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The transnational transport links were major political and economical priority to modern Europe. The great powers had their own interests in building railroads in the Balkans, but the contending ideas of the transbalkan railroads also show the interests of the small Balkan countries.Noting the position of the Balkans can be stated that railroad ideas at first were not only economical but also military in their origin. This article is presenting the situation and Italian influence in building some of the Balkan railroads.
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The present paper is of high relevance, because this year marks the 100th anniversary of the events of 1917, which forces us to reconsider the situation of that time. The subjects of the study are reflections of the ideological paradigm of the October Revolution in the consciousness of today’s young Russian people. The purpose of the study is to analyze changes in the attitude to the events of 1917 and the opinion of the modern Russian Society on them. The empirical material was investigated using content analysis with the AutoMap software. The results of the study show that young people today think that the October Revolution of 1917 is an important event of the 20th century, only, while the February Revolution is almost missing in their linguistic consciousness. The most popular is the idea of social justice. Among the historical characters of the events of 1917, the images of Lenin and Stalin stand out. The study has also revealed the high efficiency of the sacred ideals of Christianity as the basis for the formation of a new world order idols in Russia.
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The urgency of the work lies in the fact that English culture and literary tradition were significant in the life and creative development of Pasternak. The article is devoted to the problem of interaction of Russian and English literatures in the Boris Pasternak’s works. It deals with the facts of direct appeal of the poet to the creative heritage of English poets and playwrights, special attention is paid to the images of Shakespeare’s tragedies, which manifested not only in the poet’s correspondence with his relatives, but also in the poems (The Decade of Presny, Shakespeare, English Lessons etc.) and in the novel Doctor Zhivago. The images of Shakespeare’s tragedies (Macbet’s witches, Ophelia, Desdemona, Birnam forest) allow Pasternak to describe the events taking place in the family and in the country in whole. They become the topic of Pasternak’s literary-critical articles (Hamlet, Prince of Denmark (on behalf of the translator), Notes on Shakespeare, etc.). They express not only the understanding of the main images of his works, the interpretation of their conflicts and Pasternak’s observations on Shakespeare’s style, but also the reasoning about his own method of translating. Thus, the Pasternak was under the influence of Shakespeare’s style long before working upon the translations of his plays.
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“St. Anastasia” is the only island on the Black Sea coast of present-day Bulgaria with a preserved monastery. It was under the jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople until 1900, when it was sold with all its property by the last Greek abbot, Archimandrite Antim, to two Burgas entrepreneurs. The sale was met with great indignation by the Burgas public and was annulled in 1901 by the Burgas District Court. After that the monastery passed under the management of the Municipality of Burgas. The abandoned monastery church was solemnly consecrated on August 15th of the same year by the Sliven Metropolitan Bishop Gervasius. The text presents three unpublished letters by the publicist and social figure Raicho Raichev sent in 1911 from the island to Atanas Chilingirov who at that time worked at the National Archaeological Museum in Sofia. The letters reveal unknown moments in the history of the monastery in the early 20th c. and are evidence of the state of the cultural monuments and artefacts preserved there. During the sale, the monastery lost much of its cultural property, library and archives. Some artifacts were transferred to the Greek consulate in Burgas in 1901 and handed over to the Athens Metropolitan in 1929. Raicho Raichev’s letters also reveal an attempt that has been made to export icons. On July 25, 1911, a “Russian with several servants” arrived on the island. He searched the monastery and removed 12 old icons from one of the cells. The “Russian prayed to tears” to the guard of the monastery to let him take them, but thanks to the intervention of Raicho Raichev the icons remain in the monastery. At this stage of the research it is difficult to establish exactly which icons were saved by Raicho Raichev. Probably among them are the works of the icon painter Dimitar and Joan of Ahtopol, some of the most talented and sought-after painters who worked in the Western Black Sea region in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Today the preserved icons are extremely important for future research of the monastery and its history. They are important for clarifying the construction periodization of the church, the dating of the iconostasis and are evidence of the financial capabilities and connections of the island monastery with the metropolitan centers along the coast.
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Review of: Сандра Лукић - Српски историјски часопис II и III-IV. Удружење историчара Републике Српске „Милорад Екмечић“ 2019. и 2021, стр. 200 и стр. 254
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Когда летом 1921 года, на третий год существования самостоятельной Чехословацкой республики, Карел Чапек в газете ≪Лидове новины≫ размышлял о новых книгах исторической эпики Йозефа Сватоплука Махара, а именно о его ≪поэтической истории≫, то среди прочего констатировал, что ≪если из всей его грандиозной ревизии истории остается только личностная вера в сильного человека, то это мало для боевого духа, который сам был и остается сильной личностью, однако всегда ищет надличной идейной и моральной уверенности. Вероятно, этого мало и для читателя, который несмотря ни на что хотел бы вычитать из истории чуть больше, чем немного горделивое и слегка пессимистическое признание нескольких героев≫.1 А за пять дней до этого в той же самой газете Чапек высказал именно такое пессимистическое предположение о том, что ≪сегодня литература и искусство вообще не возбуждают всеобщего внимания в такой степени, как перед войной≫, причем одной из причин, с его точки зрения, может быть ≪очевидное безразличие к духовному творчеству, которое чувствуется повсюду, во всех газетах и в общественной жизни≫.
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The professional biography of Nikola Hadzhi Slavchev – one of the pioneers of the brewing industry in our country is the embodiment of the life maxim that success begins with a fresh start. However, the guarantees for this are rooted in the leadership qualities of the entrepreneur – measured risk, effective solutions for the production and marketing, and a clear vision for the future. The well-educated Nikola h. Slavchev, a school alumnus of Robert College in Constantinople and the Military School in Sofia, changed his life in 1892, taking responsibility for his father’s heritage. Initially, the Hadzhi Slavchevi brothers in partnership with Ivan Halachev established a general partnership for the production and trading of beer. In 1906 the partnership was broken down. The crisis was solved by Nikola hadzhi Slavchev. He gathered the assets and liabilities of the company, invested his capital in the establishment of a limited company “Nikola Hadzhi Slavchev”. As an unlimitedly responsible member, he lead thoughtfully the brewing company until 1923. During the Balkan wars and the World War I (1912–1918), the production and consumption of beer increased enormously and the factory in Turnovo town became one of the most sought-after partners. In parallel with this activity Nikola h. Slavchev was a concessionaire of the coal mine “LEV” in the region of Tryavna. He made the first attempts to create a housing fund for his workers. Donation was not alien to him either. During his lifetime, he established a trustee fund for the education of poor children and support for cultural and educational institutions.
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Сарајево, Босна и Херцеговина. Како се стогодишњица приближава, гроздови посетилаца су се збили на уличном углу музеја у сарајевском старом граду, који се налази тамо где је Гаврило Принцип потражио своје место у историји 28. јуна 1914, када је испалио хице који су убили надвојводу Фрању Фердинанда и његову супругу Софију, подстакавши [setting off] Први светски рат. Али, уза све узбуђено ћеретање туриста на тротоару где је деветнаестогодишњи Принцип испалио хитац из свог полуаутоматског пиштоља „браунинг", убивши педесетогодишњег наследника хабзбуршког престола и његову трудну супругу, постоји прожимајућа обичност у амбијенту. Мало тога изражава велику озбиљност атентата-убиства и његових последица: главне европске силе и њихове савезнице - Британија, Француска, Немачка, Русија и Хабзбуршко и Османско царство - како корачају у смакнутом поретку у рат. [...]
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Quelling of the so called “counter-conspiracy” movement marked the temporary victory of officer-conspirers responsible for the May 1903 coup d’état and assassination of Obrenović royal couple. In years 1906-1907 Nikola Pašić and his cabinet found interest in cooperating with conspirers and managed to suppress opposition coming from the part of Serbian officers corps which were against influences on politics coming from the nonconstitutional elements. Captain Milan Novaković became leader of this movement although he spent two years in prison. Immediately after return fron his imprisoment je founded Society for legal solution of conspirers question which aimed to remove all conspirers from public life and punish them for assassination and coup d’etat from 1903. Political constellation, however, prevented this endeavor to end successfully. Novaković brothers were arrested under false accusation and subsequently murdered. According to the available documents describing attitudes of Serbian officials it can be concluded that they were murdered for their political engagement. Initialy Minister of interior issued official statement which stated that brothers killed each other. Soon after he denied this statement. Whole affair was taken of the agenda by simple vote in National parliament. Novaković affair happened in the middle of important events which influenced not only the Balkans but Europe and the rest of the world as well. Their fate was unjustufuly put aside. This murder never reached judicial conclusion while even today no one conluded that Novaković brothers payed with their lives to do what Pašić and Prince regent Aleksandar Karađorđević managed to do on Salonika trial in 1917 – to put an end on military influencing Serbian politics.
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The present pamphlet, as is evident from the text, was written at the end of September and was finished on October 1, 1917. The October 25 Revolution has transferred the question raised in this pamphlet from the sphere of theory to the sphere of practice. This question must now be answered by deeds, not words. The theoretical arguments advanced against the Bolsheviks taking power were feeble in the extreme. These arguments have been shot to pieces. The task now is for the advanced class—the proletariat— to prove in practice the viability of the workers' and peasants' government. All class-conscious workers, all the active and honest peasants, all working and exploited people, will do everything they can to solve the immense historic question in practice. // To work, everybody to work, the cause of the world socialist revolution must and will triumph. (from the preface written by Lenin, St. Petersburg, November 9, 1917.)
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This paper deals with the part of the ideological world of Russian emigrants, primarily priests and theologians, who wrote on the pages of the Serbian church press of the 1920s about the reasons and causes of the coup in Russia in 1917. The approach from the standpoint of providentialism, which was traditional for Christian church in explaining the historical processes, dominated; at the same time, apocalyptic–symbolic–esoteric tones prevailed as they were intensified by the real difficulties of refugee life. When Russian emigrants tried to study the mystery of success of the October revolution, they used the Serbian church periodical press to show their anti-Semitic moods, criticism of communism from the Christian position and fear of the Bolshevism.
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This paper deals with the analysis of the demographic position of the Serbian people in Old Serbia on the verge of the 20th century. A special attention is paid to the factors of emigration, expropriation, colonization of Muhajirun and crimes, all of which being tools used by the Turkish authorities. Assisted by the Arbanasi plundering troops, they were actively working on realizing the process of marginalization and the ethnic cleansing of Serbs from the territory of Kosovo Vilayet, that was proved by numerous reports of diplomatic representatives, customs services and also by the chiefs of the border areas of the Kingdom of Serbia.
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Матяш Ірина, Тертична Анна, Манасієва Інна. Українсько-болгарські відносини: офіційна і культурна дипломатія (1918–1944). Київ-Софія, Інститут історії України, 2021. 372 с.
Book Review
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The Ukrainian historiography pays special attention to the inter-ethnical relations during the National Ukrainian Revolution of 1917 - 1921, as the falling of tsarism freed the expression possibilities of the populations living in the Russian Empire, they having, thus, the opportunity to declare the necessity of protecting their own cultural interests and, in some cases, of creating national states. The analysis of the national/ethnic processes during the revolution started in 1917 has not covered yet the entire range of problems. There is still much to be said about the regional disputes or cooperation between various ethnic groups. This fact is proven by the series of publications of the Ukrainian historian V. Ustymenko who examines the ethnic and political processes in the Popular Ukrainian Republic from the point of view of the officials from Kiew, leaving the research of the regional aspects of this issue still open for discussion. The present article analyses the social and political conditions under which the Ukrainian and Moldavian national associations from Odessa developed during the 1917 revolution, highlighting the cooperation between them under various aspects regarding the public attitudes (joint demonstrations, looking for solutions to the mutual problems in the political and cultural areas, forming national military units). The leaders of the Ukrainian Military Rada from Odessa (OUMR), especially I. Luțenko, considered the creation of the Ukrainian military units as a necessary element for the formation of the future Ukrainian state. The Moldavian Military Committee pursued similar goals, proving a trust worthy partner for OUMR in reaching their goals. The Moldavian and Ukrainian military organizations had to face the opposition of the Odessa Military District, of Rumcherod (Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Romanian Front, Black Sea Fleet and Odessa Oblast), of the Council of the Representatives of Officers and Soldiers, as well as of the Russian parties which dominated the political life in the region. Eventually, significant ethnic military units were successfully created in the Odessa region (12,000 Ukrainian militaries and 3000 Moldavians). They cooperated initially with the Ukrainian Steering Committee (UKC), founded in March 1917, which wanted to contribute to the creation of an autonomous national government lead by Tsentralna Rada (the Central Rada). The Odessa Moldavian Military Committee cooperated initially with the representative Ukrainian bodies, but soon shifted towards reaching their own national goals in Bessarabia.
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The collection includes 18 materials published or prepared for publication by the author over the last five years. They reflect the scientific search, which is filled with domestic historical science, which develops current issues of experience of the XX century. Some of the publications devoted to projects carried out jointly with foreign colleagues have appeared in Russian-language publications and are little known to Ukrainian readers. In preparation for publication, all of them were revised, if necessary, they were made with the necessary corrections and minimal additions to agree between the plots of the book. In the case of reprints, the texts are submitted mainly in the original version and form of the relevant publication, indicating the republics, or, in case of some differences, those that are given authorial preference.
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Purpose of Article is to carry out an analysis of general scientific conditions and a particular theoretical and methodological basis for the formation of professional art history in Ukraine in the XIX – n. XX century as a component of the European science of the art of that time. The methodology of the research is based on the foundations of an integrated approach and the use of analytical, art-comparative, chronological, generalizing methods for the formation of a holistic view of the scientific parameters of national studies of the Ukrainian pictorial classics of the epoch. The scientific novelty is conditioned by the review and systematization of significant national general cultural ideas and leading theories of European science on the art of the late XIX-early XX century as a scientific tool for the research activities of domestic specialists.
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Articolul analizează texte publicate în anii 1916 şi 1942, consacrate Ucrainei şi importanţei acesteia pentru România. Cea mai mare ţară vecină constituie în mare măsură până astăzi o terra incognita. În bibliografia română de specialitate lipsesc lucrări adecvate, care să ofere informaţii despre istoria şi cultura Ucrainei sau despre relaţiile reciproce româno‐ucrainene. Cu atât mai importante par mărturiile discutate în cadrul celor trei texte: polemica istoriografică a lui N. Iorga, broşura politică aparţinând lui Z. Arbore şi eseul lui T. Răşcanu, toate apărute în contextul celor două războaie modniale, când în urma transformărilor pe harta Europei chestiunea ucraineană a devenit şi din perspectivă românească o problemă politică importantă. Prezentarea acestor texte necesită reliefarea contextului istoric, analiza referindu‐se la informaţii şi evalurăi de natură istorică, politică, geografică, antropologică şi lingvistică. Articolul constituie o bază pentru formularea de întrebări cu privire la actualitatea acestor materiale pentru imaginea contemporană a României despre Ucraina.
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In order to make the thorough mendacity of Putin's rhetoric about "Ukraine as a State of Neo-Nazis" fully evident, CEEOL is offering the Ukrainian Jewish journal ”Ї“ as the strongest possible proof of a habit of "modern Ukrainian and world intellectual thought". The NGO "Ї", an independent cultural organization founded in the late 1980's in L'viv, focuses on modern Ukrainian and world intellectual thought. It offers periodic forums for discussion of issues concerning Ukraine and, among others, Europe, Russia, post-Byzantium, the Muslim Renaissance. It analyzes the current situation in order to develop future socio-political strategies. The organization also publishes "Ї", a quarterly journal dealing with European and Ukrainian issues in politics, philosophy, and culture. It also examines the relationship of Ukrainians with Russians, Poles, Austrians, and Jews and places Ukraine in a modern geopolitical sphere that can further Ukraine's identity as a modern state.
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