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ANTROJO PASAULINIO KARO PADARINIAI LIETUVOS ATMINTIES KULTŪROJE: KONTEKSTAI, VERTINIMAI IR SAMPYNOS

ANTROJO PASAULINIO KARO PADARINIAI LIETUVOS ATMINTIES KULTŪROJE: KONTEKSTAI, VERTINIMAI IR SAMPYNOS

Author(s): Vytautas Starikovičius / Language(s): Lithuanian Issue: 35/2015

The article “The Consequences of the WWII in the Memory Culture of Lithuania: Contexts, Evaluations, and Tangles” seeks to disclose tendencies and problems in a political, academic, and popular discourses related to the immortalization and evaluation of the WWII and its consequences in the memory culture of Lithuania and Central and Central East Europe (CCEE). These historical and methodological problems – first of all linked to the perception of totalitarianism and Stalinism – in this paper are named as an entangled memory. In order to mark the sharpest angles of an entangled memory, this paper proposes some reflections from different academic and institutional perspectives in Lithuania. First of all, what methodological tensions originated in the academic discourse after the Prague declaration (2008) and the various subsequent charters of the EU Parliament when the communist (Stalinist) crimes were compared to the Nazi crimes by politicians and academics from the CCEE region? Why this conception was ignored by the prominent Western (leftist and liberal) scholars, and what different roles the narrative of the Holocaust plays in Western and CCEE memory cultures? Secondly, why an attempt “from bellow” to immortalize the cultural memory about the Soviet crimes in Lithuania and the CCEE is perceived as a manifestation of the ultra-nationalism but not as anti-Communism, and vice versa, how the Communist experience, the resistance movements, and the cultural memory of the Soviet victims became the object of political manipulation within the CCEE countries (both in the Left and the Right wings)? I argue that an attempt to create the homogeneous “great historical narrative” about the Communist past has failed, but this is not seen as a disadvantage. Moreover, it is a consequence of the natural heterogeneity of the collective memories when different social agents (victims, collectives, nations, etc.) are competing due to the management of the various memory places (memorials, museums, commemorations, etc.) which could be perceived as a “dissonant heritage” (Tunbridge and Ashworth). The homogeneity of the post-war Europe’s memory culture (Nazism and Holocaust vs. Communism and Stalinist repressions) is an unattainable goal, but a convergence towards the more intimate knowledge in the scientific discourse about these asymmetric totalitarian regimes is possible. The final chapter suggests that the critically re-evaluated concept of the totalitarianism paradigm is the most appropriate methodological instrument in order to understand the experience and history of Nazism and Communism in the 20th century

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NJEMAČKO BOMBARDIRANJE SENJA 1943.

NJEMAČKO BOMBARDIRANJE SENJA 1943.

Author(s): Ante Glavičić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/1984

Mit der italienischen Kapitulation am 8. 9. 1943 wurde das ganze Kroatische Küstenland befreit, aber in Senj behielt sich noch immer die italienische Division »Murge«. Der Divisionskommandant wollte die Kapitulation nicht annehmen und darum kam zu einem heftigen Kampf. Als starke Partisanenkräfte die Stadt Senj umkreisten, musste die italienische Division kapitulieren, weil sie keinen anderen Weg finden konnte. Dann wurde den Italienern eine Menge Waffen, Kriegsriistung und Nahrung abgenommen. Wegen seiner geographischen Lage entstand Senj zu einem fast bedeutsamsten Partisanenhafen am Meer und zu einem Verkehrspunkt, verbindendem das Hinterland mit dem adriatischen Мсег. In Senj befand sich sich zu dieser Zeit eine Zahl von Handelschiffen und Kriegsrustung und eben darum wurde Senj am 7. und 8. October 1943 bombardiert. Bei dieser Bombardierung starben viele Leute und viele wurden verletzt. Die Stadt Senj, das Denkmal der Kultur, die Pflanzstätte der kroatischen Kultur, wurde mehr als 50% zerstört. Trotz der Zerstörung und der versenkten Schiffe wurde Senj weiterhin ein wichtiger Seepunkt.

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SINDIKALNI POKRET U KOTARU SENJ U MEĐURATNOM RAZDOBLJU

SINDIKALNI POKRET U KOTARU SENJ U MEĐURATNOM RAZDOBLJU

Author(s): Mihael Sobolevski / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/1982

Iako su pojedini autori u svojim radovima isticali i neke činjenice iz sindikalnog pokreta u gradu i u kotaru Senj u međuratnom razdoblju, ipak treba konstatirati da do sada ne postoji ni jedan rad koji bi nastojao sažeti i uopćiti u cjelini sindikalni pokret na promatranom području. Ta činjenica ne predstavlja nikakvo iznenađenje jer za to postoje uvjerljiva obrazloženja i brojne zapreke, a prije svega one koje se odnose na stupanj sačuvanosti izvorne građe.

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Oskar Scheuer and Student Antisemitism in Vienna: Negotiating Jewish Difference

Oskar Scheuer and Student Antisemitism in Vienna: Negotiating Jewish Difference

Author(s): Roland Clark / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2021

A dermatologist by training, Oskar Franz Scheuer (1876-c.1941) renounced his Jewish ancestry in order to embrace the German nationalism associated with the student fraternities Fidelitas and Allemannia. As the editor of the magazine Deutsche Hochschule (German University) between 1910 and 1922, Scheuer found himself at the centre of debates over Jewish difference, Zionism, Austrianness, and antisemitism. After criticising Vienna’s Zionists before the First World War, Scheuer found himself arguing for the importance of tolerating Jews once Austria’s fraternities became increasingly antisemitic. His polemics and his use of historical research provide valuable insights into the delicate balance nationalist Germans of Jewish descent had to maintain during the first decades of the twentieth century.

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Everyday Antisemitism in Interwar Latvia: University of Glasgow

Everyday Antisemitism in Interwar Latvia: University of Glasgow

Author(s): Paula Antonella Oppermann / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2021

This article examines forms of antisemitism in interwar Latvia. Based mainly on testimonies from Jewish and non-Jewish witnesses, it investigates how exclusionary practices by non-Jews were expressed and impacted on people in their everyday life. Latvia had no antisemitic legislation in the 1920s and 1930s, but state structures facilitated societal antisemitism, which was more widespread than scholarship has recognised. The Jews in Latvia were affected regardless of societal standing, linguistic, or religious affiliation. Animosities existed among all ethnic groups to a degree, but attacks against Jews were of a different quality. Despite frequent interaction which sometimes turned into ‘inter-ethnic’ affection, the majority of society did not perceive the Jews as fellow compatriots.

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Teleki, Trianon, and Transnational Map Men 100 Years After

Teleki, Trianon, and Transnational Map Men 100 Years After

Author(s): Steven Seegel / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2021

The lecture focusses on the life and death of Count Pál Teleki (1879-1941) – twice prime minister of Hungary – in relation to the Treaty of Trianon (1920) and its legacy after a century. Teleki developed his reputation as a professional geographer, among Europe’s prominent ‘map men’ of his generation. Through scholarship in critical geography and cartography, this lecture examines Teleki’s gendered fantasies of North American frontier space; the origin and significance of his antisemitism and anticommunism; his subtextual grasp of post-World War I symbology and territorial revisionism; the cultural significance of the famous Carte Rouge map; his efforts at Transatlantic diplomacy; his family’s contacts with Transatlantic geographers and his eventual suicide in April 1941; and the long legacy of illiberal politics in Hungary and Europe since the Treaty of Trianon.

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Jugoslawen beim Führer. Hitlers Begegnungen mit jugoslawischen Staatsmännern im Zweiten Weltkrieg

Jugoslawen beim Führer. Hitlers Begegnungen mit jugoslawischen Staatsmännern im Zweiten Weltkrieg

Author(s): Martin Moll / Language(s): German Issue: 2/2021

Hitler’s visitors fom 1940 to 1944 (3 Yugoslavs, 14 Croats, 1 Serb), portrayed here in varying degrees of detail, represented diverging states: 1). The sovereign Kingdom of Yugoslavia, courted by Hitler, but never put under pressure, until the end of March 1941, 2) the seemingly sovereign Independent Croatian State of the Ustasha fom April 1941 to 1945. In reality, this unstable state depended on Germany and, temporarily, also on Italy. 3). The even weaker rump Serbia, occupied by the Wehrmacht fom April 1941. Only afer several months of eforts, Hitler succeeded in persuading the Yugoslav Government to accede their country to the Tree Power Pact; a step without any practical importance due to a change of government. Until mid-1943, the Croats sought primarily Hitler’s backing against Italian dominance, with which they were partially successful. They always confidently and in some cases successfully represented the interests of their country. Hitler sympathized with the Croatians, due among other things to his Austrian origins. In contrast, he disliked and mistrusted the Serbs, so that he hosted their Prime Minister Nedić only once. Since hardly any information is available about this encounter, its comparative assessment is not possible.

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Nacistična rekrutacija in urjenje sovjetskih vojnih ujetnikov na primeru 162. turkestanske divizije (1942–43)

Nacistična rekrutacija in urjenje sovjetskih vojnih ujetnikov na primeru 162. turkestanske divizije (1942–43)

Author(s): Denis Cerkvenik / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 3/2020

The article focuses on the collaborationists of the 162nd Turkestani Division as an example of how the Nazis recruited volunteers among the Soviet prisoners of war and attempted to ideologically indoctrinate and discipline them in order to integrate them into the Wehrmacht as successfully as possible. Despite the efforts to integrate Turkestani volunteers into the German army, tensions persisted between the Turkestani and German soldiers, which became evident when the 162nd Turkestani Division arrived at the Operation Zone of the Adriatic Littoral.

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Mo­de­li zaštite jav­nog sećanja u bor­bi pro­tiv po­ri­ca­nja zločina

Mo­de­li zaštite jav­nog sećanja u bor­bi pro­tiv po­ri­ca­nja zločina

Author(s): Vladimir Petrović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2007

Pod­stak­nut ak­tu­el­nom glo­bal­nom de­ba­tom o po­ri­canju ho­lo­ka­u­sta, pri­log raščlanjuje društvene me­ha­nizme zaštite jav­nog sećanja i kritički ana­li­zi­ra načine na ko­ji oni ob­li­ku­ju mo­de­le zaštite jav­nog sećanja. Pri­me­rom neuspešnog mo­de­la ko­jim je socijalistička Ju­go­sla­vi­ja štitila sećanje na žrtve Dru­gog svet­skog ra­ta ističe se važnost cen­tri­ra­nja mo­de­la oko me­ha­nizma kre­di­bil­nog utvrđivanja činjenica. Raz­ma­tra­ju se pro­jek­ti ko­ji u post­ju­go­slo­ven­skom kon­tek­stu fa­vo­rizu­ju ovaj me­ha­ni­zam.

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The Market Lives on Death: The Endocolonizing Logic of the Fascist Moment

The Market Lives on Death: The Endocolonizing Logic of the Fascist Moment

Author(s): Samir Gandesha / Language(s): English Issue: 42/2021

This article poses the question of whether what we are witnessing today can be properly described as “fascistic.” It argues that it can if we understand fascism as an attack on liberal democracy resulting from the now chronic (rather than acute) crisis of capitalism. Like the fascism of the twentieth century, this entails an endocolonizing logic that nonetheless relinquishes its claim on a future increasingly imperilled by the nature of the Covid-19 pandemic in the context of the impending climate emergency.

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Nachtigall in the battle for Lviv Ledge. Structure, tasks, actions

Nachtigall in the battle for Lviv Ledge. Structure, tasks, actions

Author(s): Mykola Balaban / Language(s): English Issue: Sp./2021

The article investigates the command structure and functional features of the Nachtigall unit with all possible precision, as well as its role in the battle for and seizure of Lviv. It describes what Nachtigall was at the beginning of Operation Barbarossa, to what extent it fit into the structure of the Third Reich attacking forces, and whose direct orders were executed – those of Ukrainian or German officers. The paper uses the method of “dense description,” which forms part of microhistorical research tools. The research is based on Wehrmacht officers’ orders, instructions, and reports from the Bundesarchiv in Freiburg. It also makes use of reports from post-war interrogations of OUN members and German administration officials produced by the Soviet state security institutions, which are preserved at the SBU Archive in Kyiv. The article proves that the military structure of the Nachtigall Battalion and its use in the first weeks of the war remained under strict control and accountability to the German command, not Ukrainian nationalists from UON-B. Nachtigall as a unit did not receive any additional orders to fulfil propaganda-related tasks during the period under review and acted in accordance with the plans and instructions of Battle Group Heinz (Kampfgruppe Heinz). In addition, the conclusions drawn from the study allow us to make several contributions to the current state of research. The personnel initially put forward to the OUN as potential leadership of Nachtigall was eventually not appointed by the Germans, and the commanders of the three companies were German officers. The findings have clarified inaccuracies and errors present in previous historiographic research of Nachtigall.

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Odpowiedź Panu Łukaszowi Dryblakowi

Odpowiedź Panu Łukaszowi Dryblakowi

Author(s): Hubert Kuberski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2021

Trudno nie zgodzić się z opinią zawartą w artykule recenzyjnym Łukasza Dryblaka „Rosyjscy emigranci w walce z faszyzmem”, czy raczej w służbie ZSRS? Czyli rzecz o długich mac-kach sowieckich służb specjalnych na temat użycia terminu „faszyzm” w tytule konferencji poświęconej rosyjskim emigrantom, którzy podczas II wojny światowej walczyli po stronie aliantów. Podobnie jak z inną tezą jego recenzji – niestety prawdopodobnie jeszcze długo nie ocenimy problematyki infiltracji środowisk emigracyjnych przez sowieckie specsłużby cywilne i wojskowe z powodu zamkniętych archiwów resortowych.

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Divizia Hitlerjugend: Ideologie și Etos

Divizia Hitlerjugend: Ideologie și Etos

Author(s): Adrian Dragoş Defta / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 60/2021

The „Hitlerjugend ethos” was a product of the Nazi ideology. It was the natural outcome of interplay of several factors: the precepts of social-Darwinism (the evolution through natural selection) and the precepts of Nazism (völkisch nationalism, the concept of Aryan race and the Aryan mysticism; see in this respect Bernd Wegner, Hitlers Politische Soldaten: Die Waffen-SS 1933-1945, Schöningh Verlag, 2006). Was ideology alone the main source of motivation that kept some soldiers fighting when all around them Hitlerjugend soldiers were surrendering or fleeing ? It would be likely that a significant number of soldiers belonging to the 12 th SS Pz. Div. „Hitlerjugend” fought out of loyalty towards their comrades in arms and not because of the Third Reich’s political masters. However, it is important to keep in mind that all the Hitlerjugend Division’s military achievements coupled with the Division’s renowned fighting spirit prolonged the war and postponed peace. Their warfare capabilities extended the duration of World War II and led to catastrophic consequences for all belligerents. To a great extent, National-Socialism succeeded in creating efficient, deep indoctrinated soldiers; it was a unique experiment that resulted in the creation of a powerful system of control which exerted its influence on believers and soldiers alike. This was made possible due to several factors such as education, military instruction and, most importantly, the propaganda apparatus.

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Loialitate dublă. Evoluții politice în cadrul minorității germane din România, 1933–1940

Loialitate dublă. Evoluții politice în cadrul minorității germane din România, 1933–1940

Author(s): Ottmar Traşcă / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 60/2021

The evolution of the German minority between 1933 and 1940 was largely determined by the emergence and expansion of the National Socialist ideology. The influence exerted by the National Socialist current left its mark particularly on the way the German minority expressed in political terms, the result being the gradual and continuous radicalization of the political discourse, especially in the years 1938-1939. Regarding the attitude adopted by the German minority towards the Romanian state during this period, it was obviously influenced both by domestic developments and, especially, by the international context. In the years 1933-1937, the leadership of the German minority supported on every important occasion the need to promote a loyal attitude towards the Romanian state. Instead, between 1939-1940 as a result of the international context in which the National Socialist Germany played an important role, the leadership of the German minority adopted an increasingly intransigent attitude, loyalty to the Third Reich coming to the fore.

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Producing an Antisemitic Consensus within the Framework of the Judenjagd: The Role of Poles in the Holocaust Based on the Murder of Nachman Blumental’s Family in Wielopole Skrzyńskie during the German Occupation

Producing an Antisemitic Consensus within the Framework of the Judenjagd: The Role of Poles in the Holocaust Based on the Murder of Nachman Blumental’s Family in Wielopole Skrzyńskie during the German Occupation

Author(s): Katrin Stoll / Language(s): English Issue: 10/2021

This article – which is based on the records of Nachman Blumental that I discovered as part of my work on his archive material and that I brought to light, as well as on the documentation of two official investigations – deals with the complicity of Poles – uniformed (the policja granatowa, or Blue Police) and civilians – in the Nazi project to kill every Jew without exception in Dębica County during the German occupation. I analyze the mechanism that set in motion antisemitic violence within the framework of the Judenjagd, i.e. the Jew hunt. I argue that it was attitudes and behaviors in the environment that determined the effectiveness of the German Nazi project to persecute and murder all Jews without exception. The majority group plays the role of “second instance” (Elżbieta Janicka). By reconstructing the crime against Ariel Blumental and Maria Blumental in June 1943 in Brzeziny, Mała and Wielopole Skrzyńskie, and by deconstructing the mystification of the crime by the inhabitants, I uncover the foundations of this process and show how the mechanism of self-representation as non-involved functions. “Participating observers” (Elżbieta Janicka) mask their own participation in the murder of Nachman Blumental’s family. The task, then, is to interpret both what is said and what is not said. The crime discussed in the article is emblematic in that it sheds light on the socio-cultural framework of the Holocaust and its landscape. It shows the loneliness of those who were hiding, handed over and sentenced to death by their neighbors.

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Pier Paolo Pasolini’s Pendulum Swing on Fascism

Pier Paolo Pasolini’s Pendulum Swing on Fascism

Author(s): Michał Kozłowski / Language(s): English Issue: 10/2021

The following work is a case study. Its purpose is to reconstruct a particular situation involving the recognition and understanding of fascism. This situation is determined by both history and the social dynamics of the present day. The time and place is Italy of the 1960s and 70s, the observer – Pier Paolo Pasolini. But not because he offers us an original, complex and versatile theory of fascism. On the contrary, Pasolini can be superficial and rash, while his polemic passion often devours the argument and the analysis. However, Pasolini’s method of intellectual and political involvement allows us to use it as a keystone of a makeshift synthesis of a certain version of leftist anti-fascism.

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Antifašizam mora živjeti: Nema zdravlja bez slobode

Antifašizam mora živjeti: Nema zdravlja bez slobode

Author(s): Anis H. Bajrektarević / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 33-34/2021

Ovih dana mnogi tvrde da je naš odgovor na Covid (C-19) planetarni fijasko, čiji obim tek treba isplivati sa svojim sve većim nesrazmjernim i trajnim sekundarnim učincima, uzrokujući ogromne socijalno-gospodarske, političke i psihosomatske kontrakcije i konvulzije. Ali, gore od našeg odgovora je naša šutnja o tome. Utvrđena je činjenica da sama bit nacizma nije bio Hitler i krug tame oko njega. Prije je to bilo opće prihvaćeno ozračje "banalnosti zločina": dobrodušno prihvaćanje običnih seoskih ljudi koji žive pored Auschwitza, Mauthausena, Dachaua da je nacija bolesna i da je treba 'očistiti'... Dan kada preispitivanje prestaje i tiho prihvaćanje postaje "nova norma", dan je kada nam se vraća fašizam na velika vrata. Naravno, danas za to imamo dijagnozu: Stvaranje pristanka kroz arhitekturu izbora, u strah zatvorene, medijima infantilizirane (vraćene u prededipsku fazu) psihologije desocijaliziranog i otuđenog, atomiziranog čovjeka.

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STANISŁAW ŻELIWSKI - SZKIC BIOGRAFICZNY PROBOSZCZA STRYSZOWSKIEGO ZGŁADZONEGO W KL AUSCHWITZ-BIRKENAU

STANISŁAW ŻELIWSKI - SZKIC BIOGRAFICZNY PROBOSZCZA STRYSZOWSKIEGO ZGŁADZONEGO W KL AUSCHWITZ-BIRKENAU

Author(s): Mirosław Płonka / Language(s): Polish Issue: 116/2021

After 1943, in the collective memory of the rural communities of Stryszów and Dąbrówka, the figure of Rev. Stanisław Żeliwski, murdered in Auschwitz, became a kind of a figure of memory from the times of the occupation, which nowadays began to fade into oblivion with the death of the last witnesses of the past. Among the many stories (often of legendary nature) and inquiries of purely conspiratorial narrative, the social, catechetical and pastoral activity of Rev, S. Żeliwski in Stryszów was completely forgotten. For the author, the biography became not only a way to deny (sometimes) untrue news, but primarily a tool to broaden the state of knowledge about the history of the 1930s and 1940s in a private village in the Beskids mountains (Stryszów and Dąbrówka). The article uses unknown sources of the parish archives of Stryszów, supplemented with information obtained through oral history from the last living witnesses of the past of the Stryszów parish. The author, basing on the fragments of the surviving testament of S. Żeliwski, presented the parish priest of Strysz as a priest, chaplain and catechist, and a vicar from the time of the greatest unrest, and outlined the process of the elevating the memory of S. Żeliwski by his successor, Rev. Stanisław Wciślak.

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Jako „przestroga przed demontażem demokracji”. Uwagi i refleksje na marginesie polskiej edycji krytycznej Mein Kampf Adolfa Hitlera, w przekładzie i opracowaniu Eugeniusza Cezarego Króla

Jako „przestroga przed demontażem demokracji”. Uwagi i refleksje na marginesie polskiej edycji krytycznej Mein Kampf Adolfa Hitlera, w przekładzie i opracowaniu Eugeniusza Cezarego Króla

Author(s): Alicja Bartnicka / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2021

This article discusses and evaluates the Polish critical edition of Adolf Hitler’s Mein Kampf published by Bellona Publishing House. The translation and edition have been undertaken by Eugeniusz Cezary Król, an outstanding expert on German matters who has already selected and translated Joseph Goebbels’ Diaries. The edition of Mein Kampf prepared by him is the first complete Polish translation of Hitler’s work and has been provided with a scholarly commentary and critical apparatus.

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„Ustaška pjesma” kao ustaška himna

„Ustaška pjesma” kao ustaška himna

Author(s): Máté Lajos / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 1/2022

This article is based on the evolution of the Ustasha anthem. The text deals with the transformation of a folk song into an Ustasha battle song, which was later sung as the second official anthem in the Independent State of Croatia. The author demonstrates the theories about the genesis of the song in the first part of the text, and points out its presumable origin. For this purpose, statements from Croatian, Serbian, and Bosnian songbooks and anthologies from the 19th and the early 20th centuries are used. The myths surrounding the birth of the battle song are described in the second chapter, and they are compared to the events that influenced Ante Pavelić, the leader of the Ustasha: Croatian Revolutionary Organisation, to rewrite the text of a folk song. Although this song later became the Ustasha anthem, its importance could not be seen until the end of the 1930s because it appeared rarely in the newspapers and year-books of the Ustasha exiles. The third section is about the usage of the Ustasha anthem in the Independent State of Croatia. Although there was no law that defined the anthem of the Ustasha state, the role of the Ustasha anthem can be observed in the printed and visual media since it was usually presented along with the Croatian national anthem, Our Beautiful Homeland. The author points out the connection between the song and Ustasha ideology. The last part of the text illustrates the new forms of the song in the era of modern Croatia.

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