Jasmin Mandžukić, Tešanj – lokalna uprava 1878. – 1941. (tešanjski gradonačelnici)
Review of: Jasmin Mandžukić, "Tešanj – lokalna uprava 1878. – 1941. (tešanjski gradonačelnici)"; Izdavač: autor, Tešanj 2017 by: Omer Hamzić
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Review of: Jasmin Mandžukić, "Tešanj – lokalna uprava 1878. – 1941. (tešanjski gradonačelnici)"; Izdavač: autor, Tešanj 2017 by: Omer Hamzić
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Branach-Kallas situates the concept of trauma in the context of World War I. She discusses cultural trauma theory, illustrating its basic characteristics with examples from the cultural history of the Great War. The article also analyses the representation of individual and cultural trauma in selected British and French novels by Louisa Young, Pat Barker, Marc Dugain and Pierre Lemaitre. The central figure of the facially disfigured soldier becomes an epitome of individual and cultural trauma, inspiring a critique of the nation-state and an exploration of (post)modern identities.
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Overall, relations between Poland and Romania can be divided into three main stages: the interwar period between the end of World War I and the outbreak of World War II; from the end of World War II to the end of the Cold War and the dissolution of the bipolar world order; and from that point to the present. This paper comprises three parts, each devoted to one of the phases listed above. I argue that Polish-Romanian cooperation has been primarily restricted to the economic sphere, with cultural and political relations following. It is significant that during the period analysed the two states have concluded numerous bilateral agreements, treaties and conventions, of which many are still in force. Examining them reveals what areas of bilateral relations have been predominant, and it is on such primary sources that the research presented here is based.
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In this anniversary year of the Great Union, this volume about the Romanian aeronautics in the first World War brings not only a narrative, but also a rich photographic album. Almost 400 images, showing people and devices that were part of their lives at that time, complete the written information.
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Using data collected during the inter-war period, the article seeks to identify long-term biological effects of food shortages and the increased incidence of contagious diseases during the First World War on a population of pupils of Cracow schools. This goal is achieved through an analysis of the remaining source materials from 1919–33 concerning the height of the population in question. The study found that the impact of the war manifests itself in a lower average height of pupils born in 1915 and in delayed puberty among the cohorts of 1912–15. The article also lists the potential consequences of such drastic long-term effects of the war.
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During the German occupation of 1915–1918 the General Staff of the General Government of Warsaw established the structure superior to the German Civil Administration of the GGW. Guidelines of the Staff were followed by eleven military governments, and their superiors de facto supervised operations of the local authorities. Military governments used Landsturm troops that formed the core of the occupation army. In the Polish territory, the Staff of the GGW maintained a kind of internal front throughout the whole occupation period, even after the declaration of the 5th November Act of 1916.
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The paper outlines the history of terrorism in imperial Russia at the turn of the 19th to 20th century as well as in the USSR. The author reviews Vladimir Lenin’s political ideas regarding terrorism and the validity of the Bolsheviks using terror. Then, the author presents the origin of terrorism and some of the arguably most important terrorist acts committed during the times of imperial Russia and the USSR up until 1991. The information presented in the paper shows that terrorism was valued as an instrument of political fi ght in the past and it has been elevated to the rank of art of war and developed on a mass scale. Its political infl uence is much stronger now than was the case of terrorists in the late 19th and early 20th century as a result of the omnipresent mass media spreading information.
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In his contribution the author attempts to establish the degree to which war conditions change certain ethnographic traits and create new ones, or new uses and forms of traditional cultural forms. Since World War One continued with Italian occupation of Istria until 1945, it could be asserted that the whole period was an attack on the national rights of the Slavic population of Istria by blocking or destroying its ethnographic properties. It is interesting that rural women were the most significant subjects of revolt against ethnic oppression. They invented numerous ways to counteract the enemy, particularly in the course of struggle to secure basic food supplies in those difficult times. Some of them completely neglected agriculture and entered new, urban-based occupations. A more intensive study of this subject, which may at first glance appear non-ethnological, could bring some interesting ethnological results.
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This work deals with international legal aspect of the small part of the massive war crimes that were committed by arm forces of Austria-Hungary, Germany, Bulgaria and Turkey during the First World War against Serbian civilian population, prisoners of war, the wounded and sick. These war crimes were committed in Serbia, Montenegro and Bosnia-Herzegovina as well as in the concentration camps in Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria and Turkey. Austria, Germany, Bulgaria and Turkey on daily basis severely violated existing international Convention on the Laws and Customs of War on Land (Hague IV 1907), Rules on Laws and Customs of War on Land from 1907 as well as customary international law of war, although listed countries were signatories to the said Convention and Rules from 1907 and were obliged to adhere to and implement the same. This article is a modest contribution to refute the attempts of revision of the responsibilities of the defeated Central Powers Austria, Germany, Hungary and Turkey in the First World War their aggression, occupation of Serbia and the massive war crimes, as well as all attempts to shift the responsibility on Serbia and Russia.
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On the occasion of the 120'h birth anniversary of Dr. Vilko Anderlić, the article portrays his life and work (1882 - 1957). Priest in the Diocese of Đakovo and Srijem, professor at the School of Theology in Đakovo, Dr. Anderlić was also the author of the first manual of Catholic social doctrine published in Đakovo in 1912 under the title "Sociology". The article first focuses on his teaching (1911 - 1914), then the time when he was a parish priest in Berok (1914 - 1930) and Sotin (1930 -1957), then it points to certain difficulties Dr. Anderlić was facing in his pastoral work, difficulties which somehow defined his writing. Among the problems he was facing we can mention the ethnic issue in Sotin, problems with catechism in schools after 1945, various economic issues (social justice, municipal system, peasents', workers' and women's rights issues), which were a result of the outburst of liberalism and later on Marxist ideology. In its conclusion the article shows a survey of Dr. Anderlić's publishing and editorial work in the weekly magazine "Hrvatski Borac", presenting a meticulous bibliography of his works.
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Ernests Štālbergs (1883–1958) experienced two world wars and six different political regimes one after the other. His biography is an obvious example of how fundamental socio-political shifts can affect not only the architect’s private life but also his professional output and even the work on particular objects. The Russian Empire period (1883–1917) Štālbergs was born in Liepāja in 1883. In the conditions of rapid industrialisation and urbanisation since the 1870s, his native town, then part of the Province of Courland in the Russian Empire, had become an important industrial centre with a large commercial port. As the future architect’s father was a carpenter, Štālbergs became involved with this craft during the construction boom in late 19th century Liepāja, thus taking a deeper interest in architecture. After completing the Liepāja City Realschule in 1902, Štālbergs began his two-year studies of architecture at Kazan Art School’s Department of Architecture. When he graduated from the school with a first-degree diploma in 1904, he was enrolled in the Department of Architecture of the St. Petersburg Academy of Arts without entrance exams. Štālbergs studied at the academy for a long period, from 1904 to 1914. This was partly related to financial problems as well as to political events, such as the Revolution of 1905. The budding architect’s studies dragged on also due to his first major designing and construction experience. Together with the architect Vladimir Shchuko, he designed and supervised construction of the Russian Empire’s pavilion at the International Exhibition of Art in Rome (1911). In comparison with the Russian Empire’s exhibition structures of previous years, the Rome pavilion was the first to show the regional character of Russian Classicism instead of the Russian Revival architecture as an embodiment of the national specificity. After graduating from the academy, Štālbergs stayed on in St. Petersburg and began to teach at Yelena Bagayeva’s private Women’s Higher Courses of Architecture. The Collapse of the Empire and the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (1917–1922) The academy was closed down after the Bolshevik coup of 1918; The Petrograd State Free Art Studios were opened in its place and Štālbergs began to head the master studio of architecture there. For a short period, the architect was the rector and the dean of the architecture department at the new institution. He also became actively involved in the art scene and the Russian avant-garde movement. As a result, he was the editorial board member of the radical newspaper Art of the Commune and created festive decorations for Petrograd in the first anniversary of the October coup. Period of the Republic of Latvia (1922–1940) The new order in Soviet Russia was grotesque, so the architect returned to Latvia in 1922, taking an instructor’s job at the recently opened University of Latvia, Faculty of Architecture, where he headed his master studio of architecture for almost 30 years. In Latvia he could freely realise his ideas and designed various objects for both the university and the political elite but as a modernist, he saw architecture as a potential solution to social problems. The period of social democratic governments typifies Štālbergs’ work on the Riga municipality’s apartment house on Lomonosova Street and the ambitious people’s house project. Two monuments designed by Štālbergs, created together with the sculptor Kārlis Zāle, are recognised as outstanding examples of the synthesis between architecture and sculpture and are significant in the political context. The Freedom Monument became the inter-war period’s main public art object and a national symbol. Štālbergs’ major contribution to the monument project is its successful location on Brīvības Boulevard, Riga’s main urban axis. The other object is the monument to the Riga 6th Infantry Regiment. Clear means of spatial organisation derived from Constructivism created the necessary preconditions for remembrance of the soldiers in a limited space. Second World War (1940–1945) The years of the Second World War were a tragic period in the architect’s life, especially the Nazi occupation from June 1941, as his wife was Jewish. The ban on construction in the Nazi period along with Štālbergs’ emotional experiences and passive resistance to the occupational regimes were not favourable to new projects. During this period, his only work was teaching at the University of Latvia. When three quarters of Latvia’s architects fled westwards at the end of the war, Štālbergs, however, decided to stay in his homeland. Life in Soviet Latvia (1945–1958) The restored Soviet occupational regime held Štālbergs in high esteem at first, heaping him with prestigious posts and various honorary titles. The regime’s recognition followed in the practical field too, as the government assigned the architect to work on a new, ambitious hotel in Riga and he also designed the architectural part of the Lenin Monument. However, as an ever more conservative version of Socialist Realism was on the rise, the architect’s modern, West-inspired ideas appeared unacceptable to Soviet ideology. They were harshly condemned in the press, coinciding with the repressions against old teaching staff. Štālbergs was forced to quit his work at the university and all other posts. Until the end of his life, no new buildings were constructed to his designs in Soviet Latvia. Conclusion Ernests Štālbergs’ life and professional career were closely intertwined with Latvia’s dramatic history in the 20th century. Regardless of the general recognition in all periods, political history hindered the architect’s self-realisation. Štālbergs’ progressive ideas largely remained misunderstood because he strongly adhered to rational architectural solutions. Only their forms changed with the development of his work, initially based on classical architecture and later oriented towards modernism. Due to the political and economic situation and commissioners’ changing interpretations of architecture, Štālbergs’ realised works reveal a much more conservative and modest side of his creativity.
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Azerbaijan literature constitutes an important part within the Turkish World Literature and incorporates a variety of literal tendencies and traditions. Roots of Azerbaijan poems comes from masters such as Nizami, Hâkanî’, Nesimî, Fuzulî, Hataî, Kuşçuoğlu, Seyid Azim; and Vagif, Vidadi, Zakir, Sabir, Cavid, Hadi, Vahid. Azerbaijan Turks’ poems have gained richness since 13th century to today. The role of these genuine poets’ works is considered as important for the current position of contemporary Turkish poems. Since the beginning of 20th century, especially in the liberal atmosphere of 1905 manifest, a lot of Turkist, Turanist poets have raised. As it is known, Turanism is an expression of Turkist ideology and aims to unite all the Turkish states under the Turan state. A. Hüseynzade was the leading name of Turkism and Turanism ideology in Azerbaijan and in the whole Turkish world. Theoretical framework of Turkism was decided by Hüseynzade Ali Bey and Ziya Gökalp and a lot of poet have started to reflect this ideology to their works directly or indirectly since the beginning of the 20th century. To mention their literary works is necessary in order to define the nationalist tendencies in Azerbaijan. Ahmet Cevad, Mehemmed Hadi, Hüseyn Cavid and Almas Ildırım were some of the examples reflecting Turkist ideology in Azerbaijan. Ahmet Cevad and Hüseyin Cavid were deported in 1937. Almaz Ildırım was also an emigrated poet living in exile in his whole life. In this paper we will give brief information about their life and art.
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The author emphasises the influence that Oton Župančič had on the members of the Preporodovci movement, a national radical group named after the newspaper called Preporod (Renaissance). This movement was active before World War I, especially among pupils and students. The author especially focuses on the poem Kovaška (The Blacksmiths' Song), published for the first time 100 years ago and chosen as a motto of the aforementioned group in the Preporod newspaper. It is interesting that the influence of this poem can also be felt in the symbolism connected to this movement and in the names for its key members ("kovači" and "kladivarji"). The author also establishes that the Kovaška poem is an example of socially conscious literature, similarly as certain other Župančič's poems from that period.
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Die Frühlingsdemonstrationen 1903 in Kroatien, die dem zwanzigjährigem Regime des unterdrückerischen Bans Khuen Hedervary den Todesstoß versetzt hatten, lösten auch in Slowenien eine solidarische Bewegung aus. Im Mai und Juni 1903 gab es mehrere Protestversammlungen in Ljubljana, Celje, Slovenj Gradec, Triest, Gorz, Šempeter, Nabrežina (Aurisina), aber auch in kleineren slowenischen Ortschaften auf dem Land. Sie wurden gemeinsam von allen slowenischen Partein einberufen. Die Solidaritästsbewegung mit Kroaten in Slowenien beunruhigte die österreichische Regierung. Die Protestversammlungen kündigten nämlich der Regierung einen neuen Vorstoß jugoslawischer Bewegung in slowenischen Ländern. Die am 24. Mai 1903 in Ljubljana gehaltene Versammlung schlug in eine laute deutschfeindliche Demonstration um, die erst durch Gendarmen und Militär niedergedrückt wurde. Die Ljubljanaer deutschfeindlichen Demonstrationen hatten unerwartete Konsequenzen. Derentwegen entschloß sich nämlich der Ministerpräsident Körber, die Kaiseraudienz der Deputation dalmatinischer, istrischer und slowenischer Abgeordneter zu verhindern. Als die istrischen und slowenischen Abgeordneten im Parlament protestierten, antwortete Körber mit unverhüllten Drohungen, wobei er die Demonstrationen in Ljubljana erwähnte: "Zerbrochene Scheiben, Revolverkugel sind keine Zeichen der Sympathie der Nation und müssen bestraft werden. Es ist gefährlich mit dem Feuer zu spielen! Ich will keinen Alarm trommeln weil ich hoffe, daß das slowenische und kroatische Recht und Gesetz stark genug sind, um das slowenische und kroatische Volk auf dem rechten Weg zu behalten. Haben Sie vor Augen, daß Frieden im Staat erhalten bleiben muß; verlangen Sie nicht mehr von dem Staat, als er erfüllen kann!"
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On the basis of the diary of biskop A.B. Jeglič and diverse literary sources the author describes the relationship between the supreme church authorities and a leading politician of a Catholic of a Catholic orientation. Bishop Jeglič had respected the political wisdom of Dr. Korošec and his position in the political hierarchy, the conflicting interests pursued by Belgrade and the Vatican, but intimately the bishop resented his chaotic clerical status. Brielfly, the author also describes the relationship between Korošec and the successor of Jeglič bishop Rozman. The two bishops considered Korošec to be a most reliable mediator between the church on the one, and the court as well as state authorities, on the other hand, even though the relationship may often have been very tense, especially when the concordat had been signed.
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The life and work of Henrik Tuma in the region of Trieste and Gorizia falls into the period when the Slovene nation was becoming a subject in the Austria policy in order to be able to get actively involved in the events of the time it had to establish structures which other nations already possessed and from which they drawing they were drawing strength. The activity of Henrik Tuma in the founding and management of co-operatives, savings-banks and loan societies, educational and other institutions did not stem from his hostility towards Italians but from the belief that at that particular historical moment, it was no longer possible for hat, at that particular historical moment, it was no longer possible for the Slovene nation to be restricted to subjection only. Tuma was deeply aware of the significance Trieste held for the Slovene hinterland, as well as of the significance of the latter for it He was for coexistance of both nations, for the contest of cultures, but not for struggle.
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Pričujoči seznam kaže delavski tisk socialnodemokratskega razdobja na Slovenskem od leta 1868 do 11. aprila 1920, to je od prvega pojava — po dosedanjih podatkih — tiskane besede slovenskega delavstva do ustanovnega kongresa komunistične stranke v Sloveniji leta 1920. Zabeležen je tisk razredno aH marksistično orientiranih socialistov in socialnodemokratske stranke. Seznam upošteva tiske, ki imajo več kot dve strani besedila, torej poleg knjig, brošur, časnikov in časopisov tudi pravilnike, poročila in izkaznice (če imajo zraven pravila). Izpušča pa leposlovje ter letake, lepake, vabila in drug droben tisk izpod treh strani obsega. Prav tako ne upošteva tiska slovenskih izseljencev v Ameriki in slovenskega tiska v. Sovjetski Rusiji leta 1918—1920. Vse to še čaka obdelave. [...]
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In the introductory parts of the study, the concept of "human mistake" and its main kinds are considered. Historical role of humane mistake is analysed in the case of constitution of the first Yugoslav state (1918). The Serbian govemement and its president, Nikola Pašić made cardinal mistake because they imposed the unitary monarchy to other Yugoslav peoples; Croation and Slovenian politicians commited basic error because they accepted the unitary monarchy that was opposite to the interats of their nations and to their political conception, federation or loose confederation between two states, the Serbian Monarchy and the State of Slovenians, Croats and Serbes that lived on the territory of the former Austria-Hungary.
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According to many contemporaries and latter-day historians, the most serious inner problem facing the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was the question of state reform. The issue of Bosnia and Herzegovina was a particularly controversial topic in these debates. The position of this province was directly subject to an agreement between the Serbs and Croatians, since the political inclinations of the Bosnian-Herzegovian Muslims could not have greater impact in the national status-quo of the first Yugoslav state. In their demands for a reform based on national principles and the creation of federal units, the Croatian political representatives offered several suggestions concerning Bosnia and Herzegovina. One of their proposals was that a greater part of the province should be given an autonomous or equal status in regard to the other federal units. The second suggestion was to divide Bosnia and Herzegovina between the Serbian and Croatian units and according to the third, founded on the idea of a dual Yugoslav state, the border would be on the Drina, while Bosnia and Herzegovina as a whole would become a part of the Croatian region. The majority of the Serbian political parties were against these solutions. Fearing a demarcation between the Serbs and the Croatians, the Democratic party proposed that Bosnia and Herzegovina with south Dalmatia become a fourth unit-the Serbian Croatian and Slovenian units being the other three. A part of the Serbian independent intellectuals supported this proposal. However, the Democrats themselves abandoned this proposal when Banovina Hrvatska was formed since it included 13 Bosnian-Herzegovian districts. From that time all Serbian political parties and organizations defended the view that Bosnia and Herzegovina was a Serbian province inhabited, towards the end of 1939, according to the Ministry Council statistics, by 1.226.991 (44.6%) orthodox Serbs, 858.140 (31.2%) Muslims, 595.974 (21.7%) catholic Croatians, 4.358 (0.1%) catholic Slovenians and 63.720 (2.3%) inhabitants of other nationalities and adherents of other religions. Contrarily, Croatian politicians demanded a further division of Bosnia and Herzegovina or the autonomy of the remaining part of this province. In this way the Croatians gave the impression of supporting the claims to independence of the Bosnian-Herzegovian Muslims.
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U nas je do skoro nezvanični, »naučni» stav bio da je buržoazija nosilac nacionalizma i separatizma, a da radnička klasa ne podleže tim porocima, samo se oni ponekad kao zaraza prenesu sa buržoazije na neke njene manje delove i pojedince. Та oštra podela i demonizovanje jedne idealizovanje druge strane, nema realnog pokrića u našoj nedavnoj prošlosti. Ograničeni vremenom i prostorom, zadržaćemo se samo па nekoliko primera koji potvrđuju iznesenu tezu, uz napomenu da je nemoguće precizno ustanoviti koliki broj radnika sledi nacionaliste i separatiste u svojim redovima i da se nećemo baviti sa KPJ.
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