Bătălii pentru apărarea Bucureștilor în secolul al XVI-lea
From the first half of the 16th century, the city of Bucharest became the fourth permanent voivodal residence of Wallachia.
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From the first half of the 16th century, the city of Bucharest became the fourth permanent voivodal residence of Wallachia.
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En partant des données fournis par les éléments décoratifs de la céramique ornementale des XV-e-XVII-e siècles (fig. 1-4) découverte dans les villes médiévales de Suceava et de Jassy, l'auteur se propose d'essayer une discussion sur quelques aspects de la vie urbaine médiévale de la Moldavie. Ainsi, les représentations variées sur les plaques décoratives et sur les carreaux des poêles, relevant des nouveaux et médits aspects concernant la vie quotidienne urbaine du XV-e-XVII-e siècle en Moldavie, a permis la constatation que dans l'époque respective, la culture matérielle et la vie spirituelle et 1a société féodale moldave, atteignait, sous l'influence de la Renaissance et du baroque un haut niveau. En même temps, prenant en considération que les motifs ornementaux découvertes en Moldavie, sont d'une certaine affinité avec l'art décorative de la Valachie et de la Transylvanie du même époque, el en résulte, aussi, le caractère unitaire de la culture urbaine médiévale, dans toutes les trois pays roumains, au Moyen Age.
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Le chancelier Gavril Trotușan apparait pour la première fois dans des documents à la fin du règne d'Etienne le Grand, pendant qu'il occupe le rang d'officier supérieur et quand est-il envoyé en mission à Brașov. Il était le fils d'Anginca le douanier et de Maria, la petite-fille de Mihail Misici, féodal moldave de la région de Dorohoi. Sous le voïvode Bogdan le III-ième, Trotușan occupe la fonction de trésorier et après cela celle de chancelier dans la dernière partie du règne de celui-là. Comme chancelier Gavril Trotușan a travaillé aussi sous le voïvode Etienne le III-ième jusqu'à l'année 1523, quand, a la suite de sa participation dans la révolte de l'aristocratie contre d'Etienne le III-ième, il a été obligé de fuir a l'étranger et ses possessions lui ont été confisquées. Le voïvode Petru Rareș le gracie et lui rende les domaines, en le recevant dans le conseil voïvodal comme conseiller sans fonction. A l'année 1538 il était parmi les membres du conseil et il s'oppose à l'opinion du voïvode d'organiser la lutte pour la défense contre les turcs, qui avaient envahis le pays. Ce pourquoi Petru Rareș l'a enfermé dans la forteresse de Roman, mais il n'a pas eu le temps pour le juger. Gavril Trotușan est devenu aussi le chancelier du voïvode Etienne le IV-ième, mais il a organisé un complot contre celui-là, en le tuant. Après la mort de celui-là, il est resté comme chancelier, mais arrivant Petru Rareș sur le trône de la Moldavie, il a été pris et tué. Le chancelier Gavril Trotușan a été le beau-fils d'ataman Luca Arbore, ayant épousé la fille de celui-ci, Sofica, après ce qu'il avait épousé Ana, l'origine de quelle n'est pas connue, mai sa tombe se trouvant a l'intérieur de l'église de Părhăuți. Il a édifié l'église de Părhăuți, qui existe aussi aujourd'hui dans ce village près de Suceava, où a-t-il eu aussi ses édifices. Ce dignitaire moldave a-t-il eu capacité de travail et fidèle attachement pour son pays, mais dans la mise en pratique des ses principes s'est-il trompé, ce que lui a apporté jusqu'à la fin la mort par la coupe de sa tête par Petru Rareș à l'année 1541.
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Dans cet article on présente un trésor monétaire du XV-e-XVI-e siècle découvert à Budești, com. de Plopana, dép. de Bacău, en 5 juin 1976. Le trésor est formé par 1151 monnaies en argent émises pour la Hongrie, L'Empire Ottoman, la Russie, le Patriarcat d'Aquilée et la Moldavie. La plus ancienne monnaie du trésor est un dinar émis par Antonio II Pancieva (1402-1411) pour le Patriarcat d'Aquilée et la plus récente monnaie est émise en 1584 par Ivan IV Vasilievici, pour la Russie. Les monnaies hongroises du trésor sont émises par Matei Corvin (1458-1490) en nombre de 764 dinars, Vladislav II (1490-1516) - 308 dinars, Ludovic II (1516-1526) - 1 dinar et Ferdinand Ier (1526-1564) - 1 dinar. Le trésor contienne aussi 73 aspres émises par Baiazid II (1481-1512), Selim I (1512-1520), Soliman I (1520-1566) et Selim II (1566-1574). Un nombre de deux monnaies (dinars) ont été émises par Despot Vodă (1561- 1563) pour la Moldavie. Par la suite, les auteurs se réfèrent à la circulation monétaire de la Moldavie en XV-e-XVI-e siècle et à la valeur du trésor de Budești. Ainsi, on démontre qu'en XVI-e siècle circulaient sur la place de la Moldavie monnaies étrangères : slotys tartares (ducats vénitiennes en or), thalers comptant dans les Pays Bas, monnaies d'or et d'argent turcs, hongroises, polonaises, ruses etc. Par l'analyse effectuée sur les monnaies du trésor de Budești, résulte que la valeur totale s'élève à 612 aspres. L'étude de quelques documents démontre que cette somme équivalait à la fin du XVI-e siècle à l'un des bons matériaux suivants 2-3 bœufs, ou 4 vaches, ou 7 cochons, ou 24 moutons. L'étude du trésor de Budești apporte des dates importantes concernant la situation sociale-économique et la circulation monétaire de la Moldavie du XV-e-XVI-e siècle.
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Articolul prezintă un tezaur monetar de aur din secolele XVI-XVII descoperit în comuna Ștefan cel Mare (jud. Bacău).
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The chronicle of Dragomirna Monastery starts in legendary times. The first monograph of the monastery written by Abbot Ipolit Vorobchievici is the first written source which credits oral anecdotes transmitted within the Dragomirna monastic community. Most of the “false traditions” refer to the first years of this worship place built in a “heavenly spot” and to the life of its founder. As there are no documents for a complete biography of Metropolitan Anastasie Crimca, people gave meaning to the events in the life of the scholarly founder through different legends which turned his life into hagiography. Each moment in the life of the future metropolitan, from childhood to ordainment, to monastic vows, to the founding of the monastery and to his demise were shrouded in the apparel of truth based on the mind frame of the medieval man. His most important foundation – the church of Dragomirna Monastery – did not escape fantasy, the date of its founding, the architect, the painting of the frescoes and their dating having been shrouded in legend. The legends of Dragomirna Monastery are weaved with real historical events in a living recount of the past. Generally, people accept truth with difficulty and consciously choosing instead the phantasms and twisting of the truth. Truth often seems too commonplace. A simple explanation through many anecdotes will be received easier than a realistic and evidence-supported explanation.
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The article is focused on the review of newly-found copies of the letter of the Great Princess of Moscow Elena Stefanovna (Voloshanka) to her father, Stephen III (the Great) Prince of Moldavia. The convoy of the letter allows for the supposition that the letter was kept as an organic part of the documents from Elena Stefanovna’s personal archive and it also allows its dating.
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Copper containers used in medieval and premodern Moldavia are a category of artifacts rarely found in archaeological sites. The finds in this category were rarely recovered in their entirety, most often being found in fragmentary condition. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the problem of copper vessels in Moldavia in the 14th – 18th centuries, as well as to expand the possibilities of historical interpretation of various aspects of daily life, in relation to the development of the metalcrafts in this space and the connections with workshops, craftsmen and trade centers in the neighboring regions, within this timeframe. The first medieval copper vessel discovered within the territory of Moldavia is the one of Neamț Fortress, which is preserved today in the collections of the Museum of History and Ethnography in Târgu Neamț. The vessel has been subjected to non-invasive investigations, and the results of metallographic analysis are the core of a specialist database that we intend to develope in the near future.
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In the spring of 1568, Uluç Ali Pasha, a Christian convert to Islam born in the Spanish viceroyalty of Naples, became the new Ottoman governor of Algiers. Subsequently, Phillip II of Spain tried to establish a dialogue with him. To conquer the city without having to resort to a military expedition, the king of Spain sent Francesco Gasparo, a Corsican merchant, to Algiers. This article aims to shed light on the Spanish diplomatic practice used in the dialogue with the Ottoman Governors of Algiers during the sixteenth century. To do so, we have had to move away from the traditional focus on the study of agreements and opt for a more holistic approach of the diplomatic event. Diplomacy is no longer seen as a simple political relationship capable of establishing an agreement between two parties during a specific time, but as a permanent practice defined by a complex structure. Thus, the article focuses on the agents and practices used during the Spanish negotiation with Uluç Ali to assess the tenets underpinning this type of diplomatic interaction. Gasparo’s mission enables us to reflect on the structure of Spanish diplomacy in the Early Modern Mediterranean. The Corsican merchant’s experience in Algiers reveals the presence of a specific dialogic pattern between the Iberian and Maghreb coasts and how it was consolidated during the sixteenth century. This article endeavours thus to analyse the characteristic elements and principles of what seems to be a specific diplomatic model.
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In the field of study on relations between Italy and Flanders in the second half of the sixteenth century, the military leader Gian Luigi, better known as Chiappino, Vitelli (1520–75) deserves special attention. Trusted man of Cosimo I de’ Medici and maestro di campo generale of the Spanish armies in Flanders since 1567, he was among the protagonists of the first ten years of the Dutch Revolt. Based on the identification of new archival documents, this essay aims both to broaden the sphere of investigation and deepen the understanding of the role of Chiappino in cultural exchanges between Florence, the Habsburg’s and Elizabeth I’s courts. At the same time, it is aimed to draw attention to the political and cultural dynamics in which Chiappino Vitelli’s action towards the English Queen is embedded. From the documents, it clearly emerges how Vitelli took advantage of his role to earn the favour of the sovereign and, in addition to his loyalty, he did not hesitate to offer her the most varied of gifts, such as animals, weapons and artists, such as the painter Federico Zuccari, who reached Flanders in 1574. Zuccari’s sending to the English court should be interpreted as an attempt by the military leader to gain the favour of Elizabeth I when the support of the courts of Florence and Madrid seemed to be lacking, especially after the death of Cosimo de’ Medici and the replacement of the Duke of Alba as governor of Flanders.
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In the text, the astronomical references in Jan Kochanowski’ Psałterz Dawidowy are discussed. This text is one of the richest of these motifs poet’s works. The celestial themes focus on the structure of the universe, the most important celestial bodies: the Sun and the Moon (followed by stars) and their movement in the sky, the cosmic order and praise of the harmonious creation of the Creation and its Author. The text discusses selected motifs related to astronomical themes in the Psalter: sunrise and sunset, linked to the order of time, the image of the earth’s circle, the opposition God in the heights – earth below, a pair of the most important astronomical objects: the Sun and the Moon. Selected astronomical motifs in Kochanowski’s Psalter are compared to two sixteenth-century translations of the Book of Psalms, which can be considered the most important for the two main circles involved in disputes over holy texts: the Protestant Brest Bible and the Jakub Wujek’s Catholic Bible. The article is not to seek direct dependencies (in the case of Catholic translation, later than the Kochanowski collection, they are impossible), but to confront the poetic work with the concepts of reading and translating the Bible created in the confessional translations.
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The aim of this article is to discuss the ways in which Christ’s Biblical words “hoc est corpus meum” are used in Ochino’s translated text, which was published in Pińczów in 1560. First, the context of the preparation and Polish translation of the work (the recent death of Jan Łaski and the aims of the Lutheran community in Lesser Poland) are discussed. Next, the methods and conditions for the introduction of paraphrases in texts in the work, which attest both to the persuasive and educational as well as more general perspective of early modern semantic changes appearing in theological discussions in vernacular languages, are subject to analysis.
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The objective of the article is a comparison between Os Lusíadas/The Lusiads (1572) by Luís Vaz de Camões and ...Onde Vaz, Luís (1983) by Jaime Gralheiro, showing the processes of narrative incorporation of an epic pattern into the dramatic hypertext, made through a “mosaic of quotations”. The discussion attends to the generic transformation, a very productive one in terms of aesthetics and ideology, with visible traits of parody, disguise, pastiche, narrative transposition of more than one unique text but many of them by various Portuguese authors of the XVIth century (including Fernão Mendes Pinto, António Ferreira, Pedro de Andrade Caminha, Damião de Góis, Gil Vicente) ment for a jocular dramatic piece, both tragic and grotesque, conceived out of social criticism and according to a Brechtean ideological character. The article shows a sample of multiple relations between the primary hypotext and the texts derivated out of it, confirming the present paper’s aim in many works of Portuguese literature writers, of prose and theater writings. The heroic hypotext vs. the hypertexts are unfolded in dramatic and novelesque post-modern refabulations (José Saramago included!). Another study of the imaginary makes the realm of revisiting the Portuguese literature is possible in relation to contemporary history and human existence, with space- -and-time frontiers and literary genres extinguished in the “intertextual lottery” of Camões and his metamorfoses with regard to fictional authors and protagonists. A diagnosis of hic et nunc (just now!) is being produced in a methodologically consistent way according to the classics of intertextuality focused on dramatic and romanesque writings in Portugal in the decline of the former century. The Carnations’ Revolution in the background and the revolutionary democratic aftermath accompanying the undertaken analytic process.
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Stosunki dawnej Rzeczypospolitej z Persją Safawidów i katolikosatem w Eczmiadzynie w świetle dokumentów archiwalnych. The Relations of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth with Safavid Iran and the Catholicosate of Etchmiadzin in the Light of Archival Documents. Red./Eds.: Jaśkowski, Stanisław – Kołodziejczyk, Dariusz – Mnatsakanyan, Piruz. Warszawa, Archiwum Główne Akt Dawnych – Naczelna Dyrekcja Archiwów Państwowych, 2017. 398 p.
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When we talk about mystical experience, we often use such words like nothingness, emptiness, darkness and lack of knowledge. Different schools of spirituality understand these terms in different ways. This article is trying to analyze the meaning of these terms used by saint John of the Cross and Dionysius the Areopagite. For John of the Cross nothingness is produced by the acts of supernatural faith, hope and love. Dionysius, contrary to John of the Cross, stresses purification of our reason only, while John of the Cross embraces in the process of purification of the will other faculties, too. For John of the Cross the impression of darkness in the mystical experience at the end of the process of purification is getting milder and a person gains some knowledge of God. For Dionysius the darkness cannot be overcome. The final reason of the difference between these two masters of spirituality is different understanding of the degree of the transcendence of God.
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Based on the documents preserved in various archives, this study offers a presentation of Almașu market town (Cluj county) and its administrative role in the estate bearing the same name. Although it was not situated by the main roads, neither did it have the function of county seat, nor a significant commercial role, Almașu market town stood out as an administrative centre of a large estate and as a settlement located in the vicinity of a military defense fortification. According to the documents, in the second half of the 16th century the estate managed from Almașu market town and the fortification (castrum) and owned by 3-4 powerful Transylvanian families consisted of 70 villages and two market towns.
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The present study seeks to reconstruct the knowledge that contemporaries had of mediaeval Hungary. It does so by gathering the information dispersed in geographical works, published in the late 15th and early 16th centuries, on one of the less known regions of Hungary, namely Transylvania. The series of general works which give information on Hungary begins with the De Europa of Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini. The great cosmographical work, which remained unfinished because of the pontificate and then the death in 1464 of Aeneas, aimed at describing the geographical, enthnographic and historical characteristics of Europe and Asia, and is regarded as one of the outstanding scientific achievements of the period. Although the part devoted to Asia appeared first in 1477 at Venice, and the first edition of the European survived from 1490, both of them were widely known before. In Hungary the first descriptions of the country were prepared by the Italian historians of king Mathias, Pietro Ransano and Antonio Bonfini. The first to mention is Ransano’s A concise history of Hungary. More or less detailed descriptions of Transylvania are contained in Bonfini, who compiled Ransano, as well as in the World Chronicle of the German Hartmann Schedel, who copied the De Europa; in the Geografia of Sebastiano Compagni; and in the True description of the battle of the Hungarians and the Turks at Mohács by István Brodarics. The author of the most detailed description, Miklós Oláh, prepared his Hungaria abroad after the deteat at Mohács (1526). The study compares the material extracted from chronicles and geographical works with two further groups of sources which have never been studied together. On the first hand, it uses the reports of foreigh envoys who travelled through Transylvania or otherwise received information thereof; on the other hand, it relies on information gathered from contemporary maps, before all those of the Florentine Francesco Rosselli and the Henricus Martellus Germanus. Having reviewed the various descriptions of Transylvania, we can have a general picture of contemporary knowledge. This material is surprisingly homogeneous: local and foreign authors, chroniclers and envoys spoke in similar terms. All of them emphasised the importance of mining, before all the great quantity of precious metals, as well as the Roman past, etnical multiplicity, the various features of the different ethnies, and the huge stocks of animals. They mentioned some of the towns, such as Szeben, Brassó, Beszterce and kolozsvár, and some specialities, for example the acid water and the ancient bones to be found in the caves. The most important result of the analysis is the trusworthiness of contemporary descriptions. Although all of them contain minor inaccuracies, the author did not find any major error or conspicuously false information.
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The article focuses on the group of physicians, who served as family doctors of the most promi-nent protestants of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania: Prince of Olyka and Nesvizh, Voivode of Vilnius Mikołaj the Black Radziwiłł, and the Biržai-Dubingiai line of the Radziwiłł family. All physicians treating the members of the Protestant Radziwiłł family were professionals of the highest caliber. Th e article concludes that both the tradition of employing professional physicians, the system of protection, and especially the family model (a considerable number of mixed marriages in terms of religion) had a great impact on the selection of the Protestant physicians of the Radziwiłłs.
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This article presents the stance taken by the representatives of the Ruthenian voievodeships of the Polish Crown (Ruthenian, Podolian, and Belz voivodeships) at the Sejm session in Lublin in 1569 before the incorporation of Podlasie and Volhynia.
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The article analyses the text preserved in a manuscript under the title Czo za prawa X. Litewskie ma do ziemie Infl ianczki a poliaczi do niei nicz niemaią (What rights has the Duchy of Lithuania to Livo-nian lands while the Poles have none, most probably written in 1582). It contains legal and ideologi-cal arguments put forward by the nobility of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania during the disputes with the nobility of the Polish Kingdom over the possession of Livonia. Th e author concludes that the Lithuanian political elite retained a deep distrust of their Polish partners at the end of the sixteenth century resulting from the previous experiences gained at the time of the conclusion of the Union of Lublin and the Livonian War.
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