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With contributions by Dževad Juzbašić, Husnija Kamberović, Vladimir Petrović, Aleš Gabrič,Damir Agičić,Gorgi Čakarjanevski,Boro Bronza,Seka Brkljača,Ivana Dobrivojević,Emily Greble-Balić,Bojan Godeša,Ivo Goldstein,Goran Hutinec,Nikica Barić,Sanja Petrović-Todosijević,Carl Bethke,Azem Kožar,Izet Šabotić,Fedžad Forto,Fikret Midžić,Vera Katz
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The memories of Petar Shandov are authoritative source about the history of the movements of national-integration for the Bulgarians in Macedonia. During his long and active involvement in this movement Shandov had gathered rich and valuable information about its development, about the controversy and the struggles in it, about the changes of ideas and its evolving and about the figures of that historical period. The chronological range of the memories in this book is form 1908 to 1950. The memories are written in an understandable, enthralling way and are great contribution to the Bulgarian documentations.
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Knjiga koja je pred vama pokušava predstaviti sliku svijeta žena u vremenu kada se život vrtoglavo ubrzao – ideologizirao, industrijalizirao, psihoanalizirao, tehnologizirao, mobilizirao, komercijalizirao, relativizirao, konfekcionalizirao. Naša knjiga ima brojna ograničenja. Naime, metodološki poglavlja nisu strogo ujednačena; izostala je analiza konstruisanja žene u različitim ideologijama. Knjiga je pisana brzo, sa mnogo strasti, ljubavi i žaljenja što se nije otišlo u svaki arhiv, muzej ili biblioteku širom Bosne i Hercegovine kao i van zemlje (jer se ogromna građa uopće ne nalazi u BiH). U njoj, nažalost, nema pomena o radnim akcijama, popularnoj kulturi niti objašnjenja šta je za žene podrazumijevala kazna gubitka narodne časti. Građanska prava ili priča o fizičkom radu prelamaju se ovdje kroz ekonomske i političke uslove u kojima su žene živjele.
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Sándor Bacskai´s „The First Day“ – as the first volume – begins with the golden age of the Jewish orthodoxy and ends in the time of returning from the forced labor camps, concentration camps.
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Předkladana publikace představuje zavěrečnou čast obsahle bibliografie, v niž se zrcadli zajem česke veřejnosti o Slovanstvo prostřednictvim prezentace v českem tisku i knižnich publikacich od nejstaršich dob až do konce prvni světove valky. Dosud byly v SLU vydany dva svazky - Slavica v česke řeči I. Česke překlady ze slovanskych jazyků do roku 1860 - a Slavica v česke řeči II. Česke překlady ze slovanskych jazyků 1861-1890 (vydano v r. 2002 na zakladě podpory Grantove agentury ČR, č. 405/00/1648). Oba svazky, zpracovane na zakladě rozsahle heuristicke prace, obsahuji kompletni bibliograficke zaznamy děl přeloženych ze slovanskych jazyků. Při připravě dalšiho časoveho useku 1891-1918 se ukazalo, že pro přiliš velky rozsah soustředěneho materialu nelze překlady ze všech slovanskych jazyků umistit do jednoho svazku, a to jak z důvodů technickych (počet stran konečneho dila), tak z důvodů časove naročnosti revize a uspořadam zaznamů. Bylo proto rozhodnuto rozdělit toto obdobi do dvou dilů, a to: Slavica III v česke řeči. Čast 1. Překlady ze zapado- a jihoslovanskych jazyků v letech 1891-1918 a Slavica III v česke řeči. Čast 2. Překlady z vychodoslovanskych jazyků v letech 1891-1918. Už jen předkladana prvni čast svym rozsahem převyšuje posledni vydany svazek - Slavica v česke řeči II. Česke překlady ze slovanskych jazyků 1861-1890. Aspekt rozsahu předkladaneho svazku je jednim z důvodů, proč jsme se v uvodu rozhodli omezit jen na zakladni sděleni a ve sve podstatě teze, komentujici připravu svazku a zakladni problemove okruhy jeho dalšiho teoretickeho zpracovani.
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Po dvou svazcich Slavik v česke řeči, jež ještě měly kompaktni zaběr na cely prostor slovanskych literatur a obsahly veškere překlady ze slovanskych jazyků do češtiny od prapočatků do roku 1860 {Slavica 71) a v mezidobi 1861-1890 {Slavica Z/2), musel autorsky kolektiv u svazku třetiho přistoupit na rozděleni bibliografickych kompendii na dvě časti: prvni z nich byla věnovana překladům ze zapadoslovanskeho a jihoslovanskeho arealu v letech 1891-1918 {Slavica II1/13), druha pak tvoři jeji komplementarni protějšek {Slavica III/2) a zachycuje česke překlady z běloruske, ruske a ukrajinske literatury v temže obdobi let 1891-1918. V naši předmluvě se po stručnem nastinu historie Slavik pokusime odpovědět na otazku, jak publikovany „syrovy“ bibliograficky material může vypovidat o dobovem čtenařskem vkusu, o překladatelskych preferencich a konečně i o českem „recepčnim horizontu“, zamyslime se tedy nad připravenosti českeho literarniho ustrojenstvi přijmout pravě ta dila běloruske, ruske či ukrajinske literatury, jejichž překlady vstoupily do literarniho dialogu, a naznačime hlavni přičiny a souvislosti, proč to byly pravě tyto konkretni slovesne utvary a s jakymi znamenitymi osobnostmi bylo jejich „přesazeni“ do česke půdy bytostně spjato.
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As the title indicates, the team of contributors, consisting of Hungarian and Slovak authors, does not focus primarily on the historical events of 1918-1920 in Central Europe (i.e. the breaking up of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the disintegration of the Hungarian Kingdom, the formation of Czechoslovakia, the peace conference and the making of the Trianon Peace Treaty). Political history in the traditional sense is not the focus here; rather, the authors are interested in the narratives which were told of those events in the subsequent 90 years, their existence and impact in various social contexts. Each chapter observes a different area of the institutionalised social sphere, wherein the discourse on the mentioned historical period was present in one way or another. The authors focus on four domains of social production / reproduction and instrumentation of historical knowledge: professional history writing; official history curriculum; political discourses and the utilisation of history in public discourses, as well as the symbolic/ social representation of the events around ‘Trianon’ in public spaces. Part I. of this book concentrates on professional history writing. László Vörös presents an analysis of the narratives of Hungarian and Slovak national/nationalist historians respectively between 1920 and 2010. He examines the ideological and political influences upon the established scholarly history writing, he follows the creation of historical canons and focuses also on the ‘vocabulary of trauma’, used by both national historiographies to represent the events of 1918 – 1920. There is key difference in the definition of Trianon at the conceptual level in both the public mainstream and the professional scholarly discourses in Hungary and Slovakia. In Hungary, Trianon became a sort of metaphorical key word, a denotation for much more beyond the peace treaty itself that was signed on 4th of June 1920 in the castle called Grand Trianon. The word Trianon in the Hungarian historical discourse is usually used to represent a concept that incorporates the events between October 1918 and July 1920. In other words, when Hungarian historians speak about Trianon, they speak about the previously mentioned one and half years’ long period of dissolution of the Hungarian Kingdom. In the lay public discourses moreover the concept of Trianon has a strong tragic ‘dimension’ since it incorporates into its circle of meaning also the long term consequences of the Hungarian Kingdom’s disintegration, notably the splitting away one third of the ethnic Hungarians beyond the borders of post-1918 Hungary. Slovak historians on the other hand use the word Trianon to refer ‘merely’ to the peace treaty itself. However, in the Slovak lay public discourse the term Trianon is also used as a symbolic reminder of the Hungarian nationalism, the Hungarians’ ‘unjustified’ national trauma and the ‘obsession’ of Hungarians with history. Vörös considers this elemental conceptual incompatibility as being only one of the several reasons why up to the present day there is a strong disagreement between Hungarian and Slovak historians even at the most general levels of interpretations of the events of 1918 – 1920. He concludes that the current initiatives to bridge the opposing national perspectives and promote an ‘appeasement’ between the two national historiographies are politically motivated and unrealistic, since the underlying truth regimes upon which the respective historical narratives are based are nationalistic and thus mutually exclusive. As long as history is conceived and formulated as narratives about the past of ‘nations’, as long as history serves simply as a sophisticated replacement for ‚myths of origin‘ and ‘heroic myths’, this exclusiveness will remain in place and seeking common ground will remain wishful thinking. The second author of this section – Etienne Boisserie – focuses on the Slovak scholarly discourses related to the “Martin Declaration of the Slovak nation” (1918). The meeting of 200 representatives of Slovak nationalist movement (on 30th August 1918) on which the Declaration was conceived and declared, as well as the Declaration itself are considered one of the most important milestone in Slovak national history and the key event and document in the process of the formation of Czechoslovak republic. In contrast to the commonplace view that the Declaration represents a sharp historical breaking point, Boisserie sees the meeting and the document as a moment and product of a transition, a situation, where men of varying social and cultural background – but all of them participants in the Slovak intellectual and political life – were concentrated at one point in time and space. Therefore, the history of the Declaration should be included into the wider political history of the year 1918 in which the elements presenting continuity and discontinuity are integrated. The history of the Declaration – Boisserie claims – should account for the multiplicity of the ‘concurrent rhythm’ of the history and should not be one-sidedly represented as a unique and rigid breaking point closing and starting a historical era in the same time. The political discourse is examined by Ignác Romsics who focuses on the attitudes of the Hungarian governing, political and intellectual elites towards the Trianon treaty and its consequences in the era of Horthy regime, the years after the World War II, during the initial phase of the communist regime in Hungary in the 1950s, and the post1956 Kádárist era. He shows a remarkable evolution of attitudes and conceptions of the Hungarian political elites towards the fact of dissolution of the historical Kingdom of Hungary and the detachment of one third of ethnic Hungarian population. The complete denial of the Trianon peace treaty and a demand for restoration of the Hungarian Kingdom in its former shape was the official political doctrine of Hungarian governments up to the World Warl II. The Hungarian Communists lapsed into the other extreme in the late 1940s when they thoroughly abandoned any revisionist politics and even denied the existence of large ethnic Magyar minorities in Czechoslovakia, Romania, Yugoslavia and Soviet Union. The pragmatically convenient politics of non-intervention started to change only in the late 1970s, when the Hungarian Communist became more receptive toward the growing national sentiment among the Hungarian cultural elite. Romsics stop his analyses in the early 1990s. In a sense Štefan Šutaj the author of the next chapter picks up the thread right where Romsics left it off. Šutaj defines six ways how the Hungarian political elites came to terms with the disintegration of the Kingdom of Hungary and the loss of one third of the ethnic Hungarian population to the neighbouring countries. In the second part of his chapter, he offers the results of his own quantitative research which focused on the attitudes of the Slovak majority and Hungarian minority in Slovakia. He notes that a strong emotional bond exists between the Hungarians in Slovakia and Hungary, however at the same time he concludes that the disintegration of the Hungarian Kingdom in 1918/20 was not, by far, the most traumatic event in the history of this community. Hungarians in Slovakia consider the mass deportation of the Hungarian population to the Czech borderlands and Hungary after the World War II as their greatest traumatising experience. Attila Simon analyses the political strategies of the so called ‘activist’ Hungarian minority political parties in Czechoslovakia between the two world wars. In an effort to achieve a wholesome integration of the Hungarian community into the new state, the activist politicians accepted and promoted the official Czechoslovak interpretation of the ‘true meaning’ of the Trianon treaty and its consequences. Accordingly, the disintegration of the Kingdom of Hungary was seen as a just and historically inevitable event. An undesired effect of adopting the Czechoslovak view for the activists was that they had to remain silent about the existential problems that the Hungarians encountered as an undesired minority within the Czechoslovak Republic. Despite that the Hungarian activist platforms, closely connected to the two major parties in Czechoslovakia (the Agrarian party and the Social democrats), succeeded gaining up to 20 % support from Hungarian voters in the parliamentary elections. Peter Macho’s analysis of press has brought a surprising finding that the topic of Trianon did not resonate at all vividly on the pages of the two leading Slovak autonomist papers. Macho in his study attempts to answer the question to what extent the Slovak publicists utilised the negative image of Count Albert Apponyi (former Minister of Education in the Hungarian Kingdom and the head of the Hungarian delegation during Trianon negotiations) for their propaganda purposes. Upon his promotion to head of delegation to the peace conference, his image in Slovak discourses shifted from that of a ‘magyarizator’: ‘thief’ of the Slovak language, culture and nationality to a potential ‘murderer’ of a free and sovereign Slovakia. Macho also concludes, however, that June the 4th 1920, the day when the Trianon Peace Treaty was signed, is not an important date in the Slovak collective memory and neither is Apponyi’s image connected to this date in any significant way. Up to present time he remains the symbol of the ‘magyarization’ policies of the fallen Hungarian Monarchy. The chapter of Roman Holec is dedicated to a reflection of the topic of a dissolving Hungarian Kingdom in Slovak prose and pulp-fiction. Within this frame, the author also attempts to rehabilitate fiction as a source of historical evidence. Holec proves a similar point to Macho’s conclusions that Trianon treaty and dissolution of Hungarian Kingdom are rather rare among fiction themes, and if they appear, it was very often in connection with the irredentism and enmity of the Hungarians and the centuries’ long ‘oppression’ of Slovaks and ‘magyarisation’. The third part of the book is dedicated to history teaching and curricula. The authors examine mainly the problems concerning the traditional ethnocentric and nationalist approaches to teaching national histories in Slovak and Hungarian schools. In the opening text György Jakab critically reviews the direction taken by the teaching of history in Hungary in a wider historical and conceptual context. He notes the incompatibility of the three basic didactic models: the traditional model, the one focused on practical needs and the one focused on development in general. Jakab’s paper presents primarily an impulse and appeal for further discussion about the character and purpose of history education in civil societies of the 21st century. Viliam Kratochvíl continues in concordance with Jakab when he claims that the purpose of history teaching should be helping the pupils learn to think critically and independently; and not merely mechanically memorise a minimum compulsory amount of stories about the national past, national heroes and so on. He proposes a didactical approach emphasising the need for multiplicity of perspectives in History textbooks, which he considers a vital part of historical literature and not mere a genre lying beyond the borders of history as a scholarly discipline. This section of the book closes with the chapter by Barnabás Vajda who examined the history text-books used in Hungarian minority schools in Slovakia since the 1920s up to present day. The textbooks from the era of the interwar Czechoslovak Republic rather neglected the issue of the dissolution of Hungarian Kingdom and the Trianon treaty. The emphasis was laid on the success story of the creation of the Republic. The theme of the dissolution of the ‘old Hungary’ was incorporated into the curricula in a way which helped spread the idea of a bright future for Hungarians in democratic Czechoslovakia in contrast to their alleged oppression and suffering under the yoke of Hungarian nobility in the past. After the World War II, ideological censorship and adjustment of history books pushed the topic of Trianon into the sphere of complete taboo. Two dominant stories took its place: the rescue of the Czech and Slovak nations from under Habsburg oppression; and the immense importance of the Bolshevik Great October Socialist Revolution in 1917 and its benefi cial consequences for Czechoslovakia. Due to the political changes in 1989, Vajda notes slow but positive progress, which is, however, relative. Although Trianon is no longer tabooed, there is much to be contributed to the way this topic is covered in history text-books. The lasting problem is primarily, according to Vajda, the unchanging Slovak ethno-centric optic of the authors. In the fourth part of the book, the authors have focused primarily on the political instrumentation of narratives about events of 1918 – 1920 and their consequences. Miklós Zeidler analysed the manifestations of the irredentist movement in Hungary between the two world wars. He follows the appropriation of the public space through erecting statues, demonstrations and public meetings and naming of streets and squares. Zeidler offers an iconographic analyses of irredentism related public artefacts, he studies the linguistic and symbolic peculiarities of representations of the ‘greatest national tragedy’ of Hungarians and the specific topoi dominantly present in the public discourses. He concludes irredentism partially served as a ‘therapy’ for a traumatised society, since it helped to process the shock just like a ‘painkiller’ does. Complete therapy could not be achieved, however, since the diagnosis was flawed and irredentism itself gradually became a source of frustration, because the ‘healing’ (the revision of the old borders) simply would not come. The chapter of Balázs Ablonczy deals with a related phenomenon, as he follows how Hungarian refugee associations from different detached territories of the former Kingdom were dedicated to keeping the Hungarian past alive. Ablonczy studies the activities of five associations coming from Spiš region, Banská Štiavnica (central and northern Slovakia), Rijeka and Transylvania and particularly their remembering, the specific ways in which they constructed their memories about Hungary infl uenced by their sentiments towards the region from which they originated. At the same time, we are informed about the close bonds existing between these associations and the political organisations and government in Hungary. These refugee associations are, in the view of the author fi ne examples of the inability to come into terms with Trianon and its consequences. József Demmel and Miroslav Michela analysed the unveiling of the memorial of János Tuba (1855-1921) and his re-burial in Komárno in 1925. They studied the symbolic linkage of local and national interests, which is represented by the text on the memorial of this important local politician – For his home town he lived, for his nation he worked. The emphasis on regionalism in this case was meant to symbolize the relationship with the purely Hungarian environment of the town of Komárno (Komárom) that found itself just outside of the borders of its ‘mother state’. The surviving of the Hungarian national community was understood as the highest moral imperative in the given environment. The memorial and the ceremony functioned also as expression of discontent with the position and situation in which the Hungarian community found itself in Czechoslovakia. The life of Hungarians in the Republic, i.e. life in a position of undesired minority was strongly contrasted against their previous situation of majority in the Hungarian Kingdom. Tuba’s memorial did not, in the end become an important place of memory, as one might have anticipated. The population of Komárno celebrated mainly the more established cult of the Revolution 1848/1849. The last block of the book concentrates on the cultural trauma that is caused by politics of memory on both sides. Éva Kovács examines the recent Trianon discourses (the ‘Trianon talk’) that take place in Hungary. She notes that current governmental elites deliberately represent Trianon as an actual and living all-societal trauma, a compulsory national tragedy for all Hungarians home and abroad. She poses the question why several academics, respected historians, philosophers and social scientific scholars seem so keen to reproduce this naïve nationalistic thesis of a historical trauma that allegedly torments the Hungarian nation for the last 90 years. One of the explanations might be the strongly essentialist and reifying concept of a nation which is notoriously difficult to deconstruct, not only in Hungary, but also in Slovakia and other central European post-socialist countries. Kovács notes that many historians in Hungary holds that speaking freely about Trianon as a national trauma, will help the allegedly much needed process of ‘healing’. Paradoxically, their efforts result in just the opposite effect: not only does the supposed trauma stay unhealed, but by constant reminders thereof, they help to produce a wide social neurosis, caused by growing faith in the existence of the Trianon trauma. The vicious circle should be cut, Kovács claims and the constant reproduction of the trauma discourse and the artificial social neurosis must be stopped. This should occur through the deconstruction of the essentialist/reifying concept of a nation and also through the re-definition of the role history should play in societal life. Kovács’s conclusions have a general validity and they seem to be plausible for the wider European context as well; her conclusions regarding the Hungarian discourse of ‘Trianon trauma’ certainly can be equally applied to Slovak discourses of ‘Magyarization trauma’. The problem is shown in a similar light by Dagmar Kusá and Miroslav Michela, who observe the historical and generational aspect of construing cultural memory about Trianon, as a historic trauma in Hungary and Slovakia alike. The ambition of this text, however, is mainly to offer some theoretical starting points. They emphasise the leading role of governmental and cultural institutions and social actors in maintain the various discourses of historical traumas. They specifically address the responsibility of historians and political elites in creating ethnic tensions. Trianon, in their conception represents a functional metaphor, a complex theme with several well established but mutually exclusive and contradicting interpretations, which have become a ‘raw material’ in the continuing process of construing national identities in both countries.
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Agrarian political movement represents a significant chapter of the Slovak history in the first half of the 20th century. Its beginnings date back to the start of the 20thcentury. Despite several efforts to make it independent it remained part of an integrated Slovak political block before the World War I. It originated as a separate political party with the name National Republican Peasant Party only in 1919 under the new conditions of democratic Czechoslovakia. After unification with their Czech agrarian partners to the united Czechoslovak Republican Party of Peasants and Small Farmers it became the most influential centralist party in Slovakia since the parliamentary elections in 1925 and it kept this position until the end of the first Czechoslovak Republic. The goal of the agrarian party in Slovakia was to attract with its political program the most numerous part of the Slovak population that was employed in agriculture. The party tried to improve material conditions of the population of countryside, in which middle peasant estate absented. The main mean to achieve this goal became the land reform. Its enactment and later its administration became the main point of the party’s political agitation. During the first years of the Czechoslovak Republic the agrarian party in Slovakia was a separate political subject. Because of different opinions about the orientation of the party on peasantry and about the Slovak autonomy, the union with the nationalist wing failed and in 1921 the Slovak National Party separated form the agrarian party again. Slovak agrarians co-operated with their Czech agrarian partners already from the beginning of the republic and after the elections in 1920 they created common parliamentary club. The cooperation culminated with unification of Czech and Slovak agrarians to the united Czechoslovak party. Both sides enjoyed benefits of the unification. Czech agrarians extended their influence to agrarian Slovakia and thanks to it became the strongest party in Czechoslovakia and the Slovak wing of the new party could rely on support of the stronger partner in enforcing its requests on the statewide level. Despite of the fusion to the unified Czechoslovak party, Milan Hodža didn’t abandon his project of cooperation with Slovak fractions of statewide parties and Slovak political subjects. Position in the centre of the Czechoslovak party political spectrum enabled agrarians to seek allies on the left as well as on the right wing. They created not only the axis of the nationwide coalition cabinets, but also of the right-wing cabinets in the second half of the 20th century. Great credit for the creation of this partnership belongs to Milan Hodža who became the clear leader of the Slovak agrarians after 1922. He played a key role in a discussion and convinced Hlinka’s Slovak People’s party to join the government of the first Czechoslovak Republic in 1927, too. The work also tries to answer the question why the party which declared itself a defender of the interests of the largest group of the Slovak population didn’t manage to become the best supported political party in Slovakia. Religion still played a significant role during elections. Majority of Slovak Catholics voted for the clerical Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party which tried to enforce the Slovak autonomy in Czechoslovakia. Agrarians had a significant support in regions with the high number of Lutheran population. Czechoslovak orientation and the alliance with Czech agrarians allowed their Slovak partners to obtain seats in the Czechoslovak governments. As a minister of agriculture in the years 1922 – 1926 Hodža enforced many important demands for the development of Slovak agriculture. The work consists of five chapters with different extent. The first chapter deals with basic ideas of agrarian political ideology. It contains a brief sketch about the formation of the Slovak agrarian political movement before 1918. The following chapter deals with the beginnings of the agrarian party in Slovakia after the establishment of Czechoslovakia, continues with the unsuccessful effort to create a strong nationwide political power and ends with the unification to the Czechoslovak agrarian party in 1922. The chapters 3 and 4 focus on activities of Slovak agrarians in the Czechoslovak agrarian party. The 3rd chapter concentrates on enlarging of the administrative structure of the party in Slovakia and on the office of the main secretariat in Bratislava with its boss František Seďa. It was able to maintain some level of autonomy also after the unification with the Czech partners. The 4th chapter deals with Hodža´s participation in creation of the first right-wing government of Czechoslovakia and his role in convincing Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party to enter the cabinet and in passing a new regional administration law for Slovakia. Except those problems, the author analyses Hodža´s position on Czechoslovak political scene, in the Czechoslovak agrarian party and also the unsuccessful efforts of his Slovak party opponents to threaten his position in Slovakia. The last chapter concentrates on party’s affiliated political organizations and institutions in Slovakia. They played an important role in the party’s successes in the first Czechoslovak Republic. The work deals with the development of the party until 1929 which was one of principal milestones of the first Czechoslovak Republic. It is often called “the end of its golden era”. Just two days after the parliamentary elections in this year came the collapse at the New York stock market. It became the first evident demonstration of the great depression that influenced political and economic life in Czechoslovakia in the next years. Generation change among the leaders of the agrarian party and also in its Slovak wing started, too.
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Две револуције на тлу Русије, фебруара и октобра 1917. Годи не имале су далекосежне последице на цео турбулентни 20. век. Русија неће бити творац и гарант мировних уговора после Првог светског рата, чиме ће нехотично охрабривати ревизионизме поражених или држава незадовољних новим поретком. Револуција и грађански рат унели су у европску свакодневицу појам „бољшевизам“, који постаје синоним за свако зло против кога се ваља борити свим средствима, па и у савезу са „црним ђаволом“. За Србију, то је била далекосежна промена тектонског карактера. Може се само нагађати да ли је била тежа неизвесност у току јулске кризе 1914. или губитак ослонца 1917. године. Прошло је сто година од тада. Руска револуција је као тема историчара крајем 20. века постепено маргинализована. Поистовећивана је са идеологизованим клишеом и постепено је подвргавана ништа мање идеологизованој ревизији или друштвеном забораву. [...]
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Prema popisu stanovništva od 31. decembra 1900. godine, u njoj je od poljoprivrede živelo 2.093.947 stanovnika, ili 83,97% ukupnog stanovniötva. Najviše seljaštva imao je beogradski okrug, čak 91,05%, što je svakako posledica konjukture poljoprivredne proizvodnje usled blizine Beograda, kao velikog i sigurnog tržišta. U niökom okrugu bilo je, međutim, najmanje seljaštva, “samo” 79,08%, jer je Niš, iako najveći grad u Srbiji posle Beograda, brže pretvarao okolno seljaštvo u građane nego što je izrastao u značajno tržište poljoprivrednih proizvoda. Zato što su, nepismene i neprosvećene, mnogo ređe od muškaraca napuštale selo, seljanke su činile 86,01% ženskog stanovništva u Srbiji, pri čemu najviše u beogradskom okrugu, čak 92,25%, a najmanje u vranjskom, tek 82,16%. I pored znatnog stradanja u ratovima muškarci na selu su bili brojniji od žena početkom 20. veka. Oni su činili 50,25%, a žene 49,75% ukupnog seljaštva. Žene su predstavljale tek nešto više od polovine seljaštva u okruzima: kragujevačkom, krajinskom, kruševačkom, smedervskom, rudničkom, timočkom i užičkom.
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The book presents various aspects of literary representations of post-Holocaust trauma in texts of Polish and German literature. The phenomena of transgenerational memory transmission or – as Marianne Hirsh puts it – "postmemory" are an important element of the author’s reflections.
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Volume I of the monograph of Oświęcim contains a presentation of the history of the surrounding land and an analysis of cultural aspects of the city's functioning. At first the authors analyze changes in the boundaries and routes, and route names from the earliest times to the present, and then show the political history of the region, which repeatedly changed its national, administrative and diocesan affiliation. The second part of the volume discusses the development of architecture and art. in Oświęcim, including the most important monuments and silhouettes of the most eminent artists, as well as the development of education. Also, prominent figures from Oświęcim were presented. The volume closes with a calendar of the city's history.
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Volume II of the monograph of Oświęcim contains the history of the city. It has been divided into two parts devoted to the systemic changes, spatial and economic development and religious life. The authors discuss the meaning of the name of the city, its districts and streets, and the history of the city’s coat of arms. They present the results of archaeological research and the history of the city from the earliest times until the early years of the People’s Republic of Poland. A separate chapter is devoted to the history of the Oświęcim Jews. The second part discusses, among other things, locations of church buildings, religious orders operating in Oświęcim, as well as outstanding figures of religious life, which contributed to the development of the city.
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The books presents the results of research on negative images of women in different historical periods. The authors deliberate whether the attitudes associated with “evil” women change throughout history and if the same actions taken by men and women are judged in the same way. The research is based on the variety of sources: from ancient philosophy to contemporary press.
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Ayhan Aktar has been working on anti-minority policies in modern Turkey since 1991. In the Ottoman Empire’s final decade (in 1906), non-Muslims constituted 20% of the population; by 1927, they were reduced to 2.5% and, nowadays, they make up less than 0.02% of the population of Modern Turkey. Armenians were subjected to deportations (1915), Greeks were ‘exchanged’ (1922–1924) and Jews were forced to migrate abroad (after 1945). Like many other nation-states in the Near East, Turkey has been able to homogenize its population on religious grounds. This book is a collection of Aktar's articles about this transformation.Aktar criticises nationalist historiographies and argues "For instance, a scholar conducting research on the Jewish community during the republican period could easily come to the conclusion that only Jews were discriminated against by the Turkish state. However, this is only partially true! All non-Muslim minorities were discriminated against and their stories cannot be understood unless the Turkish state and its policies are placed at centre stage. Utilizing diplomatic correspondence in the British and US National Archives has enabled me to understand anti-minority policies as a whole and to treat the subject within a totality."This book will interest scholars and students of nationalism, minority studies and Turkish history and politics.
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The work shows customs and everyday life in historical, literary, anthropological and sociological perspective. It explores classical research subjects, describing court and military life, as well as the phonic sphere, literary imagination and medical influence of confection on everyday life.
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The bilingual (Polish-English) and richly illustrated book is an attempt to show the references between the history of University of Warsaw and the development of photography – a crucial invention for the new visual civilization. The book covers the period from 1839, when the invention of daguerreotype was announced in France and when the first daguerreotypes were made in Poland, to 1921, when the situation of the University, reactivated during the World War I, was finally stabilized after the Polish-Soviet War. On the one hand the book presents the buildings of the University and the oldest photos of the people who created the history of the institution, on the other hand – it contains the reflection on the origins of photography in Warsaw and on the participation of the scientific milieu in its development. Which is worth noticing, at the beginning of the 1850s the scientists of the University of Warsaw already regarded photography as a useful research tool. The book is divided into two parts. The comprehensive essay illustrated with several dozens of figures is devoted to the origins of the photography and to its connection with the University of Warsaw. In the album more than 100 photographs (with the extensive commentaries) present the portraits of the professors and the students, the buildings and the important events related to the University. The publication is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Poland license (CC BY 3.0 PL) (full license available at: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/pl/legalcode).
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The book is devoted to modernization of Poland from a historical perspective, with particular emphasis on the post-1989 transformation process. It is an attempt at a theoretical, interdisciplinary approach developed within the author’s own theory of social system (the concept of a meeting). It also contains reflections on the possibility of opening the way to a new identity of the Poles and the search for Poland’s exit from the state known as the periphery of the world.
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Periodično sagledavanje historiografske produkcije u Bosni i Hercegovini imalo je značajne rezultate za ocjenu njenih dostignuća i planiranje budućih aktivnosti. Agresija na Bosnu i Hercegovinu 1992–1995. imala je krupne posljedice na stanje bosanskohercegovačke historiografije, historiografije jugoistočne Evrope, pa i šire, a kao posljedica toga povećan je interes za prošlost i traženje u njoj odgovora na aktualna zbivanja. U tom razdoblju u Bosni I Hercegovini i njenom susjedstvu historijska nauka je poslužila i kao instrument aktualne politike, pa je ponestalo mjesta za kritičke analize historijskih izvora i njihovo objektivno vrednovanje i interpretiranje. Od tada su prisutne težnje da se stvaraju separirani i zatvoreni sistemi kako bi se imala vlastita nacionalna nauka, institucije, umjetnost i školstvo, a to je dovelo do degradacije nauke i kulture i njene marginalizacije u odnosu na evropske i svjetske tokove. I pored izuzetno nepovoljnih mogućnosti za bavljenje historijskom naukom, zabilježeni su ipak određeni rezultati. U središtu istraživanja raznih profila naučnika nalazili su se uglavnom radovi koji su se bavili nacionalnom problematikom. Tematska zastupljenost bila je usmjerena na teme koje se odnose na vlastitu naciju, granice, političku historiju, regionalnu i lokalnu problematiku, što je dovelo do zatvaranja u uske, nacionalne okvire. Mogućnost saradnje ili rada na zajedničkim projektima u Bosni i Hercegovini u potpunosti je marginalizirana.
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This richly illustrated publication in English presents the history and symbolism of the emblem of the University of Warsaw. In the first part the author describes the circumstances of establishing the emblem in 1817, the ideological content expressed by the symbols considered at the time, the reasons for choosing the White Eagle as a key element of the emblem, its relations to the University seals and new signs of University identity existing after the abolition of the original emblem. The second part contains a study of an unrecognized sphragistic system of the University. The third part is a catalogue of seal matrices preserved in the University Museum.
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