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Savaş Yıllarında Anadolu Rumlarının Yaşadığı İkilem (1919–1922)

Savaş Yıllarında Anadolu Rumlarının Yaşadığı İkilem (1919–1922)

Author(s): Taner Bilgin / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 1/2016

Greece doubtlessly was the leading country that caused trouble to the Ottoman Empire during the period 1919-1922 when the National Campaign continued. Greece, a small country, had to defeat the Turkish Nation whose population was more than the Greek in the war in order to have a say in the Anatolian territory. However, it is impossible to achieve this without having the support of the Greek in Anatolia. Therefore, Greece tried to supply soldiers from the Greek living in Anatolia considerably during the National Campaign. Whereas some of the Greek in Anatolia took place on the side of Greek Troops against the Turkish Troops, some others resisted not to fight against their neighbors with whom they lived together for centuries. This study handles the difficulty that the Greek in Anatolia had and good relationships that they established with the Turkish.

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Організація Опіки Над Дітьми Польських Біженців В Україні В Роки Першої Світової Війни

Author(s): Olga M. Bilobrovets / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 28/2017

The satellite of the First World War was a huge stream of refugees from the places of hostilities. Significant masses of people moved from the Kingdom of Poland and Galicia, where the fighting took place, in the front-line region and further into the depths of Russia. The largest group among refugees were women with children and children left without parents. The article deals with the process of organizing and assisting children from the Kingdom of Poland and Galicia, the impact of this activity on Polish social life in Ukraine. To a large extent, the settlers settled in the front-line areas, because they hoped for the rapid completion of the war and return home. Some of them stopped in large cities and towns of Right-bank Ukraine, the East and South of Ukraine, in which there were large Polish communities and life in which was similar to the usual. In these cities one could find a job and survive in difficult conditions. After the establishment of state and public structures to assist the victims of the war, the Polish community took an active part in organizing their work. The Department of Petrograd Polish organization of assistance to victims of war operated in various cities of Ukraine. They combine different directions of assistance to the victims. The most effective organizations in Ukraine were in Kiev, Zhytomyr, Kharkiv, Odessa. One of the important areas of work was the guardianship of homeless children, orphaned children, their education, and the search for relatives. Particular sections of Polish organizations were engaged in the organization of children’s shelters, the search for their premises, the adjustment of training and the provision of everything necessary. In Kyiv, such sections were supported at the costs of its members. Great help in providing material support was provided by private individuals who sacrificed their own premises and funds for the maintenance of shelters and schools for children. Children who were exported from the Kingdom of Poland in Kiev received assistance, provided with temporary documents – pedigrees and were sent according to preliminary collective and individual applications in other areas that were ready for admission and retention of children. In the provincial branches of the Polish Organization for the Victims of War in Volhynia and Podillya, one of the main activities was the care of refugee children and the opening of shelters and schools for them. Institutions for refugee children were also created on the initiative of individuals, who at their own expense held children, childcare staff, were engaged in the collection of charitable contributions. In September 1916, the situation with state material support for refugees deteriorated. In these circumstances, the Polish community took their retention at their own expense. The decision was made at a meeting of the Kiev District Council, which assisted Poles affected by the war in five Ukrainian provinces: Kyiv, Volyn, Podilskyi, Chernihiv and Poltava. Local Polish communities in general meetings have recognized the priority of child custody, the creation and maintenance of shelters and the development of Polish education. Caring for children became the moral obligation of each Pole and investments in the future of their state. This activity united the Polish local community, raised its moral spirit and national consciousness. In most provincial towns, caring for children, their material support and education was due to the enthusiasm of local Poles, their material support and work on a voluntary basis.

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Milliyetçi İsyanlar Bağlamında Arnavutluk’ta Komite ve Çetelerin Rolü

Milliyetçi İsyanlar Bağlamında Arnavutluk’ta Komite ve Çetelerin Rolü

Author(s): Yüksel Bayil / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 12/2018

In the 19th century the nationalist separatist movements of the Ottoman Balkans occurred relatively later among the Albanians because of their cultural and religious differences. The Albanian rebellion in the first place was against the application of decisions of the Berlin Treaty in 1878 in the region rather than the ambition for independence. Then, it transformed into a reaction against measures taken by II.Abdulhamit and the Committee of Union and Progress to protect the status quo in the region. In this period, Albanians tried to protect their self-interest and reach their desire with the activities of gangs like many Balkan nations that demanded independence. In this study, the role of gang activities and secret organizations, emerged as a result of political developments at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, and their effects on the independence of Albania and the political structure of the region, are examined.

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Фриц Фишер или немачко суочавање са историјом

Author(s): Andrej Mitrović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1-2/2015

Године 1977. уједном осврту на дело Фрица Фишера (Fritz Fischer), професора историје на Универзитету у Хамбургу, угледни минхенски историчар Нипердај (Thomas Nipperdey), поред другог, написао је и ово: „Током шездесетих година није само еснаф историчара био узбуркан Фишеровом контроверзом, него и јавност заинтересована за политику и историју [...]. Својим тезама да далекосежни и анексионистички ратаи циљеви нису били пангерманске фантазије, него саставни део и израз континуираних тежњи за светском моћи, Фишер је у нерв погодио немачку историјску свест и тиме сложену ситуацију историјске науке [...]. Више нико не може и неће да изостане за Фишером. Његова књига је уистину отворила епоху, он је на основу нових извора и нових тумачења једно укорењено мишљење ревидирао, штавише револуционарно га изменио ...]. Више него иједан други немачки историчар постао је глава једне школе." [...]

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Nemačka iznad svega

Author(s): Momčilo Pudar / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1-2/2015

Nemačka je iskovala „evropsko čudo“: poražena, razrušena, okupirana i podeljena na dve neprijateljske države, danas je prva sila i vodeća nacija u stroju evropskih država. Istočni deo je bio ideološki proizvod SSSR-a, sa njim roden, sa njim umro; zapadni deo je u cigle tri godine skinuo nacističku uniformu i obukao uniformu NATO-a. Nacistički rajh, uzročnik tragedije evropskih naroda, obima koji istorija nikada nije zapisala, od poraženog krvoločnog neprijatelja, voljom snažne Amerike, svrstan je medu pobednike zapadnih sila. Istovremeno je SSSR, odlučujući pobednik u Velikom ratu, preko nod prestao biti saveznik, a postao preteća neprijateljska sila, u senci hladnog rata, fenomena epohe, koji je objavio Truman. [...]

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Prikaz: Inventing the Schlieffen Plan. German War Planing 1871-1914

Prikaz: Inventing the Schlieffen Plan. German War Planing 1871-1914

Author(s): Srđan Mićić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1-2/2007

Prikaz/The review of: Terence Zuber, Inventing the Schlieffen Plan. German War Planing 1871-1914, Oxford University Press, Oxford 2002. 340+xii pp.

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Програмска опредељења српских владајућих политичких странака (1881-1903) о уређењу војске

Програмска опредељења српских владајућих политичких странака (1881-1903) о уређењу војске

Author(s): Zoran Todorović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2008

In this paper, programme decisions with respect to military organization of Serbian armed forces of the three most significant political parties, which were on power at the end of the XIX and the beginning of the XX century: National Liberal Party, Serbian Progressive Party and National Radical Party are presented. Each of these three political parties, either while they were on power or when they were the opposition, stated their political programmes in which they wrote, apart from internal and external policy issues, independence, organization of the state and education, also about the organization of Serbian armed forces which represent an important factor in the defence of independence and achievement of broader national aims presented in the political programmes. Through the attitudes of the political parties towards the organization and the role of Serbian armed forces in internal and external policy, basic political principles were projected and their ideological and political nature depicted.

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Бугарска ратна морнарица – основне етапе у њеној изградњи и развоју (1879 - 1919. године)

Бугарска ратна морнарица – основне етапе у њеној изградњи и развоју (1879 - 1919. године)

Author(s): Todor Parušev Todorov / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2008

The Bulgarian Naval Fleet (the Danube flotilla) was established in 1879 in the town of Ruse thanks to the overall Russian support. In 1897 the formation of a naval fleet was also started with its base in the city of Varna. Deliveries of vessels and military machinery came from France. French specialists helped in the organization of the Black Sea Fleet and the training of its crew. Bulgaria’s small naval fleet acted really well in the Balkan Wars. The Bulgarian officers and seamen successfully defended our sea coast. In the years of World War I Bulgaria was an ally to Germany. German deliveries helped the fleet modernization. In 1916 the first submarines joined the fleet and in 1917 Bulgarian water aircraft escadrille was formed. After the World War I the Bulgarian Naval Fleet was transformed to Sea and River Police Service.

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Политика у Србији крајем XIX и почетком XX века виђена очима руских дипломатских, војних и полицијских агената

Политика у Србији крајем XIX и почетком XX века виђена очима руских дипломатских, војних и полицијских агената

Author(s): Jaroslav Valerijanovič Višnjakov / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2010

The article dwells on the subject of political development of Serbia at the beginning of the 20th century as seen by Russian witnesses – diplomats as well as military and security agents who were actively involved in the Belgrade politics of the time. Their evidence is crucial for understanding the reasons and character of the Serbian political crisis which led to the coup d’etat of May, 29th, 1903.

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Српска војска у османлијским штампаним и рукописним изворима (1881–1915)

Српска војска у османлијским штампаним и рукописним изворима (1881–1915)

Author(s): Jovo Miladinović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2015

During the period 1881 to 1915, the Ottomans wrote and printed about 21 studies of the Army of the Principality/Kingdom of Serbia. Many of them can be found in libraries in Istanbul, with one in the Central Library of the Atatürk University in Erzurum. This kind of source contains the information and views of the Ottoman officers about Serbian military tactics, military reform movement and organization, dislocation of the units, and all similar military information which helped provide understanding of the development of a potential enemy. One of the sources was written by the Ottomans military attaché who was posted in Belgrade, while some of the sources were simply a translation from French or German. This paper endeavors to identify these sources’ location, their authors, and most importantly, which kind of source was used for writing a book or an article about the military capability of the Serbia. Many of these printed and manuscript sources seem to be little-known to writers, including Turkish historians, of Serbian military history.

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Идеологија као интризична снага Младе Босне

Author(s): Radoslav Gaćinović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 7/2014

The decision of the great powers representatives on the Congress of Berlin to allow Austro-Hungary to occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina appeared fatal to survival of a multinational empire, which did not wait long to execute those decisions. Habsburg troupes passed the border on July 29th 1878 at many places, which caused great disturbances in Bosnia and Herzegovina and conflicts with approaching units of black and yellow alliance towards Bosnian and Herzegovinian territory. Serbs were at the edge of the mass rebellion. It is that moment when an embryo of a resistance against occupational government was born, especially among young people, who were not ready to tolerate violence and enslavement in their own country. Immediately after its arrival at the Bosnian and Herzegovinian territory, Austro-Hungary appeared as a real occupational power and thus caused people’s revolt, especially of advanced intelligence. Human rights and freedoms were abolished, so it was necessary to form illegal cultural institutions and political organizations. Thus was formed organization of Young Bosnia as well, whose members assassinated Austro-Hungarian prince Franz Ferdinand.

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Демографски облик и стопанска активност на цариградските българи според опис от 1881–1882 г.
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Демографски облик и стопанска активност на цариградските българи според опис от 1881–1882 г.

Author(s): Orlin Sabev / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1-2/2018

The study presents and analyzes the statistics about the Bulgarians in Constantinople, provided in a 1881–1882 Ottoman census register, which is preserved at the Sts Cyril and Methodius National Library in Sofia. The register contains the names of 1245 Bulgarians residing in Constantinople, mostly singles and economic migrants. They were mainly gardeners, milkmen and woolens manufacturers and dealers. Bulgarian gardeners (probably Bulgarian milkmen, as well) originating from the Macedonian lands began migrating to Constantinople for economic reasons at the latest in the seventeenth century, if not earlier (there is no documental proof for that, however), while significant number of woolens manufacturers and dealers, mostly from the central Bulgarian lands, moved to Constantinople in the first half of the nineteenth century in order to cover better the increased woolens needs of the Ottoman army. According to the mid-nineteenth-century Bulgarian press in Constantinople, the woolens manufacturers and dealers prevailed over the other professional groups of Bulgarian economic migrants there. Coming to the Bosphorus city much later than the gardeners, the specific military-political and economic structure stimulates the growth of the Bulgarian woolens manufacturers and dealers community until they become the most prominent professional class of the Bulgarian colony there. However, when the Bulgarian Principality and the Province of Eastern Rumelia were established in 1878, most of the residents of Constantinople originating from the central Bulgarian lands that were now free, returned to their homeland. However, as the said 1881–1882 census register confirms, those Bulgarian migrants (mainly gardeners and milkmen) from the Macedonian lands which were still under Ottoman rule continued to work in Constantinople. This explains the current situation of the small community of Bulgarians living in the city, most of their ancestors having been Macedonian-born Bulgarian gardeners and milkmen.

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Кронщатското морско инженерно училище и подготовката на специалисти за флота
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Кронщатското морско инженерно училище и подготовката на специалисти за флота

Author(s): Marina Pironkova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1-2/2018

A presentation of ‘Emperor Nicholas I’s College of Naval Engineers (1898–1919)’ by Igor Naimushin

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AMBASADAT E HUAJA NË VILAJETIN E KOSOVËS GJATË SHEK. XIX-XX, SIPAS DOKUMENTEVE ARKIVORE OSMANE
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AMBASADAT E HUAJA NË VILAJETIN E KOSOVËS GJATË SHEK. XIX-XX, SIPAS DOKUMENTEVE ARKIVORE OSMANE

Author(s): Ayten Ardel / Language(s): Albanian Issue: 48/2018

Vilajeti i Kosovës, i themeluar pas Luftës Ruso-Osmane (1877-1878) dhe Kongresit të Berlinit, është njëri ndër rajonet për të cilin është diskutuar dhe për të cilin ka pasur luftë të vazhdueshme, si luftë fizike ashtu edhe diplomatike. Nga njëra anë subjekti mysliman dhe jomysliman brenda elementit osman dhe në anën tjetër interesat politike të fuqive evropiane, me në krye Austrinë, Rusinë dhe Italinë, çuan në diskutimin e status-quo-së në Gadishullin Ballkanik. Ndërhyrja e Anglisë dhe Francës, mbështetja e politikës rumune nga ana e Rusisë dhe ambiciet që këto shtete kishin për Kosovën i sollën në prag të luftës. Pas shpalljes së monarkisë kushtetuese për herë të dytë nga shteti osman, në Ballkan gjendja përkeqësohet, pasi që kjo futi përçarje ndërmjet myslimanëve dhe jomyslimanëve (serbë, rumë, bullgarë dhe vlleh). Njëherësh këto zhvillime shkaktuan jostabilitet dhe pakënaqësi edhe nga ana e myslimanëve, të cilët reaguan shumë ashpër ndaj reformave të reja. Pas ardhjes në pushtet të Partisë Bashkim dhe Përparim (Partia Xhonturke), humbja e territoreve shqiptare (Kosovës) vetëm sa u përshpejtua. [...]

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Образы-представления о Черном континенте и африканцах у германского колониального офицера Рудольфа Ганссера

Author(s): Andrey Yuryevich Kalistratov,Vasily Lvovich Chernopyorov / Language(s): Russian Issue: 4/2018

The German Empire, having entered the colonial race of the Great Powers later than the other countries, by the beginning of the ХХ century could become established on the relatively small territories in various parts on the world, its biggest lands being situated in Africa. Rwanda-Urundi and Tanganyika in the eastern part of the Dark Continent as well as Cameroon, Togoland and South West Africa in the west belonged to Germany. There exists a number of works about the German dominance in Africa. However, understanding by German colonial officers of the importance of their own mission in the host countries, native inhabitants and relations with them have not been sufficiently studied. The given article is to partially compensate for these shortfalls. Its aim is to reconstruct the understanding of the Dark Continent by colonial officers of the German Empire which predetermined their behavior on the Dark Continent. The sources of the current research are personal materials and official documents belonging to Rudolf Hansser (the diary, letters and reports) covering the period 1896—1902. Taking into consideration the fact that R. Hansser was a typical representative of colonial officers, while assumptions have to be made about his individual knowledge and worldview, his understanding and views on the Dark Continent can be spread to all junior German colonial officers of the late XIX — early XX centuries. The methodological basis of the given research is the publications in the field of imagology and intelligentsia studies. The understanding of the images and the stages of their formation (ethnic, foreign-policy, stereotypes and images of a foreign culture) is based on the developments of the Centre for the Study of Russian History of the Russian History School (Russian Academy of Science). The definition of the officer case R. Hansser belonged to as an autonomous social and intellectual community is the achievement of the school of intelligentsia studies of Ivanovo State University. Intelligentsia is considered as a part of a broader notion that is intellectuals. The behavior patterns of western intellectuals (weak people, independent experts, outsiders and nonconformists) are in the focus of attention. The results of the research are the following. The understanding by R. Hansser of the Dark Continent and the Aborigines are within the frameworks of the traditional for that time discourse: willingness to serve the native land in the colonies is combined with the desire to move up a career path and to reach material well-being. However, paternalism towards the natives and the feeling of superiority over them led to the appearance and development of racist ideas that formed a definite behavior towards the African people. At the same time, Hansser’s enthusiasm turned into disappointment under the influence of a number of failed projects and the lack of career development. However, the officer explained his failures by different factors but he never accepted his own blame.

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Ženske na trgu dela: čas sprememb 1880-1910

Author(s): Sabina Žnidaršić Žagar / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 2/2003

The paper deals with the issue of women's integration and adaptation to the new conditions in the market of labour and earning in Carniola, which were dictated by a gradual establishment of a capitalist and industrial production. An analysis has been made on the basis of the occupational statistics (Berufsstatistik) which were published by the Austrian government after the decennial, general censuses between 1880 and 1910. This analysis shows that the women in Carniola participated intensively in the new processes, that the number of earning women increased over the passing decades, not only in agriculture but also in other sectors of the economy, and that special and different conditions, from those of men, were applied to them in the labour market. The economic sector, the occupation and the manner in which women could earn was very much determined by the level of economic development in a given political district, as well as by the situation in the labour market.

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Muftija Šemsekadić u pjesmama sandžačkih Bošnjaka
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Muftija Šemsekadić u pjesmama sandžačkih Bošnjaka

Author(s): Naka Nikšić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 81-82/2019

Shortly before the Berlin Congress (1878), when there was first word of the possibility of an Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia, the mufti of Pljevalj Mehmed Nurudin Šemsekadić became politically active. He established a connection with the Bosniak elite in Sarajevo and began the preparation for armed resistance against the Austro-Hungarians. Once their troops had entered, mufti Šemsekadić and his volunteer squads headed towards Bosnia and on several occasions defeated Austro-Hungarian troops. However, despite that, the Bosnian cities gradually fell, one after the other, and he, with an increasingly smaller number of followers, withdrew in the direction of Sandžak. Many songs were soon sung about this mufti, who quickly gained a reputation for his bravery and his ability to incite opposition. The aim of this paper is to find and make a record of the songs of the historical figure of mufti Šemsekadić, as well as to analyze them in the context of historical events. The paper offers a theoretical analysis of the life of the mufti of Pljevalj, Šemsekadić, and his role in putting up resistance to the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia. We also recorded and, using the “Finnish method” (a method used in ethnomusicology), wrote down five songs about him which are even today sung among the Bosniaks of the region of Sandžak. This paper will help us make a contribution to the preservation of the Bosniak music tradition, as well as view the reflections of historical events in folk music.

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Neobjavljena konvencija o imovini nikšićkih muslimana (1888-1889)
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Neobjavljena konvencija o imovini nikšićkih muslimana (1888-1889)

Author(s): Enes Efović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 81-82/2019

Muslimani Nikšića su populacija iz prošlosti koja figurira u velikom broju pisanih radova, koji u većoj ili manjoj mjeri, uopšteno ili detaljnije, opisuju različite segmente iz njenog života, ili njenu dalju sudbinu po padu Nikšića krajem 1877. godine. Nikšićani, tj. građani, onogoški Turci, nikšićki Turci, itd. kao takvi, figuriraju kao posredni ili neposredni akteri u razradi neke istorijske teme, zatim u raznim memoarskim spisima, ili pak u opisima širih društvenih događaja tokom XVIII i XIX vijeka, sve do Berlinskog kongresa i njegovog epiloga. Na žalost, malo radova je objavljeno na osnovu autentičnih arhivskih izvora koji govore o Nikšićanima ili Nikšiću, a i tada često u sklopu rasvjetljavanja problematike agrarnih i drugih imovinskih odnosa i regulisanja naknada za iste, što je bio jedan od krupnijih problema sa kojima se susrela crnogorska država po realizaciji odredbi Berlinskog kongresa 1878. godine i novostvorene situacije koja je iz njega potekla.

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GRANICA KRALJEVINE SHS S ALBANIJOM

GRANICA KRALJEVINE SHS S ALBANIJOM

Author(s): Živko Avramovski / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1992

The question of Albanian borders was opened towards the end of the 19th c., especially during the Berlin Congress when borders between Serbia, Montenegro and Turkey were being determined. At the time Albanians demanded autonomy for Albania within Turkey and expressed aspirations of a general sort regarding the territories of the vilayets Shkodra, Kosovo, Bitola and loannina. These aspirations were put forth with more precision during the uprising in 1912, when the following territory was demanded: the whole Shkodra vilayet, the whole loannina vilayet, the Prizren, Priština, Peć and Novi Pazar sanjaks and Tetovo kaza from the Kosovo vilayet, and the Debar, Elbasan and Когсё sanjaks from the Bitola vilayet. Burdened by problems in foreign politics, the Turkish government accepted these demands on 4 September but was prevented from fulfilling them by the outbreak of the Balkan War. After the quick victories of the Balkan allies, the Albanian leaders decided to break all ties with Turkey, having judged that it would definitely have to withdraw from the Balkans. On 1 November 1912 they declared an independent Albanian state and set up a temporary government in Valona. Austria-Hungary and Italy fully supported this move, seeing the creation of an Albanian state as the best barrier to the possibility of Serbia’s exit on the Adriatic Sea. After signing a truce, the representatives of the warring parties met in London on 16 December 1912 to begin peace negotiations. At the same time the ambassadors of the six great powers also et, supposedly to mediate between the warring parties but in actuality they dictated the terms of the peace settlement or rather, he division of Turkish territories in the Balkans. The first decision made at the conference of the ambassadors was that an independent, neutral Albanian state should be founded. The peace treaty between the Balkan allies and Turkey was signed on 30 May 1913. This treaty did not resolve the question of determining borders between the newly-founded Albanian state and its neighbors but left decisions regarding this up to the conference of the ambassadors of the great powers. Here the extreme demands of the interested parties and the different interests of the great powers became evident. However, none of the great powers challenged the question of the annexation of Kosovo and Metohia to Serbia and Montenegro. The negotiations centered on disputes over the cities Shkodra, Peć, Djakovica, Prizren, Debar and Ohrid, and were ended with a compromise according to which Shkodra was given to Albania, Peć and Djakovica to Montenegro, and Prizren, Debarand Ohrid to Serbia. An international committee was formed to mark the border lines but at the outbreak of the First World War it had still not accomplished its task. During the First World War both warring parties used the Albanian territory as bait for winning over allies to their side. In this sense Austria-Hungary planned to annex Kosovo and Metohia to Albania and then to annex the latter to itself, or put it under Austro-Hungarian protectorate. At the same time Austria-Hungary had promised south Albania to Greece, in return for Greece's continued neutrality and had hinted to Bulgaria that it might get parts of central Albania. On the other side the powers of the Entente had promised, by the London Treaty of 1915, Valona with its hinterland to Italy, with the possibility of north Albania being annexed to Serbia and Montenegro, and south Albania to Greece. After the First World War, at the Paris Peace Conference, the question of Albanian borders was discussed again but after lengthy negotiations the conference of the great powers’ ambassadors made a resolution on 9 November 1921 by which an independent Albanian state was recognized, with borders as they had been in 1913. A few minor changes were made in Yugoslavia’s favor in the regions of Debar, Prizren and Kastrat, while north of Lake Ohrid the changes were in favor of Albania. These borders remained valid after the end of the Second World War.

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USTANOVLJAVANJE JUGOSLOVENSKE GRANICE U BARANJI 1919 -1920. GODINE

USTANOVLJAVANJE JUGOSLOVENSKE GRANICE U BARANJI 1919 -1920. GODINE

Author(s): Bogumil Hrabak / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1+2/1992

At the beginning of the Peace Conference in Paris, the extent of the area populated by South Slavs was not clear, especially in Panonia, where the population was greatly mixed in terms of nationality. The suggestion made by General P. Pešić, of establishing strategic borders, was considered to be imperialistic by the Croatian representatives in the Yugoslav Delegation, A. Trumbić and J. Smodlaka. The Serbian members of the Delegation aimed their efforts more towards determining borders in Banat which was wholly Serbian, while the south of Baranja was also inhabited by Croatian Sokci. In March 1919 it seemed as though the border would be established on the river Drava. The Belgrade professor of ethnology, Jovan Cvijić, put in the greatest effort to have the border moved north. The Slovenians assisted the Serbian rather than the Croatian members of the Delegation since they expected Serbian endeavors regarding Baranja to result in the annexation of Prekomurje. Since Baranja had a large German population, efforts were made towards getting the German vote in favor of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenians.These efforts were successful while Hungary was under Bolshevist rule (until August 1919). Even the Hungarian feudalists were in favor of the annexation to the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenians because peace reigned in the zone occupied by Serbia. Circumstances changed when the Bolshevist rule was overthrown. Germans began to favor an integral Hungary. There were numerous statistics, motions made to give the population of Baranja a chance to express their wishes and historical retrospectives but none of this was given much heed by the great powers. The president of the Delegation. N. Pašić, even consented to a plebiscite which he did not accept in Macedonia or elsewhere. The area around Mohač, where there was a German majority, was particularly disputed, although demands were also made for Pečuj (because of the rich coal mines). The Serbian Supreme Command demanded the bridgehead across the river Drava on the Slavonic side. The situation became worse when the withdrawal of the Serbian occupational army was ordered. The border line was determined towards the end of 1919 by compromise and without taking into account the ethnic makeup and the wishes of the Slavic population in Baranja. This border was confirmed by the peace treaty signed in Trianon (near Versailles) in June 1920. Typically, the Croatian members of the Delegation of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenians made no effort In regard to Baranja. Baranja was later connected to Serbian Vojvodina, with which it had in common a mixed population and the same economic structure.

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