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Two fundamental terms are used in this article: Church and modernization in their basic sense – modernization as renewal and church as the temple and the community around it. The leading idea is that Bulgarian modernization from the first half of the nineteenth century, especially from the 1830’s and 1840’s, developed through several interconnected components: massive church building, which consolidated local Bulgarian societies; renewal in religious literature, read by Bulgarians; innovation in church art, which changed the appearance of the temples. Bulgarian historiography in the first half of the nineteenth century speaks mostly about secular cultural trends, but actually they are only isolated islands in the general religious-spiritual picture. Unfolding of secular cultural trends was yet to come in the second half of the century, thanks to the religious renewal, which broke the old traditions and brought new impulses for internal Community solidarity and new spiritual attitudes in 1830–1840’s.
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The issue on the relations between the Bulgarian Exarchate and its local institutions (Metropolis, vicarage and municipalities) and the Internal Revolutionary Organization in the late 19th – early 20th century certainly arouses interest and numerous questions in historiography. Is it possible to draw a rigid line of demarcation between these two trends in Bulgarian national liberation movement in Macedonia or are they the two sides of the same coin, with a common goal, but with a different approach for its implementation? If the second statement is true, what were the reasons for the harsh collision and sharp attacks between the supporters of the two lines and why was it so difficult to reach unity in the name of nationwide mission? Definitely the evolutionary, cultural and educational line drawn consistently and patiently by the Exarchate was conceived long before the revolutionary one, embodied by the Internal Organization, which is only natural. It is an undeniable fact that the first step towards political liberation is the rise of the population cultural and ethnical awareness. Not accidentally, the activists of the revolutionary organization were mainly teachers. It would be wrong to underestimate one line in the national liberation movement at the expense of the other, to ignore Exarchal activity as obsolete and incapable of actual achievements, or to regard it as an obstacle to the new active revolutionary methods. Precisely such an attitude led to conflicts that caused serious damage to the Bulgarian cause in the provinces. Certainly fair criticism of the passivity of exarchist authorities in many cases was appropriate and timely, and did not tolerate objections. The problem lies in the inability of Bulgarian leaders to unite their efforts to work together and to respect their rights. And this was detrimental to the success of the national liberation movement, especially after the Ilinden Uprising. The purpose of this article is to present the complex relations between exarchist authorities and revolutionaries without saving some unpleasant facts, seeking answers to the above mentioned questions by analyzing extensive documentary material on the topic.
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An analysis of French Diplomatic Reports concerning economic activities on the most known annual fair on the Balkan territories of The Ottoman Empire
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One of the primary aims of the Hungarian Scholarly Society, a ‘counter-institution’ striving to foster a new type of public life in Hungarian intellectual circles, was to establish the Hungarian academic language for disciplines and catalogue the achievements of various scholarly fields accumulated until their time. Philosophy enjoyed a premium position among these efforts and can boast significant accomplishments rather early on. Following the first dedicated academic dictionary of mathematics, the Academy’s Philosophiai Műszótár (Academic Dictionary of Philosophy) was published in 1834 and the first serious historical overview of Hungarian philosophy by Pál Almási Balogh, also initiated and supported by the Academy, came out in the following year. Besides the compilation of literature Almási Balogh’s task was an inquiry into two fundamental problems. On one hand, he had to place the sources of Hungarian philosophy into the grand narrative of world history of philosophy, on the other hand he also had to insert the same material into the system of the then budding Hungarian national culture, and find its function and position therein. Writing the history of philosophy as an independent discipline was still a relatively novel concept at the time. Although university curricula included courses on the history of philosophy, the most widely used handbooks were still those by the first professional generation, primarily Jakob Brucker, on whose work Almási Balogh himself relies heavily too. Almási Balogh’s relationship with József Rozgonyi, the anti-Kantian protagonist of the Hungarian Kant debate (1792–1822), is also an important question, mainly because Rozgonyi’s British (specifically, Scottish) concept of philosophy was not at all prevalent in Hungary at the time. Rozgonyi’s university course, which testifies his uncommon orientation, has come down to posterity in the notes of the ex-Sárospatak student Almási Balogh, which provide an interesting early version to compare with the later printed edition. One of the main aims of the present study is to demonstrate the way in which Almási Balogh reconciles the Hungarian materials with the concepts of history of world philosophy found in both the aforementioned popular handbook used at the time and the work of his former professor at Sárospatak. The author’s less explicit task is to position the history of Hungarian philosophy in the evolving system of Hungarian national culture. For this purpose, Almási Balogh had to align philosophers and philosophical texts with the prominent eras and milestones of Hungarian history and turn the Hungarian philosophical heritage into a self-contained history in a national framework, parallel with similar component narratives (e.g. literary history, art history, legal history), in such a way that it would not lose its connection with the most significant trends of the history of European philosophy. The second aim of the present study is to explore this complex task in depth. Almási Balogh’s skill at negotiating both tasks successfully is evident in using one of the most characteristic tools of the historiographer’s trade: when he quotes Greek sources about Scythian thinkers or interprets the Cynics as Cumans (kunok), he operates with the topos of ‘barbarian philosophy’, originally retained by Bruckner for religious reasons, in order to trace the roots of Hungarian philosophy back to the dawn of world philosophy. It is interesting to note here that although the readers commissioned by the Academy asked him to modify certain parts of his manuscript, which he happily obliged prior to printing, it seems that no one objected against anything in the chapters on the proto-history of Hungarian philosophy. The third aim of the present study is to present a hypothesis regarding the function of this seemingly unanimously accepted concept of philosophical proto-history in the programme of creating a narrative of the history of philosophy on a national level.
More...Adalék az intézményesülő földrajztudomány és a nemzetépítés kapcsolatához
The study examines the role of Hungarian-Croatian coast as a landscape construct (an image of a landscape created by social, political and cultural processes) in the collective imagination of the nation, as well as the role of institutionalising geographical scholarship in the construction of this image. The literature on (re)creating landscapes along nationalistic agendas is abundant. With regard to territorial representations of the Hungarian nation state, the present study relies mainly on the work of Réka Albert and Levente T. Szabó, who studied the symbolic role of landscapes in national self-representation in connection with the Great Plain and Transylvania. As Róbert Keményfi points out, Hungarian geographical scholarship has constructed a centrifugal view, whereby the territory of the state is identical with the Carpathian Basin, observed from the angle of the state-forming nation’s central dwelling area. Besides the obvious political reasons, this can also be explained by the fact that basic geographical research on the ethnic peripheries of Hungary was yet to commence. This, however, is not entirely true for Croatia: due to Hungarian imperialistic power struggles official scholarship of the Balkans did in fact start in this period, partly based in Fiume (now Rijeka in Croatia). As a result of these early efforts, the contemporary scholarly output in the geographical sciences provides rich source material for modern scholarship. The present study relies on two types of sources: contemporary press, including articles published in the Fiume-based weekly Magyar Tengerpart (Hungarian Coast), as well as the popular science publications of the Hungarian Geographical Society (founded in 1872) and articles published in its journal Földrajzi Közlemények (Studies in Geography). After Edward W. Said’s paradigmatic work it has become a commonplace that the scholarly research and knowledge of any given space is one of the primary tools of power over that territory: a kind of ‘geographical violation’ which provides those in power with practical information and takes part in the ideological legitimation of exercising their power at the same time. Although Said’s observation primarily concerns spaces demarcated, named, and through these gestures, governed specifically by colonial powers, the present study of creating loci of power employs his methodology of spatial analysis, also found in other contributions in the field of (post)colonial studies. Geographical knowledge shaping both political practice and national imagination was one of the most important instruments in constructing the nationalized space of Hungary and the complex spatial structure, civil code and ethnic composition of the Adriatic region provides an apt terrain to explore the birth of this construct.
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This study investigates historical scholarship produced in and about Banat, a heterogeneous region divided today by Romania and Serbia but belonging to the Kingdom of Hungary during the long nineteenth century. The first comprehensive history of the region was authored by the Venice-born Franz Griselini, whose narrative mirrored the Enlightenment and the modernization program of the Austrian government. Local narratives, framed in a Hungarus identity, emerged in the early 1860s by local, German-speaking authors. Yet, romantic and national historical scholarships produced the most influential visions of the past of the region. From the mid-nineteenth century on, Romanian scholars, based mostly in Bucharest, produced a powerful narrative, in which the Banat appeared as a genuinely Romanian territory. With a slight delay, Magyar historians affiliated with institutions in Budapest elaborated a Magyar master narrative, putting emphasis on the Hungarian chapters of the history of the Banat. A Serbian and a German national reading appeared, too, but these were less elaborate than the Romanian and Magyar ones. From the 1870s on, historians based in the Banat (many amateurs and a few professionals among them) authored several works discussing the history of their region. These local works were heavily influenced by the national master narratives and can be seen as the offspring of the pasts produced on the national level.
More...A nemzeti építészet fogalmának változásai az építészeti szakirodalomban Magyarországon
The study aims to demonstrate the changes in the role and place of, as well as the ensuing discourse about national architecture in the period between the 1870s and the 1910s. Architecture occupies a special place in the discourse about national character. On one hand, due to its technical background and constructive approach, it was in the focus of attention from the field of engineering. On the other hand, its aesthetical aspects, as well as the fact that architectural works are often projects of co-operation between diverse art forms, also made it relevant for practitioners of the fine arts’ various branches. At the beginning of this period, the establishment of national art and architecture was closely connected to concepts of national identity and sovereignty. The prevailing discourses of the time gave rise to the long-standing idea that no specific architectural style can be associated with Hungarian history and consequently national architecture must be constructed creatively out of various disparate sources. In the latter quarter of the century, architects considered the question of national architecture as relevant and topical and worked on the complex description of the concept of nation in architecture as a whole. Self-imaging and self-reflection played an important role in the creation of national character. Later, when identity building was no longer a national mission, the choice of historical styles was determined by the specifics of architectural projects and functions rather than their purpose to represent symbolic meaning. The fin-desiècle practice of borrowing features of surviving architectural monuments led to invention deficit in some cases. This strict adherence to historic models suggests a certain level of uncertainty, which is also visible in the efforts (not unlike similar attempts elsewhere in Europe) to find new models outside the context of the history of European architecture.
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Harriet Low Hilliard’s memories were written in the first half of the 19th century during her four year stay in the Portuguese Macau, on the southern coast of China. She was twenty years old when her aunt Abigail Low and uncle William Henry Low invited her to travel to Macau. It was time when women were not allowed to enter Canton which she visited thanks to the position of her uncle. In her memories, Harriet Low Hilliard describes everyday life of foreigners in Macau, bringing up such subjects as accommodation, food, fashion and customs of Europeans in that small Portuguese colony, as well as customs of the local people working and living in Macau and its suburbs.
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The condition of the Catholic Church in the early 20th century on the territory of today's Montenegro, Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina was extremely complex and very different from the situation today. This article analyzes church circumstances at that time examining demographic facts regarding Catholics, church organization, and legal regulation of relations between Church and state at the time. Catholics lived as a small community in Montenegro and Serbia. Their situation in Montenegro was governed by a contract between the state and the Holy See (1878) and they had an archdiocese with headquarter in the city of Bar. On the other side, the legal status of the Catholic Church in Serbia, where there was no diocese, was not resolved until 1914, when a concordat with the Holy See was signed. However, this concordat was not implemented due to the outbreak of the First World War. In the region of today's Croatia, Catholics were a majority almost everywhere. The legal status of the Church, which was organized in three major metropolitan districts (Zagreb, Zadar, Gorica), was arranged firstly through a concordat between the Holy See and Austria-Hungary in 1855, and later under special laws enacted in 1874. In order to regulate the position of the Catholic Church in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where Catholics represented about 18 percent of the population, the Austro- Hungarians in 1881, before the establishment of new dioceses and the appointment of new bishops, signed a special agreement with the Holy See. All of these agreements with the Holy See, except the one of 1855, which ceased to be valid after 1870, signed by individual countries and implemented at the beginning of the 20th century are presented here in the original language and in translation.
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The Fund of Serbian Singing Society '' Njeguš '' contains 109 documents located in two boxes. The Fund is not complete, and this preserved part is taken from attorney Steve Milčić, who was a member of the society. In addition to documents in the fund there are also photography is (19) which are made of different formats and different techniques. Most of the group photography is a member of the Society, but has Photographs of prominent members and their families. This society in 1936 reached the age of 50 years work and existence, a celebration is due to the financial difficulties held 1937. To the ceremony was complete, individual members of the Society were in charge to reconstruct the former events and activities of the Company. That is written and Commemorative created to mark the 50th anniversary of the Company, which is failing material used to produce the display of the fund.
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A new and stronger appreciation of nature in itself and - consequently - of its protection appears in the Western countries around the 1860s, first of all in the United States and in Great Britain. In the following decades this growing appreciation of nature contributes in many ways to the nation building process that is occurring in Europe but also on a global scale since the first half of the century. The most remarkable among the shared features of this convergence of new appreciation of nature and construction of national identities are three: • the way of choosing and conceptualizing the objects of nature to promote and protect (mainly landscapes and natural monuments), • the influence of arts and literature on the process and • the very active role of associations. Beside these »universal« features it is possible to recognize several national or regional specificities proceeding from the peculiar blends of cultural traditions, political strategies and socio-economic situations each country or region produced. The paper will address this process from a comparative point of view, highlighting both the national and the transnational manifestations of environmentalism development from the 1860s to the First World War.
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Today the school gardens, beside city gardens raise the attention and are regarded because they bring children and citizens closer to nature. Every year since 1996 there is competition for the most beautiful school garden and many schools in north and south Croatia won the title, although those gardens are often specialized and cultivate a variety of plants. Within Croatian educational system the school gardens are treated as the student’s farm. But they are more than that. It is where the students learn to cultivate and preserve autochthonous / traditional sorts, some forgotten ones such as pyrethrum in Kašet Sućurac, mulberry in Sibinj and many others endanger sorts of trees. Many primary and high schools created authentic botanical gardens and thus make a certain profit beside they receive a support of Croatian Ministry of Science and education. Some of them even receive the professional support from Croatian Botanical Society, specifically from the section of Croatian botanical gardens and arboretums, but also from other professionals and botanists. The most diligent among them is the Agricultural school in Vinica, near Varaždin. The school gardens have the multiple purposes. It can be esthetical, for the embellishment of the environment and educative as well for they offer a better insight and knowledge about nature and flora. They can be a space where children socialize, play games and do practice. It is not negligible their ecological function as a protection of unpolluted species and old or endangered species of flora. The school gardens are the legacy of a new era, but their development is based on fostering of ancient church gardens, as well as the royal and aristocratic gardens in the Age of Enlightenment. The »Dalmatian Academies« are the examples of such endeavor. Simultaneously with the regulation on children obligatory education, Empress Maria Theresa had determined in 1774 that the children had to be educated in the matters of economy. This policy continued in the first half of 19th century thus in 1816 the regulation passed on the school gardens. The first known school garden, mentioned by the school historian Antun Cuvaj, was in Vrbovec in 1840. The Croatian-Slavonic Economic Society was funded in 1841 and under its tutorship in the Society`s affiliates was encouraged school gardening, and silkworms breeding especially the later because it required many hands and lots of space and those had only schools and military institutions. During the second half of the 19th century and the raise of civil society great number of schools was built. Ban Josip Šokčević, originally from Vinkovci, in Slavonia (the region known for extensive agriculture in Croatia) passed one more regulation on obligatory school gardening, apiculture/beekeeping and silkworms breeding. The first course books were published on this matter, such as for example Josip Partaš`s Poučnik vrtlarstvu i pčelarstvu za porabu početnih seoskih učionah / The manual for Gardening and Beekeeping for Primary Schools in Country, Wien 1860. The school supervisors had obligation beside their regular work to monitor school gardens as an important educational tool in agricultural environments and their observations were published in the school annuals. Thus there are numerous records on the school gardening in Croatia from this period. However, when the Habsburg Monarchy was transformed into the Austria-Hungarian Dual Monarchy in 1867, the northern Croatia and Slavonia was placed under Hungarian and Dalmatia and Istria under Austrian jurisdiction. Although bisected and exposed to divisions and limitations the first and only school of agriculture in southeast Europe was founded in Križevci in 1869. The great Croatian reformist, ban Ivan Mažuranić reformed the educational system as well. Until then the schools were under the church jurisdiction and he subordinated them to Country Government. It is believed that the educational system thus grew with more quality. In October 14th 1874 Mažuranić passed the new law on education and in each subcounty he appointed the school supervisors who supervised the schools and counseled teachers on school gardening. Franjo Klaić published the translation of Erasmo Schwab`s School garden in Zagreb in 1877. Although the book was not officially approved for use in schools Mažuranić disobeyed the Country Government Education Council and distributed the book to schools. Mažuranić closely monitored the work of school gardens and journals Napredak / The Progress and Školski vrt / The School garden have published numerous articles on vegetable cultures. Gospodarski list / Economic Newspaper, as a bulletin of The Croatian-Slavonic Economic Society, which until 1892 leads Farkaš Vukotinović gives helpful suggestions for small farms. Very popular were the articles of Vilim Švelec, the vicar from Martinska Ves, the manual for planting the crops written by Mijat Stojanović, the school teacher who worked in Sriem and Senj, and the manual on viticulture by Stražimir, the vicar from Zelina. It is interesting that in the school gardens vines were not planted but students learned grafting fruit trees and grape. Obviously it was a precautionary measure and protection from the harmful effects of alcohol. The agriculture and especially the gardening require great attention and constant work. Many school gardens were planed and created but were not maintained therefore Mažuranić brought a new regulation in 1878 which allowed teachers to keep the half of income garden brought if he maintains the garden with the students. This has given new impetus to school gardening and school supervisor and landowner Janko Bedeković published instructions »Kako da se urede školski vrtovi / How to organize the school gardens,« suggesting first to draw a plan and then in consultation with experts to plant the cultures adapted to the climate. The positive effects were visible very soon which encouraged the vegetable and fruit growing and beekeeping in school gardens. Although limited due to official state policy towards the periphery of the Monarchy, Croatia has still managed to raise and maintain a large number of school gardens. Until 1914 almost every school had its garden and those were pride of every school principle who became promoters of gardening. Although the fate of the school gardens was later very different and many have experienced the devastation and were turned into construction sites or pastures, though some school gardens have survived the entire twentieth century, gaining now in the 21st century new impetus and importance.
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Aboriginal policy in Australia.
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The article tells about the Muslim women’s issue in the years of the First World War and the tribulations of the religious and political elite of the Bosnian Muslims – Bosniaks – in their efforts to protect the traditional moral character of a Muslim woman and stop or slow down the social trends that led to distancing of female generations from a deeply entrenched notion of a virtuous and withdrawn wife, mother and homemaker. Although the crisis of traditional morality was an inevitable consequence of modernization processes which with the arrival of the Austro-Hungarian rule took place in urban areas of Bosnia and Herzegovina at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, it was only the First World War that seriously confronted the Muslim society to the extent and implications of the “decline of the Muslim womanhood” which faced extreme difficulties trying to overcome the social problems and moral challenges brought by the reality of the war. Although a part of the elite insisted on the negative impact of European culture as a factor of the present “degeneration” of Muslim women, in the last year of the war the majority of the leading figures of Bosniaks was aware of the fact that the relativity of female morality was primarily a result of the misery and poverty of the war time and not the targeted distancing of Muslim women from the Islamic principles, even though some often pointed to weak religious and home upbringing as a factor that facilitated her moral degradation. By the end of the war the Muslim society only managed to get to know the extent of women’s problems, with no visible effects in the field of concrete solutions.
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The life of Beneš and his first concept about the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The author presents it on the base of the thesis of Beneš defended at the University of Dijon in 1908.
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