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While analysing the legislative output of the interwar Republic of Poland, most Polish researchers highlight the significant achievements of the so-called Codification Commission established in 1919, whose twenty years of efforts resulted in the drafting of a host of important codes and other acts of high legislative value. This output, however, could only be put to a very short-lived use in the 1930s. Its full potential was not unleashed until after the Second World War, in a completely changed political reality. On a day-to-day basis, the Polish state of the interwar period faced a number of issues that it either desired to overcome or was forced to do so. One of them was the crippled legal status of women, particularly jarring in the reality of the interwar times. Although the reborn Polish statehood, true to lofty democratic ideals, immediately took it upon itself to change the clearly underprivileged legal status of women, the final effect, that is the legislation in force as at the outbreak of the Second World War, looks meagre. The modern codification had not been adopted, the legal particularism in the scope of civil law had been maintained, the anachronistic codification of the preceding century upheld – the ideals of equal rights for women were made a very much imperfect reality. In this article, we attempt to trace the history of how this came to be by examining difficulties in introducing the principle of equality of women’s rights. The example we have chosen serves to shed light on the mundane efforts to overcome the mounting problems with realizing ideas of modernization upon the underlying legal foundations of a country which, at first sight, seems utterly ill-prepared to tackle this task properly.
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This article takes as a point of departure a collection of letters sent to the Polish Radio in which listeners remembered their first experiences of listening to the radio in the late 1920s. Some of the analysed letters were written before the >> World War, but a majority of them was sent to Polish Radio in reply to two campaigns entitled “Listeners write history of Polish Radio” that were organized in late 1950s and next in 1970s. The analysis of these letters, combined with the study of press materials from the period, allowed the author to present how did some new listening practices and phantasms grow in relation to the new medium.
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The article discusses the development and functioning of national derevorizblennya in Kiev in the 20 – 40 of XX century. The influence of social and historical conditions prevailing in the period of Soviet power, the creativity of folk artists, features their work in art and industrial workshops, cooperatives, promkooperatsiya, factories. Determined the effects of interference of authorities in folk art. The article highlights the specific exhibition and museum of the new government. Focuses on the active implementation of the works of folk art new creative method – social realism.
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Ово писмо настало је за време „вереничког путовања“ Карла Шмита и Душке Тодоровић у Југославији 1925. године. Адресат писма, Рудолф Сменд, познати је немачки конституционалиста, који се пред Други светски рат дистанцирао од Шмита и његових настраних ставова. Осим у овом писму, Шмит је утиске са путовања објавио и у чланку Илирија односно Illyrien, који је објављен у часопису Hochland 23/1925, 293–298.
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During the interwar period Kingdom of SCS/Yugoslavia was inhabited with some 500.000 members of German national minority. Up to 1938 they were considered as loyal subjects of Yugoslav Kingdom. Having in mind the previous experience regarding the subversions of minority elements in Czechoslovakia, Yugoslav General Stuff changed its attitudes towards local Germans. After the WWII broke up in Europe, Yugoslav military authorities implemented measures with the aim to paralyze potential subversive activities of German minority in case of war. German Military Intelligence (Abwehr) started to act actively with the local Germans from the late 1940, but they activate subversive organization just after the Coup d'Etat in Belgrade on March 27th 1941. Previously implemented measures of Yugoslav High Command gave the result during the short April war in 1941. Thanks to them the subversive activates of German minority were not the crucial reasons that contributed to hasty Yugoslav defeat.
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It is generally accepted that the first European regional state was Italy (since 1948), and the second was Spain (since 1978). This article, however, proves that the first European regional state was the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1921–1939). The Kingdom of Yugoslavia as a regional state was formed in imitation of the Union of South Africa (since 1909). The main proponents of the concept of Yugoslav regionalism were Bogumil Vošnjak, a Slovene, and Josip Smodlaka, a Croat from Dalmatia, both of them considered moderate nationalists. Regional jurisdiction in the Vidovdan Constitution was modeled according to Smodlaka’s and Vošnjak’s ideas. Law on the name and the administrative division of the Kingdom from 1929 established administrative areas (banovinas), whose jurisdiction mostly coincided with regional jurisdiction. Banovinas were also carried to the Constitution of 1931, provided that, with respect to self governing bodies, they were somewhat shaped by the ideas of Stojan Protić, „a moderate Serb“. The territories of banovinas were shaped according to Smodlaka’s draft, so they were much larger and economically stronger than previous (oblasti). When we compare the standard regional jurisdiction (designed according to the Spanish Constitution of 1978) with the jurisdiction of Yugoslav counties or banovinas, we can conclude that they are almost identical. So, considering the time priority, the Yugoslav Kingdom was the first regional state. However, it was an inadequate form of a state due to the presence of strong nationalisms, primarily Croatian.
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The covert institutionalized Yugoslav-German propaganda-in formation cooperation was established at a time of tightened relations between the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and Italy. The goal was to give a response to the Italian plans, but also not to provoke the al lied countries, France and Czechoslovakia. The success of cooperation de pended on the development of the relationship between the great powers, the importance of the German factor in suppressing the plans of Italy, the division of competences between Yugoslav state institutions, as well as on the personal ambitions and political views of individuals.
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In the focus of this article Yugoslavian crisis (1918–1941) and Serbia in the WWII are lying. Article shows main currents of Serbian and Yugoslav historiography from 1945 onwards, with in-detail retrospective of the most important researches published in last twenty years. It is established that historiography was under great political pressure in the first two decades after the WWII and during the civil-war era in the 1990’s. Social and political revolution that occurred in Yugoslavia as an outcome of civil war waged from 1941 to 1945 brought Yugoslav communist to power after the war. Tito and Party proclaimed parameters for official writing of history, with affirmation of partizan movement and communism as one of the main directions. This kind of relation toward the past dominated Yugoslav history until late 1970’s and emergence of several important researches conducted in accordance to scientific standards of historiography and mostly free from political influences. Since then an increase in quality of historiographic production can be seen. However, this positive tendency came to end with the outbreak of wars for Yugoslav heritage in 1990’s, when most of historiography was under very strong influence of nationalism and war rhetoric. During that period part of historiography production was subdued to intense revision, especially themes connected to civil war during the WWII in Yugoslavia. New century came with new historical approaches and with new themes of research, broading and improving horizonts of Serbian historiography.
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Nationality policy of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia during the inter-war period was, among other things, marked by numerous dilemmas and frictions among the Yugoslav communists, inconsistency in implementing decisions of the Party leadership, by frequent changes in treatment of various Yugoslav peoples and national minorities, misunderstanding and diverging from the official Commintern line. In the process of building the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, the Yugoslav communists first saw national liberation of the single people „with three tribes“, i.e. „with three names“. However, under strong pressure from Moscow in early 1920s the idea of ethnic originality of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was adopted. The Macedonian question was opened in 1922, whereas the right to self-determination was recognized to the Montenegrin population in 1928. The relation of the Yugoslav communists toward the Serbian people and Serbia during the first years of the Popular Front (1935– 1938) was based on the views the Commintern and the CPY had previously adopted that saw the Yugoslav state as the creation of the Versailles Peace Treaty and called for toppling of the „greater Serbian military-fascist dictatorship“. The CPY rhetoric branded the Serbian people the strongest hegemonistic element in the country that oppressed and exploited other peoples and national minorities. Since March 1938, parallel with the enlargement of German borders, the Party leadership worked more actively for preservation of the territorial integrity of the Yugoslav community. At the same time, almost all problems that could further endanger the already chipped state unity were pushed to the back burner. During this period (1938– 1941) somewhat milder attitude toward the Serbs and Serbia prevailed within the CPY. On the other hand, the official Party documents testify that deep ingrained stereotypes of two decades before died hard. The Serbian question was not definitively solved during the inter-war period. Also, the leadership of the CPY tacitly refused to define the territory of Serbia and the rights of the Serbian people.
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The Yugoslav-Bulgarian League in Belgrade was founded on 24 September 1933. Its main task was „to study the social conditions in Bulgaria in economic, political, and cultural-educational terms as well as to spread the idea on Yugoslav-Bulgarian brotherhood as a common interest of vital significance“. Governing bodies of the League were Executive and Supervisory Board whose members were elected by the League`s Assembly. This representative body, consisted of members who have regularly paid dues, was responsible for the entire operation of the League, including its reports and proclamations. At the same time, there was established a similar association in Sofia, the main partner of the League. During the interwar period, the Yugoslav-Bulgarian League in Belgrade created, organized, supported and participated in a number of cultural and business events related to the promotion of Yugoslav-Bulgarian rapprochement. The most important among them were exhibitions, concerts, literary evenings, field trips, parties, etc. The Belgrade League had published eight books during its existence. Yugoslav-Bulgarian rapprochement was also achieved by frequent mutual visits organized by both Belgrade and Sofia Association. In April 1941, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria became enemies again which restored hostility, denying all the positive results that Yugoslav-Bulgarian League in Belgrade and similar associations on both sides enthusiastically made.
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With the creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes after the First World War, the new state got the Kingdom of Romania as a neighbour. Disagreements that existed between the two countries regarding the demarcation in Banat were resolved by the marriage of the King Alexander I Karađorđević and the Romanian Princess Maria Hohenzollern. The royal marriage was the basis for further development of allied relations between the states in the period between the two world wars. The partnership was strengthened by military-political pacts within the framework of the Little Entente and the Balkan Pact. The peace treaties concluded during the Versailles Conference did not guarantee the security of minor European countries such as the Kingdom of SHS and Romania. The revisionist aspirations of the joint neighbours of Hungary and Bulgaria developed friendly relations that Belgrade and Bucharest needed to deter the enemy from taking any action. The Yugoslav public viewed Romania as a friendly country, so diplomatic activities within the two alliances were closely monitored by the press. In addition, many public workers were concerned with analysing perspectives that could benefit the two countries in the future. The fact that Romania was a significant ally was evidenced by the fact that in December 1938 the mission was promoted to the rank of embassy, which was the first embassy in the diplomatic history of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In this paper, we intend to present the development of allied relations between the two countries, based on the historical reach of the historiography, as well as the analysis of the writing of the Yugoslav press. Particular attention will be paid to the challenges that the alliances faced during the Third Reich’s penetration into southeast Europe. Although the allies of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Romania would find themselves on opposite sides in World War II, there was no mutual war between the two countries, which was a consequence of the built relations in the interwar period.
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Julka Chlapec Djordjević (1882–1969), born in Novi Sad, married with Czech husband, belongs to the so-called second wave of feminists who are of the Novi Sad origin. On the foundations of the first wave of feminism in the then Vojvodina, which focused on the public visibility, i.e. the right to work and participate in public life, as well as on the accessibility of higher education for this gender group, “the second wave” of feminist authors situated, who set their interest on the emancipation of women in the area of private and family life, and, consequently, on the political rights and liberties of women introducing international experience in this domain into the local environment.
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Using a broad source base, including previously unpublished materials, this study examines teaching in Magnitogorsk in the period of accelerated industrialization as a unique emotional community with a special type of daily life.. The predominant historical sources are recollections of Magnitogorsk teachers, written at different times relative to the time of studied events. The article uses methodological tools proposed by Iu. Bessmertny, H. R. Iausom, J. Plamper, and W. Reddy. The social portrait of a Magnitogorsk teacher was far from ideal. Teachers were dominated by women under the age of 20, with minimal experience and education, but official discourse and memories about teachers at Magnitostroi drew on a universal reference image of a professional Soviet teacher. The educational community at Magnitostroi was a complex emotional microcosm in which a variety of emotional repertoires coexisted, and teachers themselves belonged to different emotional communities that demonstrated sometimes unusual emotional reactions. Features of social conditions, the overall level of improvement of teachers’ lives and work of teachers, defined the landscapes of everyday life and features of the dominant emotional regime. The last was an official state ideology, adapted to the specific sociocultural and individual peculiarities of city, community, and people.
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The level of ethnopolitical inequality is estimated as the ratio of the share of an ethnic group employed in public authorities to the share of this ethnic group among the entire employed population. This indicator can be called the coefficient of ethnopolitical representativeness. In Imperial Russia, almost all major non-Russian ethnic groups had representatives in power structures, although in most cases this was unrepresentative; the number of nominees from an ethnic group did not correspond to its population size. During the entire Soviet period, 1917–1990, there was a steady and systematic decrease in the inequality of ethnic groups in power structures. In 1989, discrimination in the authorities as a whole practically disappeared. The advantages of Russians in forming the Soviet government were minimized; their percentage in government corresponded to their share in the population. In some areas of government, ethnic inequality was leveled at different rates. In the state apparatus, equality in representation was already achieved in 1959. In the apparatus of party and public organizations, there was also a tendency to overcome discrimination, but in this area, by 1990, the percentage of non-Russians remained slightly lower than their share in the population. Minimization of ethnic inequality was a natural consequence, on the one hand, of the national policy of the country’s leadership, on the other — the desire of ethnic elites for equality in political rights.
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The article is devoted to the nuances of perception of Ethiopia and Ethiopians by the outstanding representative of the Russian intelligentsia — the academician N. I. Vavilov who visited the African country in 1927 with a scientific expedition.
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Данная статья посвящена истории создания эпизода встречи главного героя Кавалерова с Андреем Бабичевым в произведении Юрия Олеши «Зависть». Среди самых разнообразных фрагментарных эпизодов из рукописей этого произведения, хранящихся в Российском государственном архиве литературы и искусств (РГАЛИ), этот эпизод имеет особенно много вариантов. Ю. Олеша писал «Зависть» с 1922 г. до июня 1927 г., после чего опубликовал ее в журнале «Красная новь» (№ 7–8). Период написания условно делится на две части: первые пять лет и последующие полгода. Рукописи, написанные за первые пять лет, отличаются фрагментарностью, кроме того, автор неоднократно заново их переписывал. В них содержатся многочисленные отрывочные эпизоды, и почти каж- дый эпизод написан в нескольких разных вариантах. В последние полгода написания «Зависти» Ю. Олеша изменил логику работы над произведением. С февраля до июня 1927 г. он работал над так называемым «Полным черновиком Зависти». Мы полага- ем, что в этом черновике не содержится фрагментарных эпизодов. Автор писал его последовательно от начала до конца, в итоге создав текст, близкий к опубликованно- му варианту, больше не переписывая одни и те же сцены по несколько раз. Предме- том анализа данной статьи являются рукописи, написанные за первые пять лет. Исследователи отмечают, что в основе «Зависти» лежит противопоставление двух групп героев: группа со старым, дореволюционным мировоззрением (Николай Кавалеров, Иван Бабичев, Анечка Прокопович) и группа с новым советским миро- воззрением (Андрей Бабичев, Володя Макаров, Валя). При этом центральными фи- гурами этого противопоставления являются Кавалеров и Андрей Бабичев. Ю. Олеша много раз переписывал эпизод их встречи. В процессе переписки этой сцены посте- пенно менялись образ главного героя, обстоятельства, при которых он действует. В самом первоначальном замысле Ю. Олеши Кавалеров не только не являлся главным героем, его вообще не было в произведении. Изначально главным героем «Зависти» был Иван Бабичев — брат Андрея Бабичева. Затем Кавалеров появился в этом произведении, но не как главный герой, а как рассказчик истории Ивана Бабиче- ва. Далее в процессе написания автор постепенно изменял его роль в произведении. В первоначальных вариантах черновиков Кавалеров встретил Андрея Бабичева бла- годаря рекомендации знакомого. Будучи представителем интеллигенции, Кавалеров работал у Андрея Бабичева «литературным секретарем»: знакомил его с новейшей литературой. В это время он хорошо относился к своему патрону. В этом контексте образы Кавалерова и Андрея Бабичева не были противопоставлены друг другу. Од- нако в последующих вариантах автор изменил специфику работы Кавалерова: теперь это были мелкие дела, которые не требовали высокой квалифицированности. Такая работа оскорбляла Кавалерова, и он начал ненавидеть Андрея Бабичева. Изменились и обстоятельства их встречи. В новых вариантах эпизода Андрей Бабичев нашел Кавалерова, лежавшего на улице в пьяном виде, пожалел и привел его в свой дом. Кроме того, Ю. Олеша добавил эпизод, в котором Андрей Бабичев приказал нео- прятному Кавалерову помыться. Таким образом, в плане характеристики персонажа автор перевел Кавалерова в низший разряд. Тем не менее, придав ему отрицательные качества, Ю. Олеша усилил личность этого персонажа, что обусловило повышение значимости его роли в произведении. Кавалеров постепенно стал главным героем «Зависти». Как отразилась на опубликованном тексте эта многократная переписка некото- рых сцен? В первую очередь, «Зависть» стала произведением о противопоставлении двух групп героев, центральными фигурами которого является Кавалеров и Андрей Бабичев. Эта структурная основа была создана на том самом этапе написания рома- на, который рассмотрен в данной статье. Во-вторых, многократная переписка ска- залась на конечном образе Кавалерова. Он встретился Андрею Бабичеву в пьяном виде, занимался при нем мелкими делами, ненавидел его. Таким образом, результаты работы, проведенной в течение первых пяти лет, нашли отражение в окончательном варианте романа не только в его отдельных фрагментарных элементах, но и опреде- лили его общую направленность. Тем не менее, роль Кавалерова в «Полном черновике Зависти» в некоторой степени отличается от его роли в ранних вариантах. Как мы рассмотрели выше, за первые пять лет написания романа Олеша перевел его в низший разряд, постепенно сделал его «ничтожеством». Однако в образе Кавалерова в «Полном черновике Зави- сти» автор придал большое значение роли этого героя как повествователя, видящего мир по-своему. В этом заключается основное отличие между ранними вариантами черновиков произведения и «Полным черновиком Зависти».
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In my article, I analyse the newspaper imprints of some jubilee celebrations performed in the minds of Russian émigrés in Bulgaria, but also outdoors and indoors, between 1919 and 1944. Basing on M. Spariosu’s theory of exilic-utopian imagination and on the intuitive premise that an émigré community would inevitably pursue/problematize its accommodation within the host society, I locate the Russian émigré community and its celebrations within a tri-axial communicative situation whereby impulses for (self-aggrandising) introspection, mental war with the exiling power (sovietised Russia), and domestication of the host milieu are detectable. Considering newspapers as the most effective sites to host places of celebration for a (non-persecuted) ethno-cultural minority in the first half of the 20th c., and basing on prior historiography on the Russian émigrés of Bulgaria and on an overview of their periodicals, I identify as most conspicuous a constellation of jubilees that gravitated around the 50th anniversary from both the beginning and the completion of the 1877–1878 Russian-Ottoman war. Thus, I am able to discern the specificity of the communicative situation of that particular Russian émigré community against the benchmark of the ‘metropolitan’ one based in Paris. I approach these “imprints”, or “places of celebration”, as visual-verbal compositions (elaborating D. Georgiev’s ‘architecturology’ of newspaper); and as textualised experiences potentially reminiscent of the two cultural archetypes of “jubilee” for (post)Christian humankind, the Hebraic and the Roman ones.
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Review of: IGOR KOPÕTIN - Юлия Кантор. Прибалтика 1939–1945 гг. Война и память. Москва: Росспэн, 2020, 359 c., ISBN 978-5-8243-2405-1.
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This article presents the language situation of the Slavic minorities (Russians, Poles and Belarusians) in Latgale in the 1920s and 1930s in individual and collective memory. As perceived by the informants, the interwar period is associated with the dominance of the Latvian language in the public sphere (the army, public service, education, official place names). In their view, military service and education at Latvian schools contributed to the development of Latvian language competence among national minorities. On the other hand, the 1920s and 1930s were also a period when Poles and Belarusians had access to education with their native language as the language of instruction. Although the accounts under consideration reflect a collective perception of the period and reveal its atmosphere, each of them is unique as it includes particular details and conveys feelings of individual informants (participants in the events and their descendants). The informants developed a stereotypical perception of the period, according to which there was a direct link between the level of command of the Latvian language and participation in certain spheres of public activity.
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