the decade 1930—1940. At the beginning of the 2nd World War (1939) he returned secretly to Yugoslavia and lived illegally in Dolenjska (the Lowland of Slovenia), in Zagreb, where he was taken by the enemy occupation of Yugoslavia, and at Ljubljana.

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Wehrmannschaft v boju proti narodnoosvobodilni vojski na Štajerskem

Wehrmannschaft v boju proti narodnoosvobodilni vojski na Štajerskem

Author(s): Tone Ferenc / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 2/1958

After the occupation of Lower Styria in mid April 1941 the Germans established an organization similar to the National Socialist German Workers'Party, called »Steirischer Heimatbund« (Styrian Patriotic League), with the view of schooling the Lower Styrian population to their imminent annexation to the so-called Greater German Reich. After certain Nazi measures for the behoof of »the consolidation of Teutonism« in Lower Styria (deportation of »alien elements« and confinement of »dangerous persons«), and in view of the vigorous' Nazi demagogy, about 95 o/o of the population joined the Heimatbund. All the male inhabitants between their 18th and 45th year, accepted as members of the Heimatbund, belonged automatically to the Wehrmannschaft. The basic task of these troops was the same as that of the S. A. (Stormtroops), i. e. premilitary training seasoned with political instruction in true Nazi spirit. They were also organized quite analogously to the S. A., put under the control of the S. A.-Group »Sudmark « (South March) in Graz, and commanded by the leader of the Wehrmannschaft: this was up to mid 1943 the S. A. Standartenfuhrer Blasch, and afterwards the leader of the Styrian Patriotic League himself, S. A. Oberführer Franz Steindl. Each district had one or two »Standarten« (regiments): the districts Ljutomer, Maribor-Town, Brežice, Trbovlje each one, and the districts Maribor-Country, Ptuj and Celje each two. Each Standarte had several »Sturms« (companies), i.e. basical military instructional units, which used to comprise 150—200 men of the same place. The organization was achieved in late autumn, 1941, when there were 10 »Standarten« with 307 »Sturms« and 84.700 men.

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Narodnoosvobodilni svet za Primorsko Slovenijo in njegovo delo

Narodnoosvobodilni svet za Primorsko Slovenijo in njegovo delo

Author(s): Tone Ferenc / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1/1957

The first half of the year 1943 gave the Liberation movement in the Slovene Littoral such a broadness and intensivity that, after the collapse of Italy it grew over into a new form of fighting, into a general armed rising of the Slovene Littoral people against the national and social oppression. In this rising on lltn September 1943, the National Liberation Council for the Slovene Littoral was founded, consisting of twenty-one numbers, who would as the representative of the Littoral Slovene people under the direction of the IOOF (the Executive Committee of the Liberation Front) lead (the liberation war to its happy close. His intention and wish was that the Littoral Slovenes would be united with other Slovenes in the United Slovenia. On the base of this proclamation, issued at the occasion of foundation, the Supreme Command of the Liberation Front on 16th September 1943, proclamated the annexation of the Slovene Littoral to United Slovenia and to New Yugoslavia. The National Liberation Council for the Slovene Littoral, acting as the highest political body of People's authority in the Slovene Littoral passed many decrees, the most important of which were: the mobilization decree, the decree of voting local liberation committees, and the decree of the big landed estates. On the base of the mobilization decree, which was issued on 11th September 1943, a huge number of volunteers joined the partisan forces, among whom were even old people and girls. Thus, the partisan army was increased to 30 battalions who were gathered into 10 new brigades, out of which 3 divisions were formed.

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PLJAČKA UMETNIČKOG I KULTURNOG BLAGA SRBIJE U DRUGOM SVETSKOM RATU I PROBLEMI NJEGOVE RESTITUCIJE - NEKOLIKO FRAGMENATA

PLJAČKA UMETNIČKOG I KULTURNOG BLAGA SRBIJE U DRUGOM SVETSKOM RATU I PROBLEMI NJEGOVE RESTITUCIJE - NEKOLIKO FRAGMENATA

Author(s): Milan Ristović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2001

Based on scarce documents that have been preserved in the Bundesarchiv in Berlin, the author examines the activity of the Einsatzab Reichsleiter Rosenberg (ERR) during World War II in Serbia, and particularly in Belgrade. The task of these „special purpose headquarters” was looting Jewish property, and „collecting” works of cultural, artistic, or scientific value, which together with the property stolen in other occupied European countries was transported to the many secret repositories in the Third Reich, but also ended up in the private collections of powerful Nazi leaders. The available documents refer only to the period 1943-44 i.e., the final phase of ERR activity of this type in Serbia The second part of the contribution deals with the poorly organized and slow actions undertaken by the new Yugoslav government after the war to achieve the restitution of the stolen valuables from the zones under Western occupation in Germany. The Yugoslav documents show only an inkling of the activity on the part of the most prominent figure in this respect, that of Ante (Mate) Topić Mimara.

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Disa mendime origjinale të Dritëro Agollit në një tezë diplome për Migjenin

Disa mendime origjinale të Dritëro Agollit në një tezë diplome për Migjenin

Author(s): Shaban Sinani / Language(s): Albanian Issue: 03-04/2016

The sketches and the stories of the Albanian revolutionary writer Migjeni by D. Agolli is the first monograph devoted to Migjeni, written as a diploma thesis in Russian in 1957. While evaluating the literary groups in Albania in the 1930s, the author sees Migjeni and Mitrush Kuteli in opposition to each-other. For him, even Ali Asllani and Kristo Floqi are idealizers of life, as they present the village as a quiet corner, where you can hear the flow of the streams and where the robins start their song. Debating on the view that the phantoms created from the darkness in Migjeni’s famous sketch “The Phantom”, are the black shadows of fascism, or that the phantom refers to the imperialism, apparently under the influence of the Communist Party Manifesto, he claims that the phantom in this sketch is the Soviet Union and comunism. In the research into Migjeni’s sketches, The story of One of Them is compared to Ch. Baudelaire’s La prostitution sacre and even to Jean-Paul Sartre’s La putain respectueuse. D. Agolli asserts that The story of One of Them is influenced by Guy de Maupassant (comparing with Boule de suif novelle), and it is also part of the author’s originality of the work. D. Agolli disagrees with the view that Nietzsche and Dostoyevsky have equally influenced Migjeni, because Nietzsche’s ideas reduce the quality of his work, while those of Dostoyevsky exalt him. D. Agolli is the first to draw a comparison at the discourse level between The Shapes of the Superman and a fragment of F. Nietzsche’s Thus spoke Zarathustra. In the novel The student is back home, D. Agolli thinks that the West is satanized because of fascist and Nazi threat as a world threat, and elsewhere for its anti-Sovietism. His opinion on Migjen’s anti-Western criticism remains a bit blurry: Was he critical of the Nazi-fascist threat that came from the West or even to Western civilization? The Myth of the West would be dominant in Migjeni, despite the phenomena that were criticized by him.

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STOLEĆE EKSTREMA - SVETSKA ISTORIJA 20. VEKA

STOLEĆE EKSTREMA - SVETSKA ISTORIJA 20. VEKA

Author(s): Vera Mujbegović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/1998

Engleski socijalni istoričar Erik Hobshaum prihvatio se ambicioznog poduhvala da na samom izmaku 20. veka osvetli ovo protivrečno i dramatično stoleće, njegove glavne odrednice i obeležja. Autor je već ranije, kao profesor na katedrama za istoriju u Londonu, na Stanford i Kernel univerzitetu u Americi, kao i u Parizu, svojim delima, pretežno strukturalno, a manje događajne istorije, privukao pažnju naučne javnosti (»Evropske revolucije 1789-1848«, »Revolucije i revolti«, »Doba procvata kapiltala 1848-1875«, »Imperijalno razdoblje 1875-1914«, te »Nacije i nacionalizam«). Ovom knjigom Hobshaum je u tri osnovna perioda prikazao celokupnu socijalnu i političku sadržinu 20. veka: »Doba katastrofe«, razdoblje od 1914. do 1945, »Zlatno doba« vreme od 1950. do 1975, i konačno »»Zemljotres« - razlaganje socijalizma sa svim negativnim pratećim pojavama ovog procesa.

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Kako je „Bihaćka republika“ postala „kreativna“: kulturne industrije u lokalnom kontekstu

Kako je „Bihaćka republika“ postala „kreativna“: kulturne industrije u lokalnom kontekstu

Author(s): Hajrudin Hromadžić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2018

Nakon što je prošlo više od dvadeset godina od početaka njegove potpune devastacije, krađe artefakata i dugotrajne zapuštenosti, Muzej Prvog zasjedanja AVNOJ-a (Antifašističko Vijeće Narodnog Oslobođenja Jugoslavije) u Bihaću konačno je obnovljen i ponovno stavljen u funkciju 2014. godine, ovaj put s multifunkcionalnom dvoranom u prizemlju i izložbenim prostorom posvećenom izvornom historijskom trenutku iz II. svjetskog rata na katu objekta. [...]

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ZAVNOBiH je društvena, historijska i naučna činjenica

ZAVNOBiH je društvena, historijska i naučna činjenica

Author(s): Smail Čekić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 3/2018

The article deals with ZAVNOBiH as a social, historical and scientific fact, from the standpoint of its role and importance in the reconstruction of the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the confirmation of its historical, political and state-legal continuity, and the equality of its peoples.

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MESTO LOGORA U OKUPACIONOM SISTEMU U SRBIJI (1941-1944)

MESTO LOGORA U OKUPACIONOM SISTEMU U SRBIJI (1941-1944)

Author(s): Milan Koljanin / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/1997

German camps were the pivot of the invador’s system of occupation in Serbia. The formation of camps was begun after the assault of the Third Reich on the Soviet Union on 22 June, 1941 and was practically finished by July of the following year. There were five principle camps in Serbia: two in Belgrade (in Banjica and the Fair), and the others in Niš, Sabac and Veliki Bečkerek/Petrovgrad. The purpose of the camps was to isolate, torture and (or) liquidate real or potential opponents and even entire nations (Jews and Gypsies). The prisoners served as hostages for German mass reprisals for losses suffered in their battles against the rebels and, from the summer of 1942, these prisoners were also used for labor in work and concentration camps in other occupied lands and the Third Reich. In the second half of 1942 a system of work camps was also formed in Serbia, usually near mines (Bar, Trepča etc.) and on farms in Banat. In May 1942, German camps in Serbia began co-operating with those in Jasenovac and Stara Gradiška and, from the beginning of the following year, with German camps in the Independent State of Croatia. The main German camp in occupied Serbia and the whole of the European southeast was the camp situated at the Belgrade Fair. It would be wrong to call these places concentration camps since they represented a subsystem in the European system of German camps (work, concentration and death camps). The question of the number and makeup of the prisoners in German camps in Serbia has still not been answered properly and requires a comprehensive study based on a specific methodology.

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DOPRINOS SRPSKOG I CRNOGORSKOG NARODA POBJEDI
NAD FAŠIZMOM

DOPRINOS SRPSKOG I CRNOGORSKOG NARODA POBJEDI NAD FAŠIZMOM

Author(s): Slavko Vukčević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/1995

The Serbian and Montenegrin people had a substantial part in the victory over fascism. Their mass participation and fighting in the Yugoslav war of liberation prevented the powers of the Axis from carrying out operational and strategic plans to create a peaceful base of the Balkans, from which attacks would be directed towards the Mediterranean region, the Middle East and the eastern front. At a time when Nezavisna Država Hrvatska joined the fight against the Soviet Union and declared war against England and the United States of America, German and Italian commands were forced to transfer additional troops from Albania, Greece, France and the eastern front in order to quench the uprisings in Serbia and Montenegro, and prevent the opening of a new war zone in the Balkans. During the four years of war, from 1941 to 1945, the Yugoslav Army of Liberation was formed, primarily made up of soldiers from Serbian regions (Serbia, Montenegro, Lika, Kordun, Banija, Bosanska Krajina, Herzegovina, Slavonija). This army held 30 to 55 fascist divisions bound in battle and caused them great human and material losses.

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SAVEZNICI I JUGOSLAVIJA U DRUGOM SVETSKOM RATU

SAVEZNICI I JUGOSLAVIJA U DRUGOM SVETSKOM RATU

Author(s): Venceslav Glišić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/1995

The article »The Allies in Yugoslavia during World War II« describes the attitude of the great powers of the anti-Fascist coalition, the Soviet Union, Great Britain and the United States of America, towards the problems Yugoslavia faced from the April war in 1941 until the formation of a common government of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia on 7 March, 1945. The allies had already made a decision in 1941 to aid the revival of Yugoslavia without influencing the formation if its internal system and, during the war, they supported those political and military forces in the country which they thought capable of achieving this aim. It is no coincidence that the allies gave their most substantial aid to the national liberation movement, accepting it as the only force able to recreate Yugoslavia as a state. The article offers facts about military and other aid provided for the national liberation movement by Great Britain, USA and the Soviet Union, with the observation that this aid contributed to a quicker liberation of Yugoslavia with reduced losses, and to the influence which the great powers, primarily Great Britain, followed by the Soviet Union, had in resolving essential issues regarding the formation of the new Yugoslavia.

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DOKTRINA SPOLJNE POLITIKE ITALIJE U JAVNIM ISTUPIMA BENITA MUSOLINIJA

DOKTRINA SPOLJNE POLITIKE ITALIJE U JAVNIM ISTUPIMA BENITA MUSOLINIJA

Author(s): Enes Milak / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/1994

Benito Mussolini, the leader of the Italian Fascists and, as of 1922, the country’s prime minister, formulated the foreign policy doctrine of Italy in his public speeches during the early twenties. Founding his assertions on the tradition of the ancient Roman Empire, Mussolini supported the idea of creating a new, fascist empire. In his speeches he advocated the cultural, economic and territorial expansion of Italy towards the region of the Mediterranean, Africa and Asia, depending on the course of actual historical events. He regarded the Balkans and Yugoslavia as belonging to the east-Mediterranean. His intention was to expand Italian interests in that region through economic domination but he also advocated territorial conquests. In the beginning of the thirties, Mussolini and his followers lent special attention to Africa as a part of the future empire. Aware of historical circumstances, Mussolini encouraged economic and cultural expansion and made military preparations for the conquest of Ethiopia, which followed in 1935/36. Having thus accomplished his intentions regarding Africa, he then turned to southeast Europe. In the second half of the thirties, he insisted on economic expansion into this region and, in 1939, marked it as part of the future Italian empire.

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BUGARSKA U PRIPREMAMA ZA OKUPACIJU JUGOSLAVIJE - PRILOG IZUČAVANJU »VELIKOBUGARSKE IDEJE« 1939. - 1941.

BUGARSKA U PRIPREMAMA ZA OKUPACIJU JUGOSLAVIJE - PRILOG IZUČAVANJU »VELIKOBUGARSKE IDEJE« 1939. - 1941.

Author(s): Vanče Stojčev / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/1994

Emperor Boris III and his government did not seen Germany’s penetration into Bulgaria as a loss of sovereignty and independence, although the people of the country regarded it as precisely that. A series of circumstances, objective (economic dependence, full 'dependence on Germany for the acquisition of arms, Germany’s great influence on Bulgarian armed forces through the industry, instructors and counselors) and subjective (the ideological affinity of the two regimes, the Germanophile inclinations of the Bulgarian bourgeoisie, anti-Communism as the official doctrine in both countries and shared revisionist tendencies), encouraged the strengthening of the military and political position of Hitler’s Germany in Bulgaria. The decidedly pro-germanic orientation of the Bulgarian monarcho-fascist rulers ensured the support of other countries of the Axis to this regime which, in conditions of domestic hostility, gave the ruling class valuable aid in preserving power. Emperor Boris III and the Bulgarian government, led by practical reasons and strategic interests on the Balkans, which were defined in the »Great-Bulgarian Program«, made theoretical and practical preparations from 1939 to 1941 for the events which would take place between 1941 and 1944. The preparations were manifested in the creation of political and economic concepts, the strengthening of the pro-fascist ideology and the building of a strong military and police force backed by Germany. Furthermore, the events of this period clearly showed that the success of the occupation would also depend on the processes of disintegration and inter-ethnic problems existent in Yugoslavia. Bulgaria became Germany’s most trusted ally on the Balkans. Having received Hitler’s permission on 18 April 1941, Bulgaria began to put into effect the »Great-Bulgarian Program« with all its forces (military, police, political, legal, educational and church administration). In order to ensure the support of public opinion for this policy, the idea of »liberating old Bulgarian« territories and people and their »union with mother Bulgaria«was spread with the aid of powerful propaganda.

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MEDICINSKI OPITI NAD ŽIVIM LJUDIMA U NEMAČKIM KONCENTRACIONIM LOGORIMA U DRUGOM SVETSKOM RATU

MEDICINSKI OPITI NAD ŽIVIM LJUDIMA U NEMAČKIM KONCENTRACIONIM LOGORIMA U DRUGOM SVETSKOM RATU

Author(s): Nikola Živković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1991

Među najveće zločine počinjene nad Ijudskim bićima spadaju opiti nad živim ljudima. Takvi zločini, do sada nepoznati u istoriji, sebi su potčinili nauku i to medicinsku, začetu i razvijanu za neposredno dobro i spas čoveka. Ta nauka ima za osnovu moral i etiku. Oni koji su se posvetili upoznavanju i izučavanju medicinske nauke, pre početka primenjivanja lekarske veštine upoznavali su se s moralnim i pravnim propisima koje su dužni da poštuju. I pored toga, grupa nemačkih lekara - nacista zloupotrebila je svoj poziv i u toku Drugog svetskog rata vršila zločinačke opite nad živim liudima. Od 90.000 lekara, koliko je Nemačka pre rata imala,350 jе učestvovalo u izvođeniu ovih opita, mada su i njima bili poznati medicinska etika i propisi koie je izdalo nemačko Ministarstvo unutrašnjih poslova 1931. godine, po kojima lekaru treba omogućti upoznavanje, lečenje i sprečavanje bolesti, ali zato lekar mora biti savestan i odgovoran za život svakog lica na kome se vrše opiti, Zatim , opiti se mogu vršiti samo na licima koja su, prethodno upozorena na sve moguće posledice, dali svoju saglasnost. Bez pristanka, mere opita se mogu primeniti samo a koie u pitanju život ili pak otklanjanje daljih štetnih posledica po zdravlje. Medicinska etika ne dopušta korišćenje socijalne bede.

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MIGRACUA SRBA IZ NDH U SRBIJU 1941. I STAV KPJ О TOME PITANJU

MIGRACUA SRBA IZ NDH U SRBIJU 1941. I STAV KPJ О TOME PITANJU

Author(s): Slobodan D. Milošević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1991

Neposredno posle aprilskog rata 1941. i okupacije Kraljevine Jugoslavije, te njene teritorijalne podele između raznih okupatora i stvaranja kvislinških država, počeo je proces fizičkog uništavanja i nasilnog preseIjavanja pojedinih nacionalnosti. Stvorena voljom nemačkog i italijanskog okupatora, NDH je prednjačila u tome pogledu. Ideološki, njoj je najviše odgovarala nacistička parola »jedan narod, jedna država, jedan vođa«. Taj jedan narod trebalo je da budu Hrvati a pored njih mogli su da egzistiraju Nemci, Italijani, Mađari i druge nacionalne manjine koje su smatrane prijateljima sila Osovine. Iz ovoga je jasno da Srbi i Jevreji nisu mogli da budu jednaki hrvatskom narodu, pa su za njih tražena druga rešenja.

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RATNE KNJIGE О KONCENTRACIONIM LOGORIMA

RATNE KNJIGE О KONCENTRACIONIM LOGORIMA

Author(s): Kadivka Petrović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1990

U okviru jugoslovenskog projekta „Jugosloveni u logorima i zatvorima 1941 - 1945" od tridesetak planiranih monografija, posle višegodišnjih istraživanja, objavljeno je desetak prvih a među rukopisima koji su u završnici obrade je i „Bibliografija knjiga od 1942. do 1990. godine о stradanju Jugoslovena u drugom svetskom ratu". Namera je da ukažemo široj javnosti na manje poznate knjige kojima počinje istorija izdavanja literature о ovoj tematici, a ona seže čak u vreme kada su i vršeni zločini okupatora i njihovih pomagača.

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OTPOR ZATOČENIKA BANJIČKOG LOGORA

OTPOR ZATOČENIKA BANJIČKOG LOGORA

Author(s): Simeon Begović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/1987

It is 'not advisable to compare resistance by inmates of prison camps during the Second World War with political and armed action by subjugated peoples against Fascist occupiers. This resistance had its own characteristics and dimensions. In fact, opposition to the tyranny commenced before arrival in a camp, during arrest and subsequent torture in prison. Its basic aim was to conceal as many true facts as possible from the occupier and to give to the investigating authorities false information, in order to prevent more people being arrested. The article is illustrated by many examples of brave conduct in the face of the enemy. The consistency and courage which patriots demonstrated during arrests and hearings was mostly carried over into the camp. The initiators and movers of all aspects of political work were, primarily, members of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, which had led the armed uprising against the occupier. It operated through self-generated party cells, food collectives and circles for political and cultural work. The activities of these forms of self-organization covered almost the entire life of the camp, starting from concern over saving people from famine, to preparations for break-outs and escapes. Nevertheless, political work should be accorded pride of place. Its basic aim was to counter the despair and hopelessness into which inmates had been pushed by the Nazi enemy, with the moral values of a different world, based on freedom, equality and human dignity. It needs to be born in mind that, in the Banjica camp, it was forbidden to possess any kind of literature or papers, that the discovery of a pencil could lead to death and that, from here, many prisoners were shot or deported to Nazi camps across enslaved Europe. There was a decree in force on the territory of occupied Serbia that 100 Serbs would be shot for every German soldier killed, and 50 for every German wounded and the Banjica camp was, above all, a reservoir for these Nazi „reprisals”. Nevertheless, even in these circumstances, political and cultural action went on to preserve and strengthen the morale of the prisoners living in these cruel conditions. And in view of the fact that there were no resources whatsoever for this, oral transmission was the order of the day: from the treasury of general knowledge, from experiences of the revolutionary struggle and the national liberation war, from those whose vision and culture were broader to those whose knowledge was still limited, from room to room, from group to group, from those condemned to death to young people - everything that could harden them, direct them and show them the road to true freedom and the future, such as it could be imagined at that time. This aim was also served by the recital and singing of patriotic song’s and the making of artistic items and handicrafts, which, using primitive means, appeared in the rooms of Banjica, in the respites between executions for posterity.

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ŠPANJOLSKA (1936 - 1939)

ŠPANJOLSKA (1936 - 1939)

Author(s): Trivo Inđić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/1987

Place: Zagreb Date: 8-9 December 1986

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REVOLUCIONARNI POKRET STUDENATA BEOGRADSKOG UNIVERZITETA I ŠPANSKI GRAĐANSKI RAT (1936 -1939)

REVOLUCIONARNI POKRET STUDENATA BEOGRADSKOG UNIVERZITETA I ŠPANSKI GRAĐANSKI RAT (1936 -1939)

Author(s): Miroljub Vasić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1986

Революционное движение студентов Белградского Университета представляло собой неотъемлемую часть деятельности иборьбю КПЮ и революционного демократического движения вЮгославии за преобразование старого общества, включар и всецелую активность этого движения в связи с гражданской войнойв Испании.Проникнутое глубоким патриотизмом и интернационалистскими чувствами, революционное движение белградских студентов исходило от позиций и определений о том, что интересомвсех людей в мире, молодежи в первую очередь, являются борьба за мир, который неделим, борьба против фашизма, ставившего этот мир под угрозу, а за свободу и прогресс. Такие своиопределения <хни подтвердили на деле своей активностью в связис гражданской войной в Испании. Попытаемся осветить этуактивность с трех аспектов:а) отъезд и непосредственное участие студентов Белградского Университета в военных операциях в Испании. Среди1664 югославов добровольцев 93 были студенты, в том числеприблизительно 42 из Белградского Университета; югославские студенты в качестве бойцов интернациональных бригад участвовали во всех более значительных боях истанскоыгражданской войны, а 27 из них погибли;б) активность революционного студенческого движения в Белграде в деле популяризации борьбы испанского народа и оказания моральной и материальной помощи этой борьбе посредствомсобраний, митингов, экскурсий, траурных собраний, сбора пожертвований, отмечанля дня победы Народного фронта в Испании и дня Испанской Республики, организации недели солидарности с испанским народом и т.д.;в) разнообразные и интенсивные связи белградских студентов с их товарищами бойцами в Испании и с федеральной униейиспанских студентов; признания борьбе и вкладу югославскихстудентов, выраженные испанскими студентами и т.д.Своей всецелой деятельностью в связи с гражданской войнойв Испании студенты Белградского Университета проявили и подтвердили свою преданность миру, свой антифашизм и интернационализм и оказали значительное содействие укреплению ипопуляризации политики и практики КПЮ на позициях Народного фронта, как и ее перерастанию в исторических! субъектюгославского общества.

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IVAN - VANČO MIHAILOV IZMEĐU NEZAVISNE DRŽAVE HRVATSKE I BUGARSKE (1941 - 1944)

IVAN - VANČO MIHAILOV IZMEĐU NEZAVISNE DRŽAVE HRVATSKE I BUGARSKE (1941 - 1944)

Author(s): Milan Ristović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1986

The relationship between the two Anti-Yugoslav terrorist movements - the Ustaša's and the right pro-fascistic wing of IMRO - dates back as early as the prewar period and its existence had been continuous during the Second World War. The leader of the terrorist, profascistic wing of IMRO Vančo Mihailov had been a visitor and an unofficial advisory to Ustaša's ..Poglavnik”, Ante Pavelić. Their close collaboration gave character to the relations between ISC and her ally Bulgaria. The Ustaša's recognized Bulgarian occupation of Macedonia as another act confirming the fall of the „Versailles Creation” - The Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The Ustaša's interest in the events taking place in Macedonia and Bulgaria was closely related to the fact that Mihailov had residence in Zagreb and that the Diplomatic Mission in Sofia was in contact with Macedonian followers of Mihailov and with other collaborationists. These contacts were made by the specific command of the Headquarters in Zagreb. Bulgarian Government had tried, on several occasions, to persuade Mihailov to return to Bulgaria. Delegations had been sent to him in Zagreb and in case the issue of these attempts was satisfactory, his return would bring his followers even closer to the Bulgarian Occupying Authorities. At the same time, this would make a very successful propaganda. All these attempts, however, failed. Due to the Diplomatic Mission in Sofia Ustaša's authorities had been continually informed about Italian-Bulgarian conflicts about the demarcation line in West Macedonia, and Bulgarian hostility towards Italy had influenced the relationship between ISC and Bulgaria all until September 1943. This enclosure also speaks about Mihailov influence on Ustaša's leader Pavelić and especially on his attitude towards „the ultimate solution to the Serbian problem”, i.e. the final extermination of Serbs in ISC.

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